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A HISTORY 



OF 



NOVA-SCOTIA 



OR 



ACAD I E. 



BY 

BEAMISH MURDOCH, Esq., Q. C. 



VOL. II. 



HALIFAX, N. S. : 

JAMES BARNES, PRINTER AND PUBLISHER. 
1866. 



PROVINCE OF NOVA-SCOTIA. 

Be it Remembered, That on this Thirteenth day of March, 1865, Beamish 
Murdoch, of the City of Halifax, Esquire, has deposited in this Office, the 
title of a Book, the Copyright of which he claims in the words following : — 
" A History of Nova-Scotia or Acadie, by Beamish Murdoch, Esq., 
Q. C." 

JAS. H. THORNE, Deputy Secretary. 



F 

I06S 



PREFACE. 



The first volume of this work, delineating the career of a 
French colony, has probably less to engage the attention of 
some readers than the present portion. After the peace of 
Aix la Chapelle, (1748), our history begins to have an English 
aspect, and actors appear upon the stage whose names are 
familiar, and from time to time the founders of families still 
existing among us attract our attention. The stir and excite- 
ment of wars and sieges, — the convulsions of revolution among 
our neighbors, pass on like the shifting scenes of dissolving 
views. The beginnings of agricultural and commercial enter- 
prize appear, and the institution of representative government 
is firmly established in the land, bringing into active play 
many of the exciting passions. Meanwhile, emigration draws 
in skill, talent and industry, and by almost imperceptible 
degrees the people acquire habits, sentiments and pursuits 
suited to the land in which they live — to its climate and cir- 
cumstances, and thus the Nova Scotian character is gradually 
developed. In the third volume I hope to bring down the 
narration to comparatively recent times. I have endeavored 
to reduce the materials I had collected into a brief space, but 
there were many things that tended to exhibit and illustrate 
the peculiarities of the place, the times and the people, and 
some biographical particulars, that I felt were worth preserva- 
tion. I might have followed a stricter, perhaps more classical 



'^if-Vio'yF^ 



iv Preface. 

model ; but it seems to my mind that as the varied details of 
Gothic or Saracenic architecture produce a f>owerful eflfcct in 
their coiubination, so the chronicler may, by diligence, unite 
many smaller features and occurrences, that, taken separately, 
might be disclaimed by some, as below the dignity of history 
to record, and by this mode transport the reader, as it were, 
iback to the actuality of past times, and make our forefathers 
iive and move again as in life, by rendering us familiar with 
their ideas and habits, A stern and statuesque rule of com- 
position will not admit of such a course, but I feel justified in 
the endeavor to re-produce the past, as far as possible, in its 
own fojms and colors and language, and, whenever I can, to 
make the very expressions (ipsissima verba) of the men who 
lived before ois, exhibit their opinions and show their natures, 
and when I am able to insert a description of an occurrence 
of old in the identical words of the actors and contemporary 
observers, I believe I am laying a better and more workman- 
like foundation for true and abiding history, than if I could 
expand into floridity ef style or most vivid declamation. I am 
very far from claiming to have attained the power of delineat- 
ing events in the way I could wish. The very necessity of 
abridging and linking to,gether the annals of centuries, for the 
first time collected into.anjr moderate compass, requires expe- 
dition. I only refer to this to shew the ideal I have formed, 
and aimed at, the execution of which must, I know, fall far 
short of the theory. I shall think I have attained all the suc- 
cess I could in. reason hope for, if my narrative obtains the 
.esteem of my compatriots, as a useful repertory of the past 
.affairs of Acadie, and if intelligent and thinking men shall 
Jiereafter compare my work with the histories of Hutchinson, 
3elknap and Williamson, of If e.w England, and with Garneau, 
^Ferland and Christie, of Canada, .^nd assign me a place by the 
.jside or at the feet of th«sevy§p-!ei:9,ble writers. 



Preface. v 

In naming those to whom I am much indebted for kindness 
in promoting my undertaking, I find I had omitted, unaccoun- 
tably, to thank my valued friend Charles W. H. Harris, of 
Kentville, Q. C, who displayed a warm interest in it. I should 
also mention the kindness of Norman Rudolf, esq., of Pictou, 
in lending me important mss. ; and many favors and sugges- 
tions from John Bourinot, esquire, M. P. P. for Cape Breton, 
Henry I. Morgan, esq., of Ottawa, a young man of much pro- 
mise, and P. S. Hamilton, esq., commissioner of gold mines of 
Nova Scotia. 

Halifax, May, 1866. 



TABLE OF CONTENTS OF VOL. 11. 



CHAPTER I. P. 1—9. 

1740. Mascarene comes from Boston, and assumes the government. Adams 
disputes his right. St. Poncy asks for a passport. Mascarene declines a reli- 
gious controversy with him. The government forbid sentences of ex-communica- 
tion. Settlement of Tibogue. Lemercier applies for grant of Isle of Sable. St. 
Poncy ordered to quit the province. 

CHAPTER II P. 10—16. 

1 741. De Loutre — his pacific appearance at first. Severe winter. Slow pas- 
sage of news. Scarcity of food. Governor Philips states his case as to his pay 
and government. Mascarene's polite letter to mdlle. Belleisle, and to the gover- 
nor and intendant of Cape Breton. Refractory spirit at Chignecto. 

CHAPTER III. P. 17—26. 
1742 — 1744. Adams' petition to the king. Trefry's vessel robbed at Grand 
pre by Indians. Jarring between Mascarene, president, and lieut. colonel Cosby, 
lieutenant governor of the garrison. Inhabitants generally well disposed. Death 
of colonel Cosby. Priests sent from Quebec. Friendly correspondence of Mas- 
carene with M. de la Goudalie. Rupture with France apprehended. Bad state 
of defence here. 

CHAPTER IV. P. 27—44. 

1744. War declared between France and England. Du Vivier takes Canso. 
Ruinous state of fort at Annapolis. 300 Indians, under M. de Loutre, menace 
the place. Measures taken for defence. Relief comes from Boston. Indians 
withdraw. Second leaguer by du Vivier with French troops from Louisbourg 
and Indians. Negociations. Truce broken off. Skirmishes. Du Vivier retires. 
French vessels arrive, but being too late, withdraw. Want of clothing for garri- 
son. Massachusetts declares war against the Eastern Indians. Premiums 
offered for Indian scalps. Mrs. Campbell sells the seignories to the crown. 

CHAPTER V. P. 45— 7a 

1745. Louisbourg described. Project to capture it originating in New Eng- 
land. Shirley's measures to that intent. Pepperell selected as general. 4000 
militia of New England employed. Commodore Warren acts in conjunction. 
The progress of the siege. Capture of the Vigijant. Duchambon surrenders the 
place. Terms of capitulation. List of squadron under Warren, and of sea forces 
of New England. List of ofiScers in the New England army. Chief officers of 
the army, &c., described. 

CHATER VI. P. 71—82. 
1745. Care taken by Mascarene for defence. Marin comes to Mines, and 
hovers with his party near Annapolis. His harsh orders. Indecision of the 
Indians. Intrigues of the Quebec authorities. French reports of the state of 
Acadie. 



viii Tabic of Contents. 

CHAPTER VII. p. S3— 103. 

1746. Mascarene blames de Loutre for all the troubles of the countrj'. Sup- 
ply of cattle and produce to Louisbourg. Projects for reducing Canada — for for- 
tifying Chebucto, &c. The Aurore arrives at Chebucto, — also the Castor. 
Contests at port la Joie, (now Charlottctown, P. E. Island.) E.xpedition of 
M. de Rochefoucauld, due d'Anville. List of ships. Storm disperses them. 
Remnant collected in Chibouctou bay. Their calamitous adventures. De Rame- 
xay, with 760 men, encamps near Annapolis, which place is reinforeed from 
Boston by governor Shirley. De Ramezay withdraws. Unbounded joy in New 
England on the failure of d'Anville's expedition, &c. Admiral Knowles dispa- 
rages Warren's merits, &c. Warren's address to the American trooj^s at Louis- 
bourg, and his reception at Boston. 

CHAPTER* VIII. P. 104— 115. 

1747. New England troops, under colonel NoWe, arrived at Grand pre. De 
Ramezay's party were, under command of Coulon de Villiers, 240 Canadians and 
60 Indians. They cross the frozen streams fromChignecto to Mines — attack the 
English at night, in a severe snow storm, in the depth of winter, and, after great 
slaughter, the English retired to Annapolis, with the honors of war, by a capitu- 
lation. 

CHAPTER IX. P. Ii6»-i27. 

1748. Twelve persons in Nova Scotia proscribed by name by the governor of 
Massachusetts. Preliminary articles of peace at Aix la Chapelle signed in April. 
Grant of parliament of ;i^235,749 2s. lo^d. to the New England colonies, for 
expences in the conquest of Louisbourg. French and Canadian parties harrass 
the English. Treaty of peace signed at Aix la Chapelle, Oct'r., 1748. Expense 
of capture of Louisbourg stated at ^^600,000. 

CPIAPTER X. P. 128—135. 

1749. Damjeges of siege. Captain Morris's plan to settle the province with 
persons from New England or the North of Ireland. Governor Shirley's plans 
for garrisons in Nova Scotia. His plan ni a civil government for this province. 
Gallissioniere's claims of Mines, St. John, &c., as French territory. Replies of 
Mascarene and Shirley. 

CHAPTER XL P. 136—150. 

1749. Project of a settlement of English in Nova Scotia. Colonel Cornwallis 
sent with 11 76 settlers. Arrive at Chihouctou. The troops from Louisbourg, 
now given back to France, join them. Mascarene, with five of his council, come 
there. The site of Halifax adopted. French deputies and Indian chiefs attend. 
Town built. Terms of emigration for soldiers and sailors disbanded. List of 
chief settlers. 

CHAPTER XIL P. 151-170. 

1749. Terms offered French inhabitants. Uncomlitional oath of allegiance, 
&c. St. John Indians come to Halifax. Treaty signed. Town laid out. Trial 
and execution for a murder. French claim neutrality, and oppose any English 
.settling among them. Commissioners to settle boundaries of Nova Scotia. 
Barricades of logs round Halifax. Cornwallis' charges against governor Philipps 
as to his regiment and his government not fully sustained. Englishmen at Canso 
taken by Indians. They attack English vessels at Chignecto. Attack English 



Table of Contents. ix 

at a sawmill in Dartmouth cove. Rewards offered for Indian prisoners and 
scalps. Volunteers enlisted to scour the woods. La Jonquiere claims to hold 
the West side of the bay of Fundy until the boundaries are settled. Cornwallis 
refuses the bishop of Quebec leave to e.xercise his episcopal functions in Nova 
Scotia. Militia formed in Halifax. Indians attack fort at Mines, and make pri- 
soners. Indian treaty made at Halifax. 

CHAPTER XIII. P. 171— 186. 
1750. State of the colony. Project for capture of de Loutre. Courier detained. 
Gorham sent with troops to Pisiquid. Skirmish at the St. Croix. Parliamentary 
votes of money for the colony. Arrest of Girard and the deputies from Cobequid. 
Block-houses. St. Paul's church. Mistake of lieut. governor Phipps. Attempt 
to erect fort at Chignecto. Beaubassin burnt. Arrests of suspected Acadians. 
^50 offered for Indian prisoner or scalp. Secretary Davidson accused of jjecula- 
tion. Cobb's adventures at St. John river. State of the new colonists. 

CHAPTER XIV. P. 187—197. 

1750. Second expedition to Chignecto. Fort established at Beaubassin. 
How's parley with French officers. Murder of Howe by a party in ambush. 
Le Loutre suspected as guilty. Indians demand that the English abandon Chig- 
necto. Tyrannical conduct of Apthorp and Hancock. Commendation of Mr. 
Green. Fishery extended. French concentrate their followers at Bale Verte 
and port la Joye. 

CHAPTER XV. P. 19S— 207. 

1751. Legislation of governor and council. Courts of justice — Collection of 
debts — Sale of liquors. Protection against debts incurred by settlers before they 
came here. Government of town of Halifax. Deputies of Acadians. Armed 
sloops employed by the Government. Thomas Coram's death. Plunder and 
massacre at Dartmouth, by Indians. French hostile action. Correspondence 
with count Raymond, governor of Louisbourg. Capt. Ives made captain of the 
port. Tyranny of de Loutre at Beausejour. Dispute between governor Corn- 
wallis and Mr. Joshua Mauger. 

CHAPTER XVL P. 20S— 226. 

1752. Bounties given for clearing land, and for hay, grain and hemp. Lottery 
to build light house near cape Sambrough. Capt. Cooke's contempt of court. 
Arrival of German settlers. Major Cope, Indian chief — his treaty. Col. Hopson 
appointed governor. Gorham's Rangers — their usefulness. Duquesne, governor 
at Quebec, controls missionaries. Treaty with Eastern coast Micmacs. De 
Loutre and his aboiteau. His aims to keep up hostile feelings. 

1753- Complaints against the Judges of the Inferior Court of Common Pleas, 
Council exculpate the Justices. Division between English and American settlers 
at Halifax. Votes in parliament to support the colony. The six Indian scalps. 
The Germans sent to Merligash, now Lunenburg. M. Daudin sent as a mission- 
ary here. Order to collect and print the laws. Murder of Cleveland, and other 
English, by major Cope, the Micmac chief. Questions about the oath of alle- 
giance made by the Aca^ans. Hopson goes to England, and Lawrence assumes 
the administration. Deputies from cape Sable Indians seek peace and assistance. 



X Table of Contents^ 

CHAPTER XVII. P. 227—238. 

1753. Insurrection at Lunenburg. 

1754. Hoffman tried and sentenced for his conduct therein. Lawrencetown 
established. Mahone bay settled by captain Cooke. Newspaper published at 
Halifax. Negociations with de Loutre illusory. Acadians go to Beausejour 
against the proclamation. 

CHAPTER XVIII. P. 239—256. 

1754. Ohio Company. Major Washington sent to French forts to demand 
they should retire. His rapid movement against the French. Accused of murder 
of M. Jumonville. He fortifies himself in Fort Necessity, and is obliged to sur- 
render. Capitulation granted him by M. de Villier. Pichon, or Tyrrell, corres- 
ponds with British officers. Arrest of Daudin at Piaiquid, and his examination 
at Halifax. Belcher, chief justice — ceremonies of his being sworn in. Export 01 
corn forbidden. Letters of bishop of Quebec. State of Catholic and Protestant 
missionaries in the province. 

CHAPTER XIX. P. 257—279. 

1755. Algimou's journey from Chignecto — his falling sick at Cobequid. Bat- 
teries in front of Halifax. Siege and capture of Beausejour, and flight of de 
Loutre. Beausejour now called fort Cumberland. Rous captures St. John. 
Halifax fortified. Capture of the Alcide and the Lys. Defeat and death of 
general Braddock. Parliamentary grants for Nova Scotia from 1749 to 1755 
inclusive, ;£"4i5,484 14s. iifd. 

CHAPTER XX. P. 280—301. 

1755. The forced removal of the French Acadians. Their refusal to take the 
oath of allegiance. 

CHAPTER XXL P. 302—323. 

1756. Legislative power of governor and council doubted. Proposal by chief 
justice to call a representative assembly. Lawrence proposes to bring the people 
from New England to take up the lands vacated by the exiled French. French 
and Indians commit hostilities in different places. Proclamation of premiums for 
Indian scalps. Shirley assembles troops to attack Crown point. Acadians 
memorialize Vaudreuil. Some of the exiles endeavor to get back to Nova Scotia. 
Lord Loudon's command in chief in America, and his inefficiency. Sea fight with 
the French. English post at Oswego. Oswego surrendered to Montcalm. 
Lawrence is averse to a representative assembly. Petition of Acadians, exiles, 
to the governor of Pennsylvania. 

CHAPTER XXII. P. 324—331. 

1757. Project adopted in council for a representative assembly. Lord Loudon 
comes to Halifax. Admiral Holburne arrives there. Loudon abandons the expe- 
dition to Louisbourg. Holburne cruizes off Louisbourg, but finally withdraws. 
Lawrencetown abandoned. 

CHAPTER XXIIL P, 332— 348. 

1758. Expedition from Halifax, under general Amherst and admiral Boscawen, 
for capture of Louisbourg. Events of the siege. Capitulation by chevalier Dru- 
cour. Sylvanus Cobb. 



Table of Co7itents. xi 

CHAPTER XXIV. P. 349-357. 

1758, Abercrombie's attack on fort Carillon, and his unfortunate retreat. 
Meeting of first representative assembly of Nova Scotia, at Halifax. 

CHAPTER XXV. P. 358'— 372. 

1759. Jealousies of council and assembly. Settlers from New England on the 
French vacated lands in Nova Scotia. Expedition to Quebec, under Wolfe and 
Sanders. Fall of Quebec, and death of Wolfe. 

CHAPTER XXVI. P. 373—381. 

1759. Division of province into counties. Second assembly closed. Light 
house at Sambro' built. Extraordinary gale. Dykes destroyed. First session 
of 2nd assembly. 

CHAPTER XXVII. P. 382— 397. 

1760. Indian trade. Quarrel between Mr. Monk and governor Lawrence. 
Louisbourg demolished by Mr. Pitt's orders. Settlement of Liverpool. Byron 
captures French vessel? at Ristigouche. Death of Mascarene. Amherst com- 
pletes conquest of Canada. Death of Lawrence. 

CHAPTER XXVIIL P. 398— 409. 

1761. Belcher assumes the government. Geo. 3 proclaimed. Settlers taken 
to Liverpool. Meeting of 3rd general assembly at Halifax. Monument voted 
to governor Lawrence. Treaty with Indians of Lehave. 

CHAPTER XXIX. P. 410— 425 

1762. Belcher complains of an insupportable load of debt incurred. The 
assembly reject some of his proposed outlays, on the ground of this debt. Mau- 
ger appointed agent by the assembly. Belcher recommends a demand to adjust 
boundaries coming from Massachusetts. The assembly reject this as being a 
matter for the king to decide on. The French capture Newfoundland. Assem- 
bly request that the neutral French prisoners be removed from the province. 
Belcher having charged some of the members of the house with misconduct, they 
press him to name the accused. A member insults the speaker, and afterwards 
apologizes. Council of war at Halifax. Martial law proclaimed. Measures of 
defence. Boom in N. W. arm. Militia summoned. Queen's county erected. 
Colonel William Amherst recaptures Newfoundland. Preliminaries of peace 
signed 1762, Nov'r. 

CHAPTER XXX. P. 426^437. 

1763. Terms as to fishery agreed on with France. Assembly meets. Colonel 
Wilmot made lieutenant governor. Peace proclaimed. Speaker Nesbitt declines 
a seat in council. Assembly request additional judges. Census of settlements 
in Nova Scotia. 

CHAPTER XXXI. P. 438—445. 

1764. Wilmot made governor. Chief justice not to administer government. 
Acadian prisoners in the province. Desbarres. The king permits the Acadians 
to settle in the province, on taking the oath of allegiance. Some Acadians leave 
the province for the French West Indies. Windsor township erected. 



xii Table of Contents. 

CHAPTER XXXII. P. 446—458. 

1765. Assembly dissolved. Stamp act excites colonial discontent on the con- 
tinent. j\IcNutt and associates at Philadelphia seek large grants in Nova Scotia. 
E.vtravagant grants of land. Assembly meet. Exercise great parcimony. Riots 
in America on account of the Stamp act. 

CHAPTER XXXIII. P. 459—468. 

1766. Repeal of the Stamp act. Death of govr. Wilmot. Mr. Green adminis- 
ters the government. Proceedings of assembly. Mr. Francklin made lieutenant 
governor. Assumes the administration. Manufactures prohibited by the Eng- 
lish government. Arrival of lord William Campbell, the new governor. Act of 
parliament, declaring dependency of the colonies. First estimate of civil list. 
Census of 1766. 

CHAPTER XXXIV. P. 469—487. 

1767. Ports of Nova Scotia. Indian chiefs at Halifax. Acadians at St. John 
request oath of allegiance. Windsor road. Session of assembly. Provincial 
debt. Acadians returning. Provincial great seal. Grants advised to Acadian 
French. Great storm at Halifax. St. John's island divided into counties and 
townships, and granted. Settlement at Charlottetown. Civil officers sent there 
from Halifax. Meeting of assembly. Disturbances at Boston. Indian chiefs 
from St. John river visit Halifax. Towns laid out in island of St. John. Death 
of Mr. ShirrefF. Mr. Cottnam appointed magistrate in Cape Breton. Assembly 
of Nova Scotia meets. Land tax resolved on. Mauger resigns agency, and 
Richard Cumberland is appointed provincial agent. Dickinson's letters. Loyal 
acquiescence of Acadians. Circular letter of Massachusetts assembly. Liberty 
tree at Boston. State of Louisbourg. 

CHAPTER XXXV. P. 488— 499. 

1769. Major Rogers charged of treason, and acquitted. Walter Patterson 
made governor of the island of St. John. Assen'i%)ly of Nova Scotia met. Great 
storm at Halifax in November. 

1770. Discords in America continue. Riot and slaughter at Boston. Capt. 
Preston and his soldiers tried and acquitted. Town meeting held in Nova Scotia, 
forbidden as illegal. Adventures of Bard and Armith from Canada to Halifax. 

CHAPTER XXXVL P. 500—515. 

1 77 1. Lord William Campbell asks leave of absence. Assembly of Nova 
Scotia meets in June. Case of captain Jadis. Light-house at Sambro complain- 
ed of. Expense and management of it. 

1772. Assembly meet. Light-house at Sambro put in better order. Death of 
Mr. Green. Difficulties at Boston. Zouberbuhlcr's death. Assembly meet. 
Belcher, chief justice, complains of Mr. Desbarres. Desbarres apologizes. Legge 
appointed governor of Nova Scotia, lord William Campbell being appointed 
governor of South Carolina. Colonel Denson appointed speaker during Nes- 
bitt's illness. Settlement of Pictou. The destruction of tea at Boston. Particu- 
lars of Pictou settlement. 

CHAPTER XXXVH. P. 516—531. 
1774. Boston port bill. Passengers from England. Tonge recommended. 
Acadians settling in the province. Congress at Philadelphia of discontented 



Table of Coitents. xlii 

colonies. Tea brought to Halifax. Difficulties there. Assembly meets. Isle 
of Sable. Morris reports on Cape Breton. Population of Cape Breton in 1774. 
Government and assembly of Nova Scotia. 

CHAPTER XXX VIH. P. 532—547. 
1775. Governor Legge's investigation of accounts for periods before his ad- 
ministration. Congress at Philadelphia send their resolves to Nova Scotia. 
Conflict at Concord. Suits against Newton and Binney. Governor Francklin's 
views on this subject. Legge proposes changes in council. Assembly of Nova 
Scotia meets in June, 1775. Hay burnt at Halifax. Messrs. Fillis and Smith 
charged with disloyalty. The house passes resolutions in their favor. Address 
of the assembly on the colonial troubles proposing terms of submission. Battle 
of Bunker's hill. 

CHAPTER XXXIX. P. 548—561. 

1775. Attacks on Nova Scotia from Machias. Oath of allegiance taken. 
Preparations for cJbfence. Boston beleaguered. Binney's affair. Provision for 
fugitive loyalists. Trade interrupted. Privateers. Legge proposes to raise a 
regiment. 

CHAPTER XL. P. 562—583. 

1776. Leaguer of Boston. Loyalty prevails in Nova Scotia. Govr. Legge's 
research into the past expenditures. His prejudice against all settlers from the 
older colonies. Invasion of Canada. Legge's distrust of the council and the 
inhabitants. Lieut, governor Francklin complains of Legge's oppressive conduct 
to the people of all ranks. Binney goes to England to complain. Petitions from 
Cumberland and Colchester against the militia law. Disaffection in Cumberland. 
Legge's regiment. Boston evacuated by the British troops, who come on to 
Halifax. Death of chief justice Belcher. Mariot Arbuthnot made lieutenrnt 
governor. Mr. Legge called home to answer charges. Attempt of Americans 
on Quebec defeated. Mr. Binney's claims recognized by the assembly. Mischief 
on the coasts from American privateers. Threats of invasion. Preparations 
here for defence. Rebels appear before fort Cumberland. Rewards offered for 
apprehension of their leaders. The fort is relieved, and the rebels disperse. 

CHAPTER XLI. P. 584—590. 

1777. Reign of terror. Arrest of parties suspected. Oath of allegiance ten- 
dered in Colchester, and generally refused. Assembly refuses to receive repre- 
sentatives from disaffected districts. Attack on St. John repelled. 

CHAPTER XLII. P. 591—596. 

1778. Mr. Finucane made chief justice. Nova Scotia vessels captured by 
American cruisers. Francklin urges the conciliation of the Micmacs. Session of 
assembly. Reinforcements arrive at Halifax. Mr. Hughes made lieutenant gov- 
ernor. Proceedings of assembly. 

CHAPTER XLIIL P. 597—604. 
!779> Indian treaties. Effect of the war, raising price of labor, and diminish- 
ing stock of cattle. Enemy's privateers injure the trade of the port of Halifax. 
Contest for seat for Halifax county. Assembly sitting, votes ;C5ooo for armed 
vessels to protect the coast. Grant of land to Indians. General McLean ta\ce« 



xiv Table of Contents. 

post at Majebigwaduce — is invested there by 10,000 men, A squadron sent from 
Halifax to relieve them, meet a disastrous gale, and return. Riot about impress- 
ment at Halifax. McLean relieved by Sir George Collier's squadron from Sandy 
hook. Miramichi Indians prisoners. Garrison at Halifax reduced. 

CHAPTER XLIV. P. 605— 611. 

1780. France sends count d'Estaing with a fleet to help the Americans. Suc- 
cesses of the English in Georgia. Indian hostages liberated. American vessels 
taken by people of Lunenburg and LeHave. Dark day in New England. Appre- 
hensions of French attack, forts repaired, &c. Militia called into town to assist. 
Conaway, native of the province, master of a rebel privateer. Assembly meets. 
Act to establish sheriffs. Pension to Mr. Fenton. provost marshal. Ex post facto 
law. Public school first proposed. Barracks at Horton, Cornwallis and Liver- 
pool. Mrs. Cottnam's claims. Indian treaties. Cargoes of masts from river 
St. John. 

CHAPTER XLV. P. 612—621. 

1 781. Mr. Legge remains governor, though absent. British forces hold the 
Penobscot. Execution of a guide by the Americans. Capture of Wadsworth, 
and his escape from Majebagaduce. Plundering by Paul Reed. Pressgangs at 
Halifax. Lieut, governor Hughes' proclamation against them. Death of general 
MTcLean. Privateers captured by militia of King's county. Assembly meets in 
June — pay of members — repeal of penal laws against Roman Catholics. Pension 
to Miss Belcher. Assembly house. Riot at Granville, Henley, R C. mission- 
ary to Indians. Death of captain Evans in sea fight near Sydney, C. B. Lient. 
governor Sir A. S. Hamond. Sea battles. Annapolis seized by surprize by pri- 
vateersmen. School lottery. R. P. Tonge's success in naval action at Petit de 
Grat. Naval hospital at Halifax. Death of Mr. Morris. Hamond complains of 
insufficient salary. Lord Rawdon's victory. Lord Cornwallis surrenders. 



ADDENDA. Pages 622—624. 



A HISTORY 

OF 

NOVA-SCOTIA. 



VOL. II. 



CHAPTER I. 

1740. On the 19 January, 1739-40, president Adams issued 
an order to John Handfield and Edward Amhurst, esquires, 
the executors of the late lieutenant governor Armstrong, sta- 
ting that the deceased had for several years received the ' seig- 
nioriall rents' and other dues of his majesty, — that he had' 
never rendered any accounts or made remittances to the hon.. 
Horatio Walpole, king's receiver for America, nor communica- 
♦•ed the state of the rents to the council or the secretary of the 
province. The president and council attach the same in the 
executor's hands, for eighteen months. After funeral charges, 
and quarters are paid off and cleared, they are to retain his 
estate till the king's pleasure is known. Mr. Adams continued 
to administer the government as president of the council until 
March. Major Mascarene, who was senior to Mr. Adams on 
the list of councillors, had been in New England about five or 
six months, under a leave of absence granted by lieut. gover- 
nor Armstrong, to settle some family affairs ; and when there 
he was generally employed in some concerns relating to Nova 
Scotia. As soon as he heard that Armstrong was dead, he 

Bl 



2 History of Nova-Scotia. 1740. 

prepared to return. He arrived at Annapolis on the 20 March, 
On Saturday, the 22d March, the council summoned by Mas- 
carene as eldest councillor (as he states) met at Adams' house. 
Besides Mascarene and Adams, who each claimed the presi- 
dency and administration of the government, there were pre- 
sent seven other members, viz : William Skene, William 
Shirreff, Erasmus James Philipps, Otho Hamilton, John Hand- 
field, Edward Amhurst, and John Slater. Mascarene being 
about to take the chair, as the eldest councillor present, was 
opposed by Adams, who said that he was president of the 
council, and that Mascarene must shew by what authority he 
dispossessed him of it. Several of the councillors endeavored 
to silence him, but he desired leave to plead for himself, and 
said that " major Mascarene was not at his duty when the 
" vacancy happened, but at Boston, in New England, where 
" his house is, and where his estate is, and where his residence 
" has been the great part of the time since -the council has 
" been established, and that he had violated the fifth article of 
^' H. M. instructions to the governor, by being absent from the 
^'council and province from the year 1725 to the year 1731, 
•■'and was absent from the council from the year 1734 to the 
•"year 1738. Moreover I said that I faithfully served his 
■<' majesty to the best of my capacity twenty years for nothing, 
<' and now providence had put into my hands a morsel of bread, 
" major Mascarene was come in all haste from Boston to take 
" it from me." Mascarene replied that he did not come for 
that ; that he was first absent making peace with the Indians 
by the governor's orders ; and as for the second time, he was 
not out ot the province a twelvemonth. Adams asked the 
council to consider it, exclusive of Mascarene and himself. 
The council adjourned to the house of Dr. Skene, taking Mas- 
carene with them, and, there swore him in as president, and 
franied the usual proclamation to be sent over the province, 
notifying his assuming the government, and directing all civil 
officers to continue in the discharge of their duties. In the 
afternoon of the same day, the secretary (Mr. Shirreff) came 
to Adams' house, and reported to him the judgment of the 
council in favor of Mascarene. From this judgment he ap- 



1740. History of Nova-Scotia. 3 

pealed to his majesty, and said, " If you have done well by " 
" the house of Jerubable, then rejoice ye in Abimelech, and " 
" let Abimelech rejoice in you." The vote of the council in 
favor of Mascarene's claim was unanimous, with the exception 
of Mr. Adams. After this the latter so far acquiesced that he 
took his seat below the president. The next time he appeared 
in council he requested that his " appeal might be recorded 
" in the records of the council, and desired the councirs leave 
" to be absent from the council ahd the province twelve 
"months, which" (he says) '• the new president was affronted 
" at, because I did not ask his leave, but the council allowed 
" both my appeal and absence ; but one of the members said 
*' his majesty would not repeal what that board had done ; 
" another said that I had ;^I50 sterling coming to me for the 
*' time I had served, and it would cost me a great part of that 
*' sum to prosecute my appeal. I replied, altho' I had neither 
" silver nor gold, I hoped by some means or other to get my 
*' reasons of appeal laid before his majesty." Adams enclosed 
his grounds of appeal to the duke of Newcastle in a letter 
dated March 28, 1740, humbly praying his grace, "in com-" 
*' passion to a poor, helpless, blind man, in the 68th year of" 
*' his age," to lay them before the king, and asks his aid at 
all events to secure him the allowance due him as president 
for the time he filled that office. 

Mr. St. Poncy applied for a passport, signifying his design of 
departing out of the province by way of Mines. The council, 
23 April, advised to allow him three months to do so. Masca- 
rene sent him the passport, objecting to his protracted stay, 
and forbidding his exercise of priestly functions. He adds : 
y'ay receu ce que je crois est re une replique d ce que je voiis 
rcpondis aic sicjet de la dispute sur la religion. Je 11 ai pas eu 
le terns d£ la lire, utais qiiaiid je [ atirai fait, je ne manqitei-ai 
pas dy faire les I'ejnarques que serout necessaires. Je suis avec 
estime, &c. " I have received what I suppose to be a reply to 
" my answer to you on the subject of the dispute on religion. 
" I have not had time to read it, but when I shall have done so, 
" I will not fail to make the remarks on it that are necessary. — 
"I am w ith esteem, &c." 



4 History of Nova-Scotia. I740- 

In May, official despatches from England were received, 
giving notice of the declaration of war against Spain. This 
war was declared at Annapolis on the 14 May, and ordered to 
to be also declared at Canso. (It had been declared in Eng- 
land 23 October, 1739.) 

On the 27 May, Alexander Bourg is again made notary and 
receiver of kings' dues at Grand Pre, Mines. At this time 
Mr. Cosby was made lieutenant colonel of Philipps' regiment 
in place of Armstrong, deceased, and Mascarene major, in 
Cosby's place. One Mafils having been excommunicated by 
Vauxlin, a priest, applied for redress, as he was thereby cut off 
from all assistance, and even the necessaries of life. Vauxlin 
was sent for by the president and council i July, and promised 
in future not to do so. Mafils had been appointed by lieut. 
governor Armstrong as a messenger, under the name of a con- 
stable, to assist the deputies and the receiver of the kings' dues. 
Mafils had left a wife in France, and got married again here 
by a priest. The bigamy being discovered, the priests in 
Nova Scotia called on him to separate from the second wife, 
which he would not do. He was therefore excommunicated 
by the priest at Mines some years before 1740. But it appears 
that he came to Annapolis, and there M. Vauxlin, having been 
informed by letter from M. de la Godalie of this man's lying 
under the higher excommunication, proclaimed him publickly 
to his congregation as so excommunicated. 

At a council held by order of the honble. Paul Mascarene, 
president of H. M. council, at the house of William Skene, esq., 
in the Lower Town of Annapolis Royal, on tuesday, the first 
of July, 1740, at ten o'clock, a. m. 

Present : 
His Honor the President. 
John Adams, Esq. 
William Skene, Esq. 
William Shirreff, Esq. 

Erasmus James Philipps, Esq. j 

John Handfield, Esq. j 

Edward Amhurst, Esq. 



1740. History of Nova-Scotia. 5 

His honor the president acquainted the board that the cause 
of calUng them together at this time was his being informed 
that Mr. Vauxlin, Romish missionary priest, had incroached 
upon the privilege granted the French inhabitants for the 
exercise of their rehgion by the treaty of Utrecht, by presum- 
ing to pronounce sentence of excommunication against one 
Mafils, who had thereupon complained that he was by virtue 
thereof deprived of all assistance and necessaries of life, which 
being without any legal process, and consequently contrary to 
the laws of Great Britain, he had therefore drawn up a scrawl 
proclamation, in order to prevent any such arbitrary proceed- 
ings of the Romish priests for the future ; which, being read, 
it was agreed that the said Mr. Vauxlin should be sent for to 
appear before the board ; who being come, and interrogated 
by what authority he had excommunicated the said Mafils as 
aforesaid, he thereunto replied that it was not he who excom- 
municated him, but that he had received a letter from Mr. 
DeGodalie, his superior, at Mines, signifying to him that the 
said Mafils was excommunicated, and that by virtue of such 
advice given him, he, in conscience, judged it his duty to 
acquaint his parishioners thereof, but that for the future he 
would do no such thing without first acquainting the Govern- 
ment. Then was again read the aforesaid scrawl, and after 
some amendments it was ordered to be published. Then the 
Board desired his Honor to write a letter in very strong terms 
to the deputies of the several districts of this province, when 
he sent them the said proclamation to be published, enjoining 
them strictly to observe the same, and also that he should 
write to Mr. De Godalie, (DeGodaler in ms.,) and other mis- 
sionaries, on the same subject. 

P. Mascarene. 

A proclamation was issued, forbidding sentences of excom- 
munication in future, and sent to all the deputies, with circular 
letters, to be everywhere published and enforced. 

Landry and others, French inhabitants of Annapolis, eight 
in number, had, without leave, gone to Tibogue, (Chebogue T) 
and built houses there. This occupancy was in the winter ; 
and there being objection made to it, they petitioned for leave 



6 History of Nova-Scotia. I740. 

to go again there for the winter, with their families, which, in 
August, 1740, the council granted, forbidding them, however, 
to raise dykes or lay claim to the lands. Mr. Lemercier 
applied again respecting the grant of the isle of Sable, but as 
most of it was represented as " a low, boggy and sandy soil, " 
" with large ponds or settlings of water occasioned by the " 
" overflowing of the tides, he thinks the penny an acre too " 
" much to pay for what cannot be improved." The advantage 
to the public, Mascarene says, in writing to the lords of Trade 
16 August, 1740, in encouraging its settlement would be relief 
to those who should have the misfortune to be thrown on that 
dangerous shoal, and to the proprietors the grazing of cattle, 
fishing, and killing of seals for their oil and skins. (Lemer- 
cier had been allowed to keep people and cattle there in the 
time of lieut. governor Armstrong.) 

Early in the autumn Mascarene received a letter from St. 
Poncy, dated from Louisbourg, whither he had retired, by which 
he understood he was about to come back to Chignecto. St. 
Poncy having come back, wrote openly from Chignecto, where 
he now established himself as missionary. Colonel Cosby ad- 
dressed a letter to the fort major, E.J. Philipps, to be communi- 
cated to major Mascarene, " which also relating to St. Poncy's 
" return, and some private intelligence he had of said St. Poncy's 
" scheme to the prejudice of this Gov't., and purporting that 
"the Gov't, of Louisbourg expected a war with the English, 
" and that St. Poncy having acquainted them how much he 
" had gained over the minds of the inhabitants here in preju- 
" dice to the English Government, he was therefore dispatched 
" back, which he was not to own, but to give such reasons as 
" he thinks proper ; and that he is to hold correspondence 
" with certain inhabitants of this place, and when a stroke is 
" to be given, it is to be against the governor and this garri- 
" son." At a council held 18 September, the president brought 
this matter before them. They advised that St. Poncy should 
be ordered to leave the province, and orders sent to the inha- 
bitants of Chignecto not to permit his officiating there, &c. 
Mascarene soon after issued the order for his departure, and 
wrote to M. Bourg and M. Bergereau on the subject. 



History of Nova-Scotia. 7 

« 

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I. 
(I.) 

From the Gentleman's Magazine, Feb'y. 1740. London : — 
Three Regiments of Foot, 1000 Men each, are raising with all Speed in our 
American Colonies, and will consist of Natives or those inur'd to the Climate. 
The Colonels, Lieut. Colonels, Majors and Subalterns are appointed by his 
Majesty, and their general Rendezvous is to be at New York, where the Royal 
Standard is set up. Their Cloathing is to be made here, which is Camblet 
Coats, brown Linen Waistcoats, with two Pair of Canvas Trowsers for each Man. 

(2.) 

Grant to Hibbert Newton, esq., collector of the Customs for the province, of 
one acre and two perch«s of land, on Canso hill. Date 17 March, 1740. ist 
book of grants and deeds, p. 117. 

Grant to Wm. Skene, of a lot given him in the town of Annapolis by governor 
Philipps' letter in 1722. Dated March, 1740. Both these grants were made by 
president Adams. 

(3-) 
From the Gentleman's Magazine for March, 1740 : — 

Value of Paper Money, or Bills of Credit in the Plantations. 



New England 






Connecticut 
Rhode Island 


- 525 




New Hampshire 






New York 
The Jerseys 


160 
160 


■ for 100 /. Sterl 


Pennsylvania 


170 




Maryland 


200 




North Carolina 


1400 




South Carolina 


800 





Neio York. A Body of 300 French and 700 Indians, which in fune last passed 
by our Frontiers from Canada, intending to extirpate a Nation of Southern 
Indians, called Chicasans, (Friends to the English), were in a fair pitch'd Battle 
defeated by them with the Loss of 230 Men kill'd on the Spot, and 'twas presum- 
ed that very few of the Survivors would live to go back to Canada. The French 
have several times attacked those Indians, but without Success. 



(4.) 

28 March, 1740. Otho Hamilton, now made captain of one of the companies 
at Canso by the king, and having to go to duty there, was appointed and sworn a 
justice of the peace throughout the province.. 



8 History of Nova-Scotia. 

(5-) 

24 March, 1739-40. Major Mascarene writes to M. Bergereau at Chignecto, 
sending him a proclamation to publish, and asking for his accounts. He sends 
this by Mr. Winniett, and major Mascarene says he has a sincere esteem for that 
gentleman and his family, and requests M. Bergereau to shew him every atten- 
tion. He expects two of the deputies will come as soon as possible, to give him 
a true account of the condition and behaviour of the inhabitants of Chignecto. 
25 March, he writes in a similar way to M. Mangeant and to Bellehumeur, 
(Alexander Bourg.) He also wishes copies of the proclamation sent to Pizaquit 
and Cobequit. Mascarene's proclamation, stating that the government devolves 
on him, and notifying that all regulations made for administration of justice, and 
justices and officers appointed for that end, should continue till further order. &c., 
issued in English and also in French. 

(6.) 

From Mascarene's letter to the Board of Trade, 1740. 

*' There being only two or three English families besides the garrison, prevented 
" the formation of a civil government like that in the other colonies, and the coun- 
" cillors had most to be taken from the military officers of the garrison or regi- 
'• ment. The council meets upon call in a civil or judiciary capacity. What 
" relates to the judicial part is referred to quarterly sessions, appointed three or 
'• four years ago, in which all matters of meum and tiiiim amongst the French 
" inhabitants, who come from all the settlements of the province, are stated and 
" decided. In other affairs, the council meets when anything of moment requires 
" it, and have a messenger under the name of constable to summon any person 
" required to appear." 

He describes the duties of the deputies. The settlements being divided into 
districts, one deputy is chosen for each ; also the receiver and notary, and the 
messenger called a constable, attached to each. Justices of the peace are appoin- 
ted at Canso, to settle their differences. The English resort there in the fishing 
season, but in winter but three or four families of civilians remain there. 

(7.) 
Mr. John Hamilton was sworn in assistant secretary, 23 April, 1740. 

(8.) 

Two pacquets from the Secretary of State's office, received at Annapolis by the 
government by way of Virginia, cost in postage ;^ii i6s. 3d. New England cur- 
rency. At 525 to the 100 Sterling, this was about £,z 5s. Sterling. There was 
no fund or allowance for stationary, postages, messengers or expenses, nor any 
pay to councillors for attendance. The seigneurial rents (Chignecto excepted) 
are not above ;^I2 or ;^I5 sterling in the whole. 

(9-) 

A royal commission, dated 4 Sept'r., 1740, (14 Geo. 2) to mark out and settle 
the boundaries between the provinee of Massachusetts Bay and the colony of 



History of Nova-Scotia. 



Rhode Island, was issued, appointing Cadwallader Colden, Abraham Vanhorn, 
Philip Livingston, Archibald Kennedy, and James De Lancey, esquires, of the 
province of New York ; John Hamilton, John Wells, John Reading, Cornelius 
Vanhorn, and William Provost, esquires, of the province of New Jersey ; and 
William Skene, William ShirrefT, Henry Cope, Erasmus James Philipps, and 
Otho Hamilton, esquires, of the province of Nova Scotia, (or any five or more of 
them), commissioners to settle the boundaries. To go to Providence, Rhode 
island, and meet there first tuesday of April, 1741, with power to adjourn. Each 
province (contesting) to bear half the expenses. (See the commission and a let- 
ter from Whitehall to the commissioners, in 4th vol. Rhode island Colonial 
Records, pp. 586-590.) This letter is addressed to John Wanton, esq. governor 
of Rhode island. Dated Aug't. i, 1740, and signed Monson. M. Bladen, — Croft. 
Jas. Brudenell. 

( 10. ) 

From letter of president Mascarene to the dttke of Newcastle, 15th A'ov'r., 

1740. 

" I entered a captain in this place at its surrendering to the English govern- " 
" ment, and had the honor to take possession of it in mounting the first guard, " 
" and was brevetted major by Mr. Nicholson, the commander-in-chief of that " 
" expedition. I was put down the third on the list of Councillors when Cover- " 
" nor Philipps called a Council to manage the affairs of this province, and have " 
" served in the military, being now Major to Major General Philipps Regt., " 
" and in the civil capacity ever since, having been employed in several transac- " 
" tions with the neighbouring Governments, especially as a Commissioner in " 
" behalf of this Government to settle the peace with the Indians." 

" I gave a description of the Province, which was transmitted by Governor " 
" Philipps to the Secretary of State and Plantation offices, and by me to the " 
" Board of Ordnance, having then the honor to be employed as Engineer by " 
" that Board. The mentioning these services is to endeavor to obtain his " 
" Majesty's favor and your Grace's recommendation. My long absence from " 
" Great Britain, where for these thirty years I have been but the space of six " 
" months, and that twenty years ago, having deprived me of any patron." 



lo History of Nova-Scotia. 1741- 



CHAPTER II. 



1 74 1. The first mention I have found, in the public documents 
of the province, of de Loutre, missionary, who afterwards played 
a conspicuous part in the political and military affairs of Nova 
Scotia, is contained in a very courteous letter to him from 
president Mascarene. This is dated Annapolis Royall, 6 Jan- 
uary, 1 740- 1, signed by Mascarene, and countersigned by 
Mr. Shirreff. It commences thus : " Monsieur, I begin by ' 
" wishing you a happy new year, which I do very willingly, ' 
" having, in the little conversation we had together, conceived ' 
" an esteem for you, and relying on the promise you have ' 
" made me of maintaining the peace and good order in your ' 
" parts, and of keeping the people in that submission they ' 
" owe to the government to which they have swore allegiance, ' 
" and under which they enjoy their possessions and the free ' 
•' exercise of their religion." He also tells him to pay over to 
Bourg the king's dues which remained in his hands at the 
departure of the sieur Mangeant, the former receiver. — It may 
be asserted without injustice, that de Loutre proved in the 
event the most persevering and implacable foe to the English 
that ever was in this country. Allowing for the extreme cour- 
tesy and kindness that distinguished Mr. Mascarene on all 
occasions, it is yet obvious that de Loutre, whose hostility to 
British rule was unequalled, must have assumed for the occa- 
sion the part of a pacific and humble missionary in his con- 
verse with the president, and thus prevented any suspicion 
attaching to him. — Mascarene wrote 7 Jan'y. to Alex'r. Bourg, 
(M. Bellehumeur), enclosing him his commission of receiver of 



1 74 1. History of Novo-Scotia. ii 

the king's dues and notary for Mines, and to Bergeau, the 
receiver at ' Chignigto.' Sends the latter a model for keeping 
his accounts. He also issued a circular to the deputies, per- 
suading them to promote order and peace. He writes at this 
time to M. des Enclaves, missionary at Mines, and tells him 
" the block, which has been an occasion of stumbling to some " 
" of your profession, is the desire of governing the temporall " 
" by the spirituall." He then explains to him the system of 
governing by the deputies, and their duties. He then says : 
'* If they cannot write, (which by-the-by shews the ignorance " 
" in which they have been kept, and is not much to the " 
" praise of the missionaries who have resided amongst them,) " 
" they are to make use of the hands of those who know that " 
" art, but the act must be their own, and carry their signa- " 
"ture or mark." It seems hardly fair to expect that the mis- 
sionaries should have executed the office of schoolmasters ; 
but Mascarene, though refined and honorable, sometimes is a 
little astute and sharp in his reasoning. He also says : " The " 
" work to the bridge, which has been newly repaired for the " 
" common good, ought to have been sett on foot by the depu- " 
" ty's authority, acting under that of this Goverrtment. Your " 
" exhortations may be of use to maintain the people in their " 
*' duty. Your hand may assist them in writing their reports, " 
" but the act must come from them, and carry their mark." 

The winter of 1740--1741, was 'very severe' in Nova Scotia. 
President Mascarene, writing to the duke of Newcastle, secre- 
tary of state, on 14 March, 1 740-1, tells him : " We have no " 
" news from Europe later than July last, nor from our neigh- " 
" boring government of New England since last October, so " 
" that we are entirely ignorant of any transactions in relation " 
" to war or peace." The great changes that have occurred 
since that time will be palpable, when we observe that at 
Hahfax, on 13 March, 1 861, we had London papers of 24 Feb- 
ruary, news of 26th, and Washington news of 7 March. In 
18 1 2, on the 18 June, the American Congress declared war 
against England, and the news did not reach Halifax until the 
29 June. 

At this time the inhabitants of Chignecto petitioned to 



12 History of Nova-Scotia. I74i« 

have M. St. Poncy as their priest, there being an old priest 
called ' Disclash' (or des Classes) there, quite superannuated ; 
but the council declined to appoint St. Poncy, on account 
" of his irregular return to that place." In April, 1741, Mas- 
carene requested Bergeau, the receiver of king's dues at Chig- 
necto, to remit what monies he had got in grain and peas, as 
many families at Annapolis were suffering famine from scar- 
city of provisions ; and he writes to Bourg, (Bellehumeur), at 
Mines, to the same effect, and tells him that governor Philipps 
has acquainted him that he will visit Nova Scotia in the 
" spring. 

The Lords of Trade had ordered that five members of the 
council of Nova should act in the commission appointed to 
settle the boundaries between Massachusetts and Rhode 
island. Henry Cope was one named, but was in the expedi- 
tion to the West Indies, and Otho Hamilton was at Canso. 
Messrs. Skene, Shirreff, and Erasmus J. Philipps, who made 
up the five designated, left Annapolis for New England on 
this mission in April, 1741. 

A scarcity of provisions existed in the West Indies at this 
time, and also i"h Europe, and generally the export of food to 
foreign countries was forbidden in the British dominions. 
Proclamations were issued to enforce this regulation. 

Governor Philipps made a statement to the English govern- 
ment as to his position of governor of Nova Scotia.. He 
was appointed colonel of the 12th regiment of Foot on the 
16 March, 1712, and of the 40th regiment 25 August, 1717. 
(The 40th regiment devolved on Edw'd. Cornwallis, as colonel, 

13 March, 1752, and on Peregrine Thomas Hopson 4 March, 
1754.) PhiHpps, in his memorial, says that in 1718 he had 
one of the oldest regiments in the king's service, which he had 
bought for 7000 guineas, and that he did, at the request of his 
late majesty's (George the ist) ministry, and not from any 
desire of his own, exchange that regiment for the government 
of Nova Scotia, to which was annexed a salary of ;^iooo per 
annum, and also for a new regiment to be formed out of the 
several independent companies there, with his majesty's pro- 
mise, that as the last would be the youngest regiment in the 



1 741* History of Nova-Scotia. 13 

king's service, he should, in case of a reduction, have the first 
old regiment that became vacant. He says : " There was no " 
" intention at that time of appointing a lieutenant governor, " 
" nor any provision made for such ; but lieutenant colonel " 
" Armstrong growing uneasy that a captain in the regiment, " 
" by being lieutenant governor of the garrison of Anna- " 
" pohs Royal, should be entitled to the command of the " 
" troops, and also of him, the said lieutenant colonel, — applied " 
" to governor Philipps for his interest to be made lieutenant " 
" governor of the Province, without expecting or claiming " 
" any allowance for the same, who accordingly, by letter to " 
" his grace the duke of Newcastle, recommended Mr. Arm- " 
"strong as a proper. person to be lieutenant governor, and" 
" he was soon after appointed such, but without any salary " 
" or allowance whatever." 

" The agent of governor Philipps* regiment" (colonel Gard- 
ner), " having misapplied the regiment's money, died insol- " 
" vent, and the governor being thereupon called home by " 
"his majesty's sign manual, in the year 173 1, in order to" 
" adjust the officers* accounts, his majesty was pleased to " 
" entrust the command of the province with lieut. colonel '* 
" Armstrong during the governor's absence, and was pleased, " 
"by warrant, to allow the said lieut. colonel Armstrong half" 
" the governor's pay for so long as he should continue in that " 
" command," 

" The governor immediately repairing to England "upon *' 
"his majesty*s command, hath settled the agent's accounts," 
" paid the balance out of his own pocket, amounting in the " 
" whole, with his own loss, to ;£■ 10,000. Lieutenant colonel " 
" Armstrong being since dead, it is humbly hoped that, as " 
" there was no lieutenant governor of the province until " 
" Mr. Armstrong was appointed such, for the above reasons " 
" which are now at an end, the lieutenant governor of the " 
" garrison being also lieutenant colonel of the regiment, there " 
" will be no lieutenant governor hereafter appointed" 

Mascarene, though a protestant himself, son of a Huguenot 
father, yet preserved his love for the French language, and 
we find him always disposed to kindly intercourse with the 



14 History of Nova-Scotia. I74i' 

people of that origin. Two letters of his in French, addressed 
to mademoiselle Frangoise Belleisle, have been preserved, one 
dated 30 June, 1741, and the other 13 October, 1744. The 
former is as follows : — 

[Translated.] 

Mademoiselle. I am very glad that the letter I have receiv- 
ed from you gives occasion for an intercourse between us, 
which ought not to offend your confessor, being only intellec- 
tual, and liable to be judged of in council. Four of our coun- 
cillors have been obliged to go to New England, and the rest 
are too few in number to decide differences of importance. 
Your aunt has gone to Louisbourg for the purpose of seeking 
her proofs. Thus it is your interest to take your precautions. 
I think you too reasonable to expect any favor from me, in 
what concerns my conduct as a judge ; but in every other 
thing that is not contrary to my duty, I shall have real plea- 
sure in testifying to you the esteem I have for you. Let me 
have your news when there is an opportunity, freely and with- 
out fear, and be persuaded that I am, mademoiselle. 
Your very humble and very obedient servant. 

Annapolis' Royal, ) 

30th June, 1 74 1. \ 

Frangoise Belleisle. 



At the same date, Mascarene writes to M. de Quesnel, 
governor of cape Breton, (who died in September, 1744), to 
Bourville, lieutenant governor, and to M. Bigot, intendant, 
(afterwards intendant of Canada), in reply to letters apparently 
of compliment only. He tells Bourg " the council have " 
" made it a rule to follow the antient laws and customs esta- " 
" blished with the inhabitants in judging of their suits." 
He writes to Bergeau. (This name is sometimes spelt Ber- 
gereau.) " The inhabitants of Chignecto appear in all " 
" things of a refractory spirit ; their paying the king's dues " 
" unwillingly and in bad species, doth not show well in their " 
** favour, and their persisting in their disobedience to the " 
" orders in regard to Mr. St. Poncy, will draw on them the " 



1 741- History of Nova-Scotia. 15 

" resentment of this government," &c. He also complains of 
their settling on ungranted land, and trading by way of bay 
Verte, against the proclamation. He says to M. des Enclaves, 
" My only aim is, in the station I am in, to keep the mission- " 
" aries who reside in this government within the bounds of" 
" their duty, and to hinder them from establishing imperium " 
" in imperio, which the laws of Great Britain will not suffer. — " 
" As for religion, I am of that temper as not to wish ill to " 
" any person whose persuasion differs with mine, provided " 
" that persuasion is not contrary to the rules of society and " 
"government," The councillors who had gone as boundary 
commissioners to New England, had returned before the 3th 
October. Mascarene wrote to the lords of Trade 23 Novem- 
ber. Rumors of war with France, he says, had often alarmed 
them this summer, owing to their defenceless condition. 
Except in sending cattle and provisions to Louisbourg con- 
trary to proclamation, the French Acadians had behaved as 
well as could be expected, " considering the bigotry to their " 
" religion, and other circumstances." They continue to settle 
on ungranted land. The missionaries still give trouble. They 
are controlled by their bishop, (of Quebec), who has a vicar 
general in the province, the latter lately returned from France. 
Mascarene refers to his thirty years' service in Nova Scotia, 
where he has acted as president two years, and received no 
advantages or perquisites whatever. 



APPENDIX TO CHAPTER H. 

(I.) 

18 August, 1741. The will of William Winniett, of Annapolis Royal, mer- 
chant, was proved before president Mascarene. Of the subscribing witnesses, 
Benjamin Nugent was dead; messrs. Skene and Shirreffwere at Boston, New 
England. John Dyson and John Hamilton proved the will to be in Shirreff's 
writing, and that the signatures were all genuine. By this will he devised and 
gave all his estate, real and personal, " to my beloved wife Magdaline Winniett, " 
" and to my well-beloved children, my lawful heirs upon her body, to be equally " 



1 6 History of Nova-Scotia. 

" divided amongst them," and made his wife sole executrix. It bears date 
i6 Feb'y., 1726-7. 

24 August, 1 741. President Mascarene wrote to M. Bourg, at Mines, recom- 
mending him to get the debtors of the late Mr. Winniett in his district to pay 
the widow, 

(2.) 

4 Nov'r., 1 741. Mascarene gives a certificate of good conduct to M. Nicholas 
Vauquelin, priest and B. D. of the Roman Church, who had officiated for two 
years at Annapolis river, (He is elsewhere called Vauxlin.) 

(3-) 

The seigniorial rents and fines of alienation collected between March, 1739-40, 
and 31 December, 1741, one year and nine months, amounted to 141 livres 
19 sous, which reduced to sterling at 450 discount, made £2^ 15s. 8d. sterling. 
The price of a bushel of wheat was accounted at 2 1-2 livres, equal then to 
16 pence sterling. 



1742' History of Nova-Scotia. 17 



CHAPTER III. 



1742. The first affair of this year concerning the province 
was an application of Mr. Adams to the board of trade. His 
letter is dated ' Boston, New England, March 12, 1 741-2.' It 
states that Mr. Adams was president of the council and pro- 
vince of Nova Scotia from the 6 December, 1739, to the 
22 March following. He staid at Annapolis until the latter 
end of July, 1740, when, with the consent of the council, he 
retired to Boston. Has been eighteen months in expectation 
of his majesty's decision. Sends now a petition to the king 
for relief, as he wants " even the very necessaries of life." He 
says : " I would have returned to Annapolis before now, but " 
■" there was no chaplain in the garrison to administer God's " 
*"■ word and sacraments to the people ; but the officers and " 
** soldiers in garrison have profaned the holy sacraments of" 
*' baptism and ministerial function, by presuming to baptize " 
"their own children. Why his majesty's chaplain does not" 
*' come to his duty, I know not, but am persuaded it is a dis- " 
" service and dishonor to our religion and nation ; and, as I " 
*' have heard, some have got their children baptized by the " 
** Popish priests, for there has been no chaplain here for " 
*' these four years. I was in hopes to have received from his " 
*' Excellency Governor Philipps ^^144 4s. od. sterling, for the " 
" time I presided over the council in his absence, for which " 
" sum I drew a bill of exchange on him in favor of captain " 
" Nathaniel Donnell, who has supplied me and my family " 
" with most of the necessaries and comforts of life for twelve " 
" years past, without almost any hopes of ever being paid in " 

B2 



1 8 History of Nova-Scotia. 1742. 

" this life, yet his Excellency protested this bill, as will be " 
" seen at large by the enclosed paf>ers, notwithstanding his " 
" many promises to me when at Annapolis." — He requests 
" faults or blunders" in his writings to be excused, he " being 
forced to make use of a youth unexperienced." (This refers 
to his blindness, mentioned in his former statement.) It is to 
be feared that Mr. Adams obtained no redress for the griev- 
ances of which he complained. 

In the spring of this year, one Trefry, the master of a sloop 
engaged in trading at Grand Pre, Mines, was surprized, robbed 
and ill-used by a number of Indians. They cut the cables of 
the sloop. The inhabitants of Mines, and two of the chief 
captains of the Indians, named Jaques Momquaret and Thomas 
Wonils, (orWouits), \thems. is obscure], missing Trefry's sloop, 
but finding her anchors and cables, were much surprized, and 
suspecting that he had been taken by some Indians, thereupon 
agreed to send out some canoes in search of them ; but not find- 
ing them, Mr, Bourg fitted out a small vessel, and being accom- 
panied by Mr. Mangeant, the two deputies of the Grand Pre, 
Bujean and Bourg, together with about sixteen more men, had 
the good fortune to meet with the robbers, and took from them 
part of Trefry's goods. Bourg and Mangeant, and the two 
Indian captains, wrote to the President to inform him of what 
they had done. Trefry arrived at Annapolis, and being desti- 
tute of anchors, requested the loan of those that belonged to 
the brigantine Baltimore, which had been brought from 
Tibogue to Annapolis, and had lain under the fort since 
9 May, 1736, for want of a claimant. The president and coun- 
cil met to consider this business on the 9 April, 1742, at 10 
A. M. Messrs. Skene, Shirreff, E. J. Philipps, John Handfieid 
and Edward Amhurst, were present. Trefry was referred, as 
to anchors, to E. J. Philipps, who held the commission of 
king's advocate in Court of (Vice) Admiralty. The president 
was desired to express the satisfaction felt at the good conduct 
of the inhabitants and the Indian captains. A sworn state- 
.ment of the robbery and computation of loss, and a list of the 
articles recovered, were exhibited. Trefry resolved to return 
to Mines, and it was agreed that the president should write to 



1742. History of Nova-Scotia, 19 

the deputies, the Indian missionary, and the two Indian cap- 
tains, to aid in getting reparation for Trefry, and to send a 
copy of the articles of treaty with the Indians to Mr. Bourg, 
to be kept in his office for their instruction. 13 April, Masca- 
rene wrote letters of thanks to Alex. Bourg, to Mangeant, and 
to the two Indian captains. He also wrote to M. de Loutre, 
missionary of the savages — tells him of the robbery, and that 
most of the Indians disown the act ; hopes for reparation, and 
requests his influence to that end, and mentions his having 
sent copies of the articles of peace to Bellehumeur. By the 
treaty the tribe was made responsible for any injuries done 
the English by any of its members. — Shortly after this, a jar- 
ring of authority occurred between the president, Mascarene, 
and lieutenant colonel Cosby, the lieutenant governor of the 
fort and garrison of Annapolis. John and Joseph Terriot, 
from Mines, had called to see Mascarene as to some proceed- 
ings in the council concerning their civil affairs, about noon. 
He had no sooner dismissed them, than he observed that the 
Serjeant of the guard took them into custody and carried them 
to the guard. This transaction he reported to the council 
28 April, and on the 29th the two men, having been released 
from imprisonment, were called in before the council, and 
being questioned by the president whether they knew the- 
reason why they were confined, John Terriot answered — that 
being asked why, in coming into the garrison, he went to the 
president before he had waited upon the lieutenant governor 
of the fort, — he told the serjeant who asked him the question, 
that he was informed at Mines that he was to wait uponi the- 
president first, and knows no other reason than that for their 
confinement. The president gave them assurances of protec- 
tion, and so this matter ended. Mascarene, in writing, soon 

after to the deputies of Chignecto, reminds them of the treaty 
of Utrecht and their oaths, and that those born since the con- 
quest are natural subjects of the English crown. He writes- 
16 June, to M. de la Goudalie, missionary priest at Mines: 
" I received your letter by grand Pierrot, (big Peter), and am " 
" glad to hear that you got safe to Mines. Mons'r. des " 
"Enclaves is also arriv'd here ; and when mons'r.. Laborett " 



20 History of Nova-Scotia. '742. 

" is got to Chiconecto, and mons'r. St. Poncy has quitted the " 
** province, which I desire may be as soon as possible, the " 
" missionarys will be settled according to the regulation pas- " 
" sed in council." He goes on to point out that on a vacancy 
in a mission taking place, the parishioners must first ask and 
obtain leave of the government to send for a priest to fill the 
cure. When the new priest arrives he must repair to Anna- 
polis, and be there approved by the governor and council 
before he officiates, and that similar leave must be had for the 
removal of a priest from one parish to another. " I desire " 
" you will enquire whether the inhabitants of Mines have " 
" purchased of the Indians any of ihe goods plunder'd from " 
'* the New Engd- vessell belonging to Trefry, and particularly " 
" of eight or ten fathoms of cable which were cutt off from " 
" the anchors left ashore when the vessell was carried off, " 
" which cable must certainly have been cutt by some of the " 
" inhabitants near the place where the anchors were left." 
He again writes to de Loutre, 21 June, telling him Trefry pro- 
tested to him " that he had not given one drop of rum to " 
" any Indian 'till they had violently forc'd it from him, after " 
" they had taken possession of his vessel. Tis impossible to " 
"us here to prevent the import^- of that pernicious liquor," 
" but I never fail recommending to all the traders not to dis- " 
" pose of any to the Indians." On the 28 June, he writes to 
the lords of Trade, and represents the inhabitants to be well- 
disposed and obedient, notwithstanding many rumors of war 
with France being on the point of occurring. He shews their 
intrusion in settling on unappropriated lands to arise from the 
necessities of an increasing population. " The Romish " 
•" priests, missionaries, are brought to a better behaviour." 
He has applied to the governor who is in England for allow- 
ances as president. 28 September, he tells the lords of Trade 
that the French inhabitants behave well, except that they still 
send provisions clandestinely to cape Breton. In October, 
Mascarene petitioned the king to direct that part of the gover- 
•nor's salary should be assigned him for his administering the 
government in the absence of Mr. Philipps. 

Mr. Cosby, the lieut. colonel of Philipps' regiment, and lieut. 



1742. History of Nova-Scotia. 21 

governor of the fort and garrison of Annapolis, died on the 
•27th December, 1742, on which Mascarene applied through 
the secretary of State to succeed him in both capacities. 
Mascarene was a lieutenant in 1708 — was a captain under 
Nicholson in 1710, at the reduction of Port Royal, and then 
brevetted major — commanded an independant company at 
Placentia, which was incorporated in Philipps' regiment, and 
in 1720 was third on the list of the council of Nova Scotia, 
which province he now commanded as senior counsellor. He 
urged his familiar knowledge of the French language and of 
the French Acadians, and his long residence and services in 
this quarter, he being the only officer remaining here of those 
who were at the taking of the place. (In 1744 he was appoin- 
ted lieut. governor of the fort, major general in 1758, and died 
in 1760.) 

In the latter part of this year two priests came into the 
province from Quebec, messrs. Miniac and Girard. The 
bishop of Quebec wrote a letter addressed to president 
Mascarene, in which he mentions that M. de la Goudalie 
was unable to continue to do the duty of Grand Vicar in 
Acadie without assistance, and that he had accordingly sent 
M. Vabbi^ Miniac, a man of birth, capacity and experience, who 
had long been a Grand Vicar and Archdeacon, and solicited 
the president's favor for him. This letter bore date 16 Sept'r., 
1742. The journey proved tedious and fatiguing. The young 
priest Girard was obliged to stop in Cobequid with de Loutre, 
and abbi Miniac, at Grand Pre, Mines. From these places 
they wrote 27 Nov'r. and 2 Dec'r., n. s., to the president. 
Mascarene sent the bishop a copy of the regulations in force 
concerning missionaries, and wrote to Miniac, Girard, and 
de la Goudalie. The council ordered that the two priests 
coming here contrary to regulations may remain till spring, 
but are not to exercise any functions. Mascarene also sent 
copies of the correspondence to the duke of Newcastle, and 
tells him that " the yielding to that bishop the power of" 
" throwing his missionaries here at pleasure will be a bar " 
" ever to bring: these French inhabitants to a due obedience " 



2 2 History of Nova-Scotia. I743' 

" to H. M, Government." He also comments on his claim of 
appointing a Grand Vicar in Acadie as a part of his diocese. 

1743. The abb6 Miniac at length got to Annapolis, and 
satisfied the governor and council as to the objects he and 
Girard had in view in coming to Nova Scotia. It was then 
resolved that Miniac should remain at rivihe des Canards^ 
in Mines, and Girard at Cobequid ; but a request for a second 
missionary at Pessaqiiid was refused, one being deemed 

sufficient. The seigniorial rents in some places at this 

time were paid in pease. In October there were flying 

reports of turbulent behaviour of the Indians, and their 
intention to cause disturbance. To counteract this possible 
mischief, a proclamation was issued by the president, who 
seemed to apprehend that the inhabitants were disposed to 
aid the Indians, and in particular would buy from them any 
plunder they had taken from the English. In November he 
wrote to M. de la Goudalie, expressing himself satisfied with all 
the missionaries except M. Laboret, of whom he entertained a 
bad opinion. He then adds : " I called the small books you " 
" sent me ' Mercurys', but find they are called ' Histonck " 
" Notivellsl for the present age, which I would be glad to have, " 
" as I already desired the favour of you. I shall satisfy Mr. " 
" Morell the cost he is at through your hands, or by any " 
" other means you think proper ; and if he will be so good as " 
" to joyn the Mercury Gallaunt to them, I shall be under a " 
" great obligation to him and you for your goodness in pro- " 

" curing them. 1 send you the list of the prisoners and " 

" wounded in the last engagement in Germany," (probably the 
battle of Dettingen, in June, 1743, in which the English 
defeated the French), " it being some satisfaction to have an " 
" account of the fate of our friends and relations who suffer " 
" in action. We have a particular account of this action, but " 
" as they are all in English they would be of no use to you. " 
" I desire you would make my compliments to M. Miniac," &c. 
It is proper to observe that many of the letters of Mascarene 
that we have had access to are to be found only in the register 
book, (translated or not), as entered by Mr. Shirreff, to whom 
may be fairly attributed several peculiarities in the spelling of 



1743* History of Nova-Scotia. 23 

words, and especially of proper names, both in the recorded 
public correspondence and in the minutes entered of the pro- 
ceedings in council during many years. Mr. Shirreff appears 
to have possessed much ability and industry, and to have 
been well suited for the place he filled. In some instances 
where we have the original manuscripts of Mascarene, the 
accuracy and clearness of the writing and grammatical propri- 
ety prove that he was a highly intelligent person, and familiar 
with both the French and English languages, and in every 
respect refined and polished. This impression is confirmed, 
as far as physiognomy can be relied on, by the portrait of this 
gentleman, which has been preserved in the families of Hutch- 
inson and Snelling, in this province, who were connected with 
or descended from him. 

In the latter part of this year the lords of Trade had written 
to recommend this and the other British American colonies 
to be on their guard against any attempt that might ensue 
from a rupture with France. Mascarene, i December, 1743 
writes to the duke of Newcastle, that the French (inhabitants) 
cannot be depended on for assistance in that event. " It is ' 
" as much as we can expect if we can keep them from joining ' 
" with the enemy, or being stirred up by them to rebell. ' 
" This province is in a worse condition for defence than the ' 
" other American plantations, who have inhabitants to defend ' 
" them ; whilst far from having any dependance on ours, we ' 

"are obliged to guard against them. Canso, where' 

" four companies are quartered, is near to cape Breton. It ' 
" has no other defence than a blockhouse, &c., built of timber ' 
" by the contributions of the fishermen who resort there and ' 
" a few inhaibitants settled in that place, for the repairs of ' 
" which the officers have often been obliged to contribute as ' 
" well as to those of the huts in which the soldiers are quar- ' 
" tered. — At Annapolis Royal, the fort being built of earth ' 
" of a sandy nature, is apt to tumble down in heavy rains or ' 
"in thaws after frosty weather. To prevent this, a revest-' 
" ment of timbers has been made use of, which, soon decay- ' 
" ing, remedies the evil but for a short space of time, so that ' 
" for these many years past there has been only a continual ' 



24 History of Nova-Scotia. '743- 

*' patching. The board of ordnance has sent engineers and " 
" artificers, in order to build the Fort with brick and stone, " 
" but little could be done for these two summers past than " 
" providing part of the materials and making conveniences " 
" for landing them, so that when I received the above men- " 
" tioned directions there were several breaches, of easy access " 
" to an enemy, which I immediately directed to be repaired, " 
"in which the season has favored us beyond expectation. — " 
" After the taking of the place, it was judged that, consider- " 
" ing the nature of the inhabitants about us and the compass " 
" of the fort, not less than five hundred men were requisite " 
" to defend it, which number was accordingly left in garrison. " 
" As the plan agreed to by the board of ordnance for rebuild- " 
" ing this Fort is to contain the same space of ground, and " 
" as the five companies here consist by establishment of no " 
"more than thirty-one private men" (each) "when comple-" 
" ted : the number will fall much short of what is necessary " 
"for the defence of the works in time of war. — The town," 
" which consists of two streets, the one extending along the " 
" river side, and the other along the neck of land, the extrem- " 
" ities whereof are at a quarter of a mile distance from the " 
" Fort, has no defence against a surprize from the Indians. " 
" The materials for the new building and the artificers are " 
" lodged there, as well as several families belonging to the " 
" garrison, who, for want of conveniency in the Fort, are " 
" obliged to quarter there." He had written two years before 
to the governor of Massachusetts for assistance in case of a 
rupture with France. He does not rely much on this aid, but 
it operates to awe the inhabitants. He wrote, same date, to 
the board of trade, whose reply is dated 2 August, 1744, eight 
months after. In fact in these days the officials in England 
seem to have slept over their American interests, and to have 
been partially wakened up about once a year to remember the 
names of their colonial possessions — to look or rather yawn 
over the governor's despatches, and sketch some answer, 
deciding nothing and doing next to nothing. 

On the 13 December, Mr. Shirreff, by the president's order, 
wrote to Mr. Bourg respecting the laying out lines between 



i743~44' History of Nova-Scotia, 25 

the Grangers and the Heberts, near the rivers Canards and 
Habitants. Some niceties of their customs are adverted to. 
'He speaks of "what was customary in case the seigneur" 
" granted to an inhabitant a piece of meadow and other land, " 
^' With 2i prof ondeur" (depth) " into the woods, if that /r^<7;z- " 
" deiir of a league less or more, with an * air de venf (point " 
"of the compass), agreeable to the scituation of the said", 
" meadow, and the other granted land into the woods, or " 
" other upland, could not be found without encroachments or " 
" injury done to the adjacent neighbours." Shirreff speaks of 
the resold of the river Canard as a boundary, and he asks 
Bourg if resold means the neap, spring or middle tides. 

1744. A Canadian, named Joseph Vanier, was arrested at 
Annapolis, and detained, upon complaints against him from 
Mines. Mascarene wrote to M. Bourg and the Deputies on 
this affair, 24 March, 1744. He says: "The people from" 
" your place bring us so many affairs to settle, and they are " 
" in such a hurry to get home again, that we have no time to " 
"write suitable answers. — Our laws in dealing with capital" 
" cases require viva voce witnesses under oath, whose evi- " 
" dence shall be sufficient for convicting the accused before " 
" sentence can be passed. The English abhor torture, and " 
" it is expressly forbidden by our laws. Thus it is only upon " 
" such legal testimony that judgment can be given. For " 
" this reason the letter and declaration of M. Cheveraux are " 
" not sufficient to convict a criminal guilty of a capital crime. " 
" As regards the money he borrowed, and which he owes, I " 
" think they have not all been disclosed ; and there may be " 
" persons who have advanced him sums of money which they " 
" feel ashamed to declare, as they may have done so with " 
" views that would not appear legitimate. It has meanwhile " 
" been resolved on to send the man out of the province, and " 
" for this purpose it is necessary, if no other way can be " 
" found, that you should assist in the execution of it, to rid " 
" us of a person of whom you complain so much." He pro- 
ceeds to say that they should pay for the subsistance of the 
prisoner, which only amounts to four francs a week, as there 
is no fund for the purpose. " Endeavor henceforth not to " 



26 History of Nova-Scotia. I744' 

" accuse any person to the government for crimes or malver- " 
" sations, without authentic proofs to support the charges, " 
*' such as may be produced in a regular legal course. The " 
" length of the way, and other inconveniences, ought never " 
" hinder persons from coming to bear evidence against those " 
" who, by their crimes or their disorderly conduct, render " 
" themselves obnoxious to the public good ; for by our law, a " 
"person accused unjustly and without available evidence," 
" may demand reparation and damages for the injury done " 
" to his character." This letter was written in French. On 
17 August, 1744, a notification was published by Mascarene, 
respecting Vanier, to the effect that he had been arrested on 
complaint of the people of Mines, and was not able to give 
security for his good behaviour, — that an order in council had 
been made that he should be kept in prison until he could be 
sent out of the province, which was to be done within a few 
days, — but that Vanier had made his escape from the prison ; 
and he orders the deputies and inhabitants to seize and bring 
him back, and forbids any one assisting him, &c. 



1744* History of Nova-Scotia, 27 



CHAPTER IV. 



After a long peace, from the treaty of Utrecht of 171 3, a war 
now sprung up between France and England. The French 
declared war against England March 15, 1744, n. s., and Great 
Britain declared war against France March 29, 1744, o. s., 
being 9 April, n. s. The war was proclaimed at Boston June 2, 
0. s., but was known two months earlier at Louisbourg ; and 
Duquesnel, who was then governor of cape Breton, resolved 
to avail himself of this circumstance. Accordingly, on the 
13 May, M. du Vivier, with a few armed vessels, and about 
900 men, regulars and militia, from Louisbourg, took Canso 
without any resistance, and carried the nominal four compa- 
nies stationed there, being in all but about 70 or 80 soldiers, 
and the few inhabitants, as prisoners to Louisbourg, — granting 
them conditions that they should remain at the latter place for 
one year, and then be sent to Boston or to Annapolis. They 
were eventually sent to Boston. An English man-of-war 
tender was captured at Canso at the same time, and the place 
itself burnt. 

Clermont, a Frenchman, of Louisbourg, who afterwards joined 
the Indians besieging Annapolis, informed Mascarene that the 
Indians on the Eastern coast had taken an English vessel and 
put the crew to death, with the exception of a young English- 
man, whom they kept as a prisoner. The Indians of the river 
St. John, in consequence of this, sent four of their number to 
the president to profess their intention of keeping the peace, 
whatever war might arise. On the 5 May, Mascarene wrote 



28 History of Nova-Scotia. 1744' 

to M. Bourg and the deputies of Mines, calling on them to aid 
in punishing the guilty. He also addressed a long letter to 
Claude Ouachenoite, chief, Etienne Chegouonne, Jacques 
Nouscottes, Pierre Lagamiginque, and all the other chiefs and 
savages of the Micmacs. He says he calls them friends, since 
they disavow the murder of the master and crew of the vessel. 
He calls their attention to the treaty by which the tribes were 
bound to make good any mischief done by their members, and 
to give up offenders to be punished. Mascarene also wrote 
5 May to monsieur de Loutre. He tells him he had reiterated 
his orders by a proclamation, forbidding merchants, inhabi- 
tants and others from giving strong liquors to the Indians on 
any pretext soever. That it appeared by the abominable con- 
duct of some of them in the past winter, that the blame is not 
always to be thrown on the influence of drink, as it appears 
that in this instance strong liquor had nothing to do with it 
and expresses the hope " that far from opposing any obstacle ' 
" to the course of justice, he will exhort them to fulfil their ' 
" engagements, and will assist the well-disposed Indians and ' 
" the sieur Antoine Gilbert, or Clermont, to seize the guilty ' 
" and to bring them to Annapolis." He says : " The esteem ' 
" I have conceived for you leaves me no room to doubt that ' 
" you will be disposed to help in maintaining peace, law and ' 
" justice, and thereby to prevent the calamities that may other- ' 
" wise fall upon the inhabitants of this- countty." He adds 
that—" there is a young English boy that these bandits did " 
" not kill, and whom they have with them," and prays him to 
get this boy from them. 

In June, a few small vessels from Louisbourg, commanded 
by Delabrotz, (afterwards taken by the Massachusetts pro- 
vince snow privateer, capt. Tyng), annoyed St. Peters and 
some other small harbors o^ Newfoundland, west of Placentia, 
and threatened Placentia fort. On the 15 June a procla- 
mation was published in both languages, French and Eng- 
lish, stating the declaration of war, and forbidding all inter- 
course with the enemy. On the 18 June, Mascarene wrote 
to Bourg and the deputies of Mines. He informs them he 
had received the declaration of war against France by the 



1744' History of Nova-Scotia. 29 

way of New England, and had caused it to be published 
at Annapolis as the centre of government, with the usual 
ceremonies. He explains that this does not mean a war 
against the inhabitants of the province or the Indians, who 
will behave peaceably. He says that H. E., the governor of 
New England, has promised to send him such forces as he 
shall ask for. On the 18 May, a sudden panic seized on the 
whole lower town of Annapolis, where the families of several 
officers and soldiers were quartered, everybody removing their 
goods to the fort. Upon enquiry, Mascarene found that a 
rumor had spread, that one Morpin, a famous commander of a 
privateer in the last war, was up the Annapolis river, with five 
hundred French and Indians. Although this report could not 
be traced to any author, and its falsehood became evident the 
next day, yet the effect it produced on most persons minds 
could not be dispelled. Soon after this the Massachusetts 
Galley arrived with the chief engineer. Several officers resol- 
ved to send their families to New England, and the Galley, on 
her return, took as many away as she could accommodate, — and 
a little while after two vessels more were freighted with part 
of those remaining ; and yet there remained above seventy 
women and children quartered within the compass of the fort. 
The ramparts and parapets were in a ruinous condition. 
The few materials on hand proper to repair them had been 
employed in patching the most dangerous places, on the first 
notice the president received in the circular letter of the lords 
of the Regency. The orders that had been given to rebuild 
the fort with masonry caused the old works to be neglected 
*for several years. The chief engineer, therefore, until he 
could procure proper materials to repair the old work, went on 
with the project of the new building, — for which stone, bricks 
and lime had been in part procured ; but the news of the 
taking of Canso, and the orders for proclaiming war against 
France, induced the president to urge the engineer to put by 
the project of rebuilding, and to go in g|»od earnest to the 
repairs necessary for defence. The French inhabitants shew- 
ed themselves ready, not only to get the timber necessary for 
that kind of work, but to be employed in the repairs, and some 



30 History of Nova-Scotia, I744'' 

partial progress had been made, when, on the ist July, the 
first party of Indians, consisting of about three hundred, came 
to interrupt the proceedings of the garrison. This force was 
said to have been led on by M. de Loutre, the missionary to 
the Indians. They were no sooner known to be at the upper 
end of the river, than all the French inhabitants left Annapo- 
lis and withdrew to their habitations. The Indians were 
Micmacs and Malecites, unitted. Mascarene had not then a 
hundred men of the five companies, officers included, fit for 
duty. The artificers brought from Old and New England, 
though most especially the first, proved ready on occasion, 
and behaved with courage and resolution : yet could not be 
expected to be under command in the same manner as regular 
troops — and some of those from New England declaring that 
they came to work and not to fight, caused a backwardness 
aind dispiritedness amongst their fellows. In the first onset 
of the Indians, two men of the garrison were killed, who, con- 
trary to Mascarene's orders, had gone out in some of the gar- 
dens. Some officers and a number of men, who, with too 
little precaution, went out early in the morning to pull down a 
house in the governor's grounds according to the orders he * 
had given the night before, had been nearly cut off". They all 
gcft in, however, without hurt. 

On the 3d July, Mascarene wrote a letter in French to the 
besiegers, in the following terms : 

Annapolis Royal, 3 July, 1744. 

Gentlemen. The first shot you heard fired from the Fort 
was according to our custom when we think we have enemies. 
Afterwards your people killed two of our soldiers who were ift 
the gardens without arms. I am resolved to defend this Fort 
until the last drop of my blood against all the enemies of the 
king of Great Britain, my master, whereupon you can take 
your course. So I sign my name 

P. Mascarene. 

To the Indians who 
appear at the Cape. 

The enemy, encouraged by success, came under cover of 
some stables and barns to the foot of the glacis, and kept a 



1744* History of Nova-Scotia. 31 

continual fire of small arms, until dislodged by the cannon of 
the Fort. They then went towards the lower town, the 
extremity whereof is above a quarter of a mile from the Fort, 
and set fire to the houses, which soon gained near the 
Blockhouse situated in the middle of the street, but which, 
being surrounded with garden fences, was not without danger 
of having a share in the conflagration. The serjeant, who 
was with a small guard in that blockhouse, at sight of the fire 
about him, sent Mascarene word of it, and desired leave to 
withdraw. As from the Fort the garrison were sensible of 
his danger, and the governor had no immediate means to 
relieve him, he replied that he might withdraw ; but upon 
the proposal of the engineer to place Mr. How on board 
the Ordnance Tender, with some of the artificers to strengthen 
that crew, and fall down opposite to the town and scour the 
street, he detached a party under the command of a captain, 
who, supported by the cannon of the Tender, and joined by 
Mr. How and the artificers, replaced the guard in the Block- 
house — put the Indians to flight — pulled up the garden 
fences, and set fire to some houses still remaining too near 
the Blockhouse, and thereby affording a cover to the enemy. 
Mascarene had, the evening before, caused to be pulled down 
a parcel of hovels, which, by the allowance of former gover- 
nors, had been built in a hollow of the glacis reaching almost 
to the parapet of the cover way, a dangerous place, which long 
before he had wished to have filled up, it being thence the 
enemy in former time had annoyed the garrison. The offi- 
cers and volunteers, amongst whom were the Fort Major and 
Mr. How, returning with the party from the lower town, pro- 
posed to governor Mascarene to level the barns and stables 
within half musket shot from the garrison, from which, in 
the morning, the enemy had kept up a continual fire, and 
where it was expected he would come again and find a con- 
stant shelter. This party was in high spirits. Mascarene 
would not baulk them, and there was no time to call the offi- 
cers together for their opinion and consent. He only desired 
that they would spare a house captain Daniel had been at 
considerable expence with, situated beyond musket shot 



32 History of Nova-Scotia. 1744* 

of the Fort ; but this did not avail much, as the enemy 
afterwards rifled it, and the cannon of the Fort, used to dis- 
lodge them, pierced and shattered it in many places. The 
besiegers, finding it not easy to approach the Fort, kept 
about a mile distance, and gave the garrison no great trou- 
ble, except in stealing some of their sheep and cattle. The 
arrival of the Massachusetts galley on the 5 July, with seventy 
auxiliaries, and a captain and ensign, made this party of 
Indians to leave Annapolis and go up the river, whence 
they proceeded to Manis, where they staid waiting for troops 
from Louisbourg. Upon the arrival of the Province Snow, 
privateer, in the beginning of July, from Boston, with the first 
of four companies of militia, raised by the government of Mas- 
sachusetts bay to reinforce the garrison of Annapolis, they 
broke up and returned to Minas, and the women and children 
of Annapolis were removed to Boston for safety. Mascarene 
says that the same galley, soon after returning, brought him 
forty more men, with a portion of officers, to form with those 
come before three companies. These auxiliaries augmented the 
numbers of the English, but could not be of immediate service, 
as they came for the most part unprovided with arms. Those 
i-. of the garrison had, on trial, been found, generally, defec- 
tive, and were put in the hands of the smith for repair. To 
supply this want, he ordered out of the ordnance stores 
all that could be got fit for service. With these, and the arms 
of the soldiers as they could be repaired, he made a shift to 
arm his own men and the auxiliaries (militia), which was hardly 
effected, and they lodged in the Fort, in barracks hastily fitted 
up, when he was informed that a detachment of officers and 
men from Louisbourg, with a larger body of Indians than had 
come before, amounting in all to six or seven hundred men, 
were up the Annapolis river, within three leagues of the Fort. 
(Douglass says there were 60 regular troops from Louisbourg, 
and about 700 militia and Indians. Summary, p, 319.) Mas- 
carene made the necessary disposition to receive them. 

The French force from Louisbourg had landed at Chignecto, 
whence they journeyed by land, passing through Mines. Being 



1 



1744' History of Nova-Scotia. 33 

much fatigued, they rested two days up the river, after which 
they marched down and shewed themselves on the brow of the 
hill, a little more than a mile from the Fort, and then pitched 
their huts under cover of the eminence. This occurred pro- 
bably near the end of August, (new style), as we find an order 
of Duvivier's, their commander, dated from the French camp 
at Grand Pre, 24 August, 1744. The next morning they 
marched down towards the Fort, under the cover of some 
hedges and fences, with colors flying. A shot from a gun, 
pointed at their colors, is said to have grazed between Duvi- 
vier, and a lieutenant, his brother. On this their advance was 
stopped, and they went back to their camp, beyond the hill. 
They chose then to make their attacks by night, when they 
would be less exposed to the English artillery. They accord- 
ingly came about the Fort, keeping up a continual fire at the 
parapet, and approaching under the cover of the hollow already 
mentioned to the edge of the parapet of the covered way, 
which was low, and had as yet no pallisades round it. This 
kind of attack kept the whole garrison in alarm all night none 
being able to sleep when there were so many places of their 
ramparts of easy access ; and as the whole was revested with 
fir timber, not very hard to be set on fire. 

It was after several such attacks that M. Duvivier sent his 
brother with a flag of truce to deliver to the governor a letter, 
wherein he intimated that he expected a seventy gun ship, a 
sixty and a forty, all manned one third above their comple- 
ment, and a transport to bring two hundred and fifty men 
more, of regular troops, with cannon, mortars, and other imple- 
ments of war. That as he knew they (the garrison) could not 
resist that force, and must then surrender, they could expect 
no other terms than to be made prisoners of war, — but that out 
of the esteem and regard he had for them, if Mascarene would 
enter into articles in which he (Duvivier) offered all that could 
be desired, he would ensure they should stand ; tho' nothing 
should be concluded until the fleet was in the basin, and the 
garrison were sure it was of the strength and provided with 
everything he mentioned ; and that in the meantime, if Eng- 
lish succors arrived, the whole should go for nothing ; adding 

B3 



34 History of Nova-Scotia. 1744' 

that, as things were, he had even a sufficient strength with 
him to take the fort, having one hundred and fifty ladders ready 
made, with combustible matters, &c., to force us by assault : 
concluding with a desire that what should pass between him 
and governor Mascarene should go no further till concluded 
at the arrival of the French ships. 

After Mascarene had read this letter by himself, he dismissed 
the officer who brought it, civilly, and told him he would send 
his answer the next morning before twelve o'clock. Having 
detained the officers of the garrison whom he had called toge- 
ther at the reception of the flag of truce, he communicated 
M. Duvivier's letter to them, and the next morning his answer 
to it, containing (as he says) in substance, that they were not 
reduced to such streights as to talk of a surrender, and that 
when the fleet he described should be in their Basin, they 
should consider what they were to do. The same officer 
returned to fetch the answer, which Mascarene gave to him 
in presence of the officers of the garrison, and dismissed him 
d la Frangoise, with his compliments to Duvivier. The answer 
not suiting the French commander's views, he sent his brother 
again, desiring to see some officer of his acquaintance, propo- 
sing, in the meantime, a truce. The English were favorable 
to the last offer to give rest to their officers and men, who, for 
several nights past, had been continually on duty, in which 
Mascarene had taken his share, walking on the ramparts most 
part of the night. The officer whom Duvivier requested to 
see went accordingly to the French camp, and at his return, 
in presence of all the officers of the garrison, he told that 
mons. Duvivier appeared in his discourse to have no other 
design in what he proposed, than what would be allowed to be 
for the advantage of the garrison, — and that he said as nothing 
was to be concluded before they were thoroughly sensible of it, 
they ran no risk in accepting of his proposal, — and that in the 
meantime no hostilities should be committed on either side. 
The Governor found all his officers, except three or four, very 
ready to accept the proposal, the dread of being made prison- 
ers of war having no small influence with most of them. 
Some things were spoken in regard to the condition of the 



1744' History of Nova-Scotia, 35 

Fort — the temper of their men — the little support or even 
intelligence they had from home, with other similar remarks, 
which gave Mascarene much uneasiness ; and as he saw he 
could not withstand the torrent without endangering the safety 
of the place, he gave way to it, reserving to himself not to sign 
any articles without extremity brought him to it. Three offi- 
cers were then chosen out of the whole number present, who 
should hear mons. Duvivier on the purport of his letter, but 
they were not to mention anything but as preliminaries ; and 
before Mascarene would sanction their going, he desired his 
officers to sign a representation of the state of the garrison, 
each giving the part that related to the branch under his 
charge, which was accordingly prepared, and this document 
was signed by all the officers of the garrison. The three offi- 
cers then went to Duvivier, and brought back with them the 
draught of a capitulation from him. It contained everything 
the governor and garrison could expect or demand, with the 
condition that it was not to be made good until the French 
fleet should arrive, and also that it should become void in case 
of the previous coming of succors to the garrison. Masca- 
rene was desired and even somewhat pressed to sign it, but hp 
refused, and suggested that the commissioners might sign it, 
as preliminaries, if they thought proper. This being reported! 
to Duvivier, did not satisfy him, and he told the three com- 
missioners that he had gone further than he ought, and that 
the capitulation must be signed to him absolutely. That his. 
intention was that the whole transaction should have been 
carried on between him and governor Mascarene only, and^ 
that therefore he would go on no further unless the Englishi 
would come to his terms. On this he produced another draft 
of capitulation, which the three officers absolutely refused to- 
take to Mascarene. They then parted, and agreed that the- 
truce should continue no longer than the next day at twelve- 
o'clock, unless Mascarene should send to him. This being, 
reported to the governor, all the officers being present, he 
shewed them that Duvivier had no other intention than to« 
entrap them by sowing division. The officers now concurred^ 
with, and supported the views of Mascarene, and unanimousljf 



36 History of Nova-Scotia. i744« 

resolved that the truce should expire at the appointed time, 
viz., at noon next day. When this hour arrived, two guns 
were discharged from the Fort at some of the enemy who 
were drawing too near the garrison. At this time it was inti- 
mated to Mascarene that the men were uneasy, and threatened 
to seize their officers for parleying too long with the enemy. 
He was heartily glad to see this spirit revived, which some of 
his officers had told him was entirely depressed in the men. 
He immediately sent the Fort Major to acquaint them with 
what was past, and that all parley being broken off, hostilities 
were about to re-commence. On this the soldiers gave three 
cheerful huzzas, to the great satisfaction of the governor. 

The French went on with their nightly attacks and daily 
skirmishes as usual, and became more and more contemptible 
to the garrison, as they found little more harm accruing to 
them than the disturbance in the night, which tlie governor 
endeavored to make up for by keeping as few men as he could 
for the day service, though the garrison went on with the 
works proper for their defence as opportunity offered. The 
garrison had been above three weeks in this situation when 
all armed brigantine and a sloop, bringing fifty Indians or 
rangers of woods, arrived from Boston ; but as those auxiliaries 
who came before they were mostly without arms. Mas- 
carene could not lodge them in the garrison, there being no 
barracks fitted up. He was obliged to borrow arms for them 
from amongst his men, there being none in store fit for ser- 
vice, with which he sent them to fetch some firewood which 
was ready cut in the Basin. (These men are called captain 
Goreham's Indian Rangers, in the History of British Empire in 
America, p. 184.) In the latter part of September, whilst the 
Rangers, supported by an armed brigantine which had con- 
voyed the last reinforcement, were on this service, and a good 
many of the soldiers of the garrison were unarmed on that 
account, a wild Indian who had come with the Rangers, and 
who was left behind, straggled out too far, and was seized and 
parried off by the enemy. Mascarene sent a party out, in 
hopes to rescue him. This brought on a skirmish, in which 
the garrison lost one serjeant killed and had a private man 



1744* History of Nova-Scotia. 37 

wounded, having reason, however, to believe that they had 
done some damage to the enemy. This occurred between 
the 20 and 25 September. 0. s. Mascarene re-called the par- 
ties he had sent out. The next morning Duvivier decamped 
in very rainy weather, marching towards Mines. Traditions 
say that the French and Indians entrenched themselves for 
six weeks, living on venison, as they brought no supplies with 
them ; that the French flag was shot away, and an Indian, 
who- was making himself very conspicuous on a rock (still 
remaining), was killed by the fire from the Fort. The garri- 
rison was kept constantly on the alert, the women and chil- 
dren sleeping inside the Fort. In this last siege, the garrison 
lost in killed, a Mr. Allen, and also one serjeant — only. The 
brigantine returned to Boston, and the chief engineer went in 
her, his services being called for in New Hampshire. 

As soon as the French and Indians had left the Annapolis 
river, the deputies of the inhabitants came before Mascarene 
in council, and represented the dread they had been kept 
under by Duvivier, the French commander, producing his 
written orders, threatening with death those who disobey. 
They assured him, however, that notwithstanding entreaties 
and threats, none of the inhabitants could be persuaded to 
take up arms and join the enemy. They were dismissed with 
some checks for their remissness in their past conduct, and 
exhortations as to the future. A few days after, deputies 
came from Mines, who testified their having withstood the 
same entreaties and menaces, and produced the same threat- 
ening orders concerning provisions and other assistance requi- 
red from them, also a representation made by them to mons. 
Duvivier, on his ofiering to keep one hundred and fifty men, 
with officers, at that place, by which they dissuaded him from 
it, and obliged him to leave them and go to Chignecto. The 
missionaries also wrote to Mascarene, making their conduct 
on this occasion appear to have been far better than could 
have been expected of them. The deputies from Mines were 
no sooner despatched than Mascarene was acquainted early in 
the morning by one of the French -inhabitants that he had 
been that night taken out of his bed by a party of French and 



38 History of Nova-Scotia. I744- 

carried in the Basin on board a ship, which he supposed to be 
of forty or fifty guns, having in company a brigantine of about 
twenty guns, with officers and soldiers, which came in the 
evening before, and took two vessels laden with stores for the 
garrison from Boston, which entered the Basin the same tide 
after them. The governor called the officers together and 
acquainted them with this information, without telling them 
the way he had received it, nor of the capture of the English 
store ships ; and he ordered every one to his charge, accord- 
ing to the disposition he had made for defence. The French 
commander of this armament, finding their land force gone, 
did not think he was strong enough to attack Annapolis, 
although a sloop, said to have three mortars, some cannon, 
and other warlike stores, came in the next day. After staying 
three days without doing anything else than taking wood and 
water, they all departed with their two prizes, and once more 
left the Fort free of enemies. Four days after the French ships 
left, the Massachusetts galley, brigantine and sloop arrived, 
convoying a schooner laden with provisions for the garrison. 
Captain Tyng commanded this force, which was inferior in 
strength to the French ships that had just left. After this 
the inhabitants of Chignecto sent their deputies, with excuses 
and statements, similar to those from Annapolis river and 
Mines. The French, meantime, had gone back to Louisbourg. 
Mascarene says : " Thus were the French, with their Clanns " 
" of Indians, obliged to leave us at last for this year, after " 
" making three several attempts, in which, tho' their mea- " 
" sures had been well concerted at first, yet were baffled at " 
" last ; for we have heard since that the men-of-warr men- " 
" tioned by mons'r. Duvivier had everything ready to come " 
" to reduce us, butt that on some intelligence of an English " 
" squadron bound to these Northern parts, they dropped their " 
" enterprise, and sent the shipping above mentioned." " To " 
" the breaking the French measures ; the timely succours " 
" received from the Governor of the Massachusetts," (Shirley), 
" and our French inhabitants refusing to take up arms against " 
" us, we owe our preservation." He also says : " If the inha- " 
*' bitants had taken up arms, they might have brought three " 



1744' History of Nova-Scotia.- 39 

" or four thousand men against us." He says the auxiliaries 
came victualled only for three months, so that from the first of 
October " most have had provisions from our stores." " The " 
" company of Indians or wood Rangers come last from Bos- " 
" ton have prov'd of great service to this place. They fell " 
" soon after their arrival on a family of Indians, kill'd some " 
" and scattered the rest, and by their excursions they have " 
" kept off the Indian Ennemy, who in small partys rov'd " 
" continually about us, which hindered the Inhabitants from " 
" supplying of us with firewood, materials, and other neces- " 
^' sarys we wanted. As our regular Troops are not us'd to " 
" that way of annoying the Ennemy, it would be a great " 
" advantage to this Place if such a company could be estab- " 
" lished here in time of war." He says the soldiers are very bare 
of clothing, " which has obliged me to allow the men, as the " 
" cold season came on, to wrap themselves up in one of their " 
*' Blanketts as they stand sentry." Mascarene at this time 
was appointed lieutenant governor of the garrison, still com- 
manding the province only as the president of H. M. council. 
(Mascarene states to the lords of Trade that it is necessary 
" to set Indians against Indians, for tho' our men outdo them " 
" in bravery, yet, being unacquainted with their sculking way " 
" of fighting and scorning to fight under cover, expose them- " 
" selves too much to the Enemy's shot") During the winter 
that ensued, the men of the garrison remained without a sup- 
ply of clothing, although the Massachusetts auxiliaries were 
provided for. " To make up for that deficiency, the captains " 
" had agreed to send for Dufifills, with which were made " 
" seven or eight watch coats for each company, to serve the " 
" men for a covering whilst on duty, a thing absolutely neces- " 
" sary, considering our winters here and the ragged condition " 
" of our men." (Mascarene recommends captain Goreham, 
*' who brought the Indian Rangers to his help from Boston, 
as well qualified for his post, and says he was an applicant 
along with Lemercier for a grant of isle Sable.) 

18 Dec'r., 1744. Alexandre Bourg, (called Bellehumeur), 
notary and receiver for Mines, &c., was suspended for neglect 
of duty, and Rene LeBlanc, of Grand Pre, appointed in his 



40 History of Nova-Scotia. 1744' 

stead. — M, de la Galissoni^re, was made Governor of Canada 
in 1744. — The attack upon Annapolis caused the province of 
Massachusetts to use every exertion for defence. Five hundred 
men were drafted for the protection of their frontier. Their 
garrisons in that direction were reinforced : at George's fort, 
40 men ; Pemaquid, 24 men ; Richmond, 25 ; Brunswick, 12 ; 
and Saco, 20 were stationed. 300 men were employed as 
scouts, 65 of whom were posted in Falmouth, (Maine), and in 
July, 1744, a conference was held at St. George's fort between 
a delegation from Boston and the chiefs of the Penobscot tribe 
of Indians, called the Tarratines, where assurances of peace 
were exchanged. 

On the 20 October, 1744, the governor of Massachusetts, 
with advice of his council, publicly declared war against the 
several Indian tribes Eastward of those on the Passamaquoddy. 
They offered premiums for the scalps of Indians, viz't. : ;^ioo 
for that of a male Indian of 12 years or upwards ; ;^50 for the 
scalp of a woman or child ; and for a captive, ;C^ higher than 
for a scalp. These sums were of what was then termed the 
New Tenor paper currency, which was of much less value than 
sterling. Douglass says at one time the pound currency was 
only IS. lod. or is. iid. sterling value. The scale of this new 
tenor currency was 20s. for three ounces of silver. [2 William- 
son, Maine, 208, 217, 218.] 

Duvivier, who had long anticipated an opportunity for recov- 
ering the country for France, was no doubt confident of suc- 
cess, as we may conclude from his memoir on the subject in 
1735. He evidently at that time relied on the affection of the 
French inhabitants for their former sovereign, and it is not 
unlikely if the war had then taken place, that his views might 
have been realized. In the lapse of years many things occur- 
red that diminished materially the influence on which he had 
calculated. Death had removed most of those inhabitants 
who had been born under French allegiance, as the country 
had been conquered 34 years. The kindness, moderation and 
justice habitually exercised by the English government at 
Annapolis, had made strong impressions on the better feelings 
of the people. The perfect freedom they enjoyed from tax- 



1744' History of Nova-Scotia. 41 

ation or oppression, contrasted, no doubt, with the exactions 
of the companies who, under the former rule, had monopolized 
all trade, and kept the laboring population in effective slavery — 
the enjoyment of their religion, which was in no wise inter- 
rupted, except when a missionary made himself obnoxious by 
too palpable a desire to disturb the public peace — the system 
of government, by which their own chosen deputies and the 
notaries managed all their local affairs, had all contributed to 
reconcile them to the English rule. They could not be blind 
to the fact, that by the treaty of Utrecht the French crown 
had wholly abandoned and ceded the territory to England, by 
which an undisputed title to the country belonged to the Eng- 
lish government, and most of them or their parents had taken 
an unconditional oath of allegiance at the instance of governor 
Philipps. All these considerations must have had their effect, 
at the time Duvivier came, to make the thinking part of the 
people averse to take up arms against the lawful owners of the 
land, however strong may have been their natural sympathy 
with France. The extreme courtesy, kindness and humanity 
of Mascarene — his politeness, especially to all the French 
inhabitants, and particularly to their missionaries, and the fact 
of his being himself French, altho' huguenot, must have had 
great effect in favor of the government in which he presided. 
We may be assured that the Latour family must have still 
retained a certain weight and popularity, owing to their long 
connection with the country, and the eminent position they 
originally held in it ; and no doubt Duvivier, in 1735, very 
reasonably reckoned on support arising from his ancestry. In 
the meantime, however, we may perceive that the perfect 
unity of that family no longer existed. Litigation had existed 
between madame Belleisle and her relatives, and, worst of all, 
Mrs. Campbell, (Agatha de la Tour), had contrived to concen- 
trate in herself the titles of several branches of the family, and 
to sell the seignories they held to the English crown for some 
3000 guineas or thereabouts, and had removed her abode to 
Kilkenny, in Ireland. When we consider all these matters, 
we will see more clearly how it was that the little army from 
Louisbourg, while it was largely reinforced by the Micmac 



42 History of Nova-Scotia. 1744* 

warriors, who had been always taught to believe that the 
French king had not ceded their territorial rights, received no 
effective aid from the French Acadians. Although there were 
always a portion of the inhabitants of Chignecto positively dis- 
affected to English rule, in the other settlements of Cobequid, 
Piziquid, Grand Pr6, &c., as well as on the Annapolis river, 
there were very few persons who were even suspected of wil- 
lingly aiding the invasion ; and Duvivier received as little 
support from the Acadians after he crossed the Avon (Piziquid) 
river, as prince Charles Stewart did in the next year after 
crossing the Tweed. Governor Mascarene's letters shew 
fully, how far either the missionaries or the people were at 
that time from giving effective assistance to the invading force 
from Louisbourg. It was, in fact, dependant on Indian auxili- 
aries, and the naval aid from France, which arrived too late. 
There is another thing that must have operated very unfavor- 
ably on Duvivier's fortunes. Coming with an armed force to 
Mines and Annapolis river, at both places he issued written 
orders in the name of the king of France, demanding obedi- 
ence of the people as French subjects, most of them having been 
born under English allegiance, and threatening them with 
being delivered over to the Indians, or at once put to death in 
case of disobedience. We have remaining as many as twelve 
orders issued by him from the French camp of this nature, 
commanding the services of individuals by name — the furnish- 
ing horses and men to lead them — the bringing in powder 
horns — the swearing allegiance by the deputies and elders — 
furnishing ladders, pickaxes, shovels, cattle, wheat — baking of 
bread — to forbid buying arms — the supplying of shirts — 
furnishing canoes, &c. &c. Disobedience to these is usually 
menaced with death — sometimes with corporal punishment. 
I cannot help thinking that this harsh mode of obtaining sup- 
plies and aid, in which there is nothing to promise or infer 
any intention to pay for the articles required, could only have 
injured a military expedition of this nature. However it may 
have intimidated the people or put down resistance, it could 
have no tendency to strengthen their attachment — to concil- 
iate opponents, or win friends to his enterprize. While in his 



1744' History of Nova-Scotia. 43 

diplomacy with Mascarene and the officers of the garrison he 
displayed courtesy, tact, and great sagacity, he seems to have 
lost sight of the efficacy of kindness and moderation in deal- 
ing with the poor habitants of Mines and Annapolis river. I 
do not know whether we should attribute this to the pride of 
noblesse, then so predominant, which led to an undervaluing of 
the peasantry — to the harshness of military sentiment at that 
time, or to personal incapacity in Duvivier for the part he had 
to play ; but from whatever cause it may have arisen, I look 
on it as having been fatal to his cause. 



APPENDIX TO CHAPTER IV. 
(I.) 

There is a document dated Mines, lo Oct'r., 1744, addressed to captain de 
Ganne, signed by ten of the chief inhabitants, stating that the requisitions of 
grain, made on them by M. DuVivier, could not be obeyed, and that even a par- 
tial compliance therewith would involve them all in total ruin. That they are 
living under a mild and peaceable government, with which they have every rea- 
son to be contented, under which they beg to be left, and not be plunged in ruin, 
and reduced to extreme misery. DeGanne too writes to A. Bourg his consent to 
their petition, 13 Oct'r., 1744, n. s. 

(2.) 

12 October, 1744. It was resolved in council to prohibit all kind of clothing 
peculiar to the Indians, such as blanketing, strouds, &c., being carried up the 
bay. 

(3-) 



Mademoiselle. 



[ Translated.] 

Annapolis Royal, 13 October, 1744. 



I avow to you that having learned that your father had joined those who came 
to attack this fort, in hope of recovering his seigneural rights, I did not doubt 
that all his family was of the same party ; the more so as your brother was with 
the first party of Indians who were here in the past summer. But I have been 
agreeably surprised, and very glad to see by your letter, that you did not partake 
of these sentiments, but were disposed to adhere to the obligations which bind 
you to the government of the king of Great Britain. I should not wish the 



44 History of Nova-Scotia. 

esteem I have conceived for you to be in any manner changed. With respect to 

the protection you ask of me for your establishment at the river St. John, it is 

beyond my power to grant it to you. We cannot protect those who trade with 

our declared enemies, so you must make up your mind to remain on this side 

while the present troubles continue, and not to carry on commerce during that 

time with the other side. If you come to see us here, you will find me disposed 

to give you all the assistance you can reasonably expect from me, and to assure 

you that I am, 

Mademoiselle, 

Your friend and servant, 

P. Mascarenk. 
Mrs. Frances Bellisle Robishau, « 

[See letter to same Kidy 30 June, 1741.] 

(4.) 

In July, 1744, capt. Rouse captured many French fishing vessels in Newfound- 
land. In October, 1744, captain Spry, in the Comet, bomb, on the coast of New- 
foundland, captured the Labrador, a French privateer, LeGrotz, captain, of 16 
guns, 100 men. Some of the privateer's men had been Irish Roman Catholic 
soldiers of Philipps' regiment, who were captured at Canso. 



1745- History of Nova-Scotia. 45 



CHAPTER V. 



1745. Louisbourg is situated on the Atlantic or East coast 
of the island of cape Breton, of which it was the capital 
under the French government. Latitude of the light house 
45° 54' N., Longitude 59° 58' W. The town was built towards 
the South East sea ; the streets regular and broad, with a 
large parade a small distance from the citadel, the inside of 
which was a fine square, near 200 feet each way ; the north 
side of the square was, when the French possessed it, the 
governor's house and the church ; the other three sides were 
taken up with barracks, bomb proof, in which place the French 
put their women and children during the siege. The greatest 
extent of the town was from the citadel to the stone gate, 
called the Due de Ponthievre, which was more than half an 
English mile ; and to walk round all the ramparts, which were 
mounted with heavy cannon, is about 21-4 miles. The whole 
number of guns mounted on the walls and works round the 
town was 164, out of which only 8 were of brass, and 4 brass 
mortars, 3 iron mortars, and about 20 brass cohorns. The 
road from the town to the country led by the West gate, over 
a draw bridge; and there was a circular battery of 16 guns, 
twenty-four pounders. There were three gates in the North- 
west of the town, which looked into the harbor, and had 
bridges run into the water, so that at any time any sort of 
goods might be landed with great ease. The island battery 
had 32 guns, all 42-pounders. This battery faced the harbor's 
mouth, which it commanded entirely, and had a double ditch 
on the land side to secure it. The entrance of the harbor was 



46 History of Nova-Scotia. 1745* 

near half a mile wide, and on the right hand side going in 
there was a light house, which stands on a high, rocky point, 
and which might be seen on a clear night 5 leagues off at sea. 
The depth of water at the entrance from 9 to 12 fathoms. The 
harbor lies open to the South-east, and is in breadth from 
N. W. to S. E. more than half an English mile in the narrow- 
est place, and in length from N. E. to S. W. near six miles, 
with from 6 to 8 fathoms water ; good holding ground — the 
anchorage uniformly safe, and ships may run ashore on a soft, 
muddy bottom. In the North-east part of the harbour a fine 
careening wharf existed for men-of-war to heave down, and 
very safe from all winds. On the opposite side were the fish- 
ing stages, and room for 2000 boats to make their fish : in 
short it was a fine place to make an extensive and advanta- 
geous fishery, for you might load your boats twice a day in the 
harbor's mouth, and within call from the centry boat from 
the island and light-house battery. There was plenty of wood 
and sea coal about five leagues to the northward of the har- 
bour. The town was fortified in every accessible part with a 
rampart of stone from 30 to 36 feet high, and a ditch 80 feet 
wide. A space of about 200 yards was left without a rampart 
on the side next to the sea. It was enclosed by a simple dike 
and line of pickets. The sea was so shallow in this place that 
it made only a narrow channel inaccessible from its numerous 
reefs to any shipping whatever, and this part was further pro- 
tected from attack by the side fire from the bastions. There 
were six bastions and three batteries, containing embrazures 
for 148 cannon, of which 65 only were mounted, and 16 mor- 
tars. (In July, 1746, the English had 266 mounted cannon in 
the place.) The works of Louisbourg are said to have cost 
the French crown thirty millions of livres, and to have been 
twenty-five years in building ; and the place was so strong as 
to have been called the Dunkirk of America. 

In the autumn of 1744, the bold idea of taking Louisbourg 
originated in New England. The soldiers and inhabitants 
who had been made prisoners at Canso by Duvivier, were 
carried to Louisbourg, and, after some detention there, were 
sent to Boston, according to the terms of capitulation granted 



1745' History of Nova-Scotia, 47 

them. From such observations as they had been enabled to 
make of the fortifications, they expressed an opinion that the 
place might be reduced. William Vaughan, of Damariscotta, 
a son of lieutenant governor Vaughan, of New Hampshire, 
(born at Portsmouth, N. H., 12 Sept'r., 1703), is said to have 
been the first person who adopted the project of besieging 
Louisbourg. He had never been there himself, but from 
information he had received from fishermen with whom he 
dealt, he conceived the notion of taking it by surprise in the 
depth of winter, and supposed that 1500 men could effect it ; 
but Pepperell calls colonel Bradstreet the first projector of the 
expedition. 

William Shirley, an English gentleman, bred to the law, 
after a few years residence in Massachusetts, was, in 1740, 
made governor, on Belcher's removal. In the autumn of 1744, 
Shirley wrote to the British government, representing the 
danger of a renewed attack on Nova Scotia by the French in 
the ensuing spring, and praying for some naval force to assist 
in its defence. These letters he sent by captain Ryal, an 
ofiicer of the garrison, made prisoner at Canso, who, he said, 
" from his particular knowledge of Louisbourg, and of the " 
" great consequence of the acquisition to cape Breton, and " 
" the preservation of Nova Scotia, he hoped would be of con- " 
„ siderable service to the northern colonies, with the lords of" 
" the admiralty." In consequence of this application, orders 
were dispatched in January, 1745, to commodore Warren, then 
in the West Indies, to proceed northward in the spring, with 
a force sufficient to protect the colonies and distress the 
enemy, and to consult with governor Shirley, who was ordered 
to assist Warren's squadron with transports, men and provi- 
sions ; but the orders directed to Shirley were enclosed to 
Warren, and were not known in New England until April, 

1745. 

In the beginning of January, 1745, governor Shirley sent a 
message to both houses of the assembly of Massachusetts, then 
in session, informing them that he had an important business 
to communicate, which required secrecy, and requested that 
they should take oaths of secrecy for a limited time. This 



48 History of Nova-Scotia. I745« 

they did, and he then laid before them the plan of his enter- 
prize for taking Louisbourg. After much investigation, they 
resolved against it ; but subsequently a petition from mer- 
chants of Boston, Salem and Marblehead, induced them to 
reconsider the subject, and the project was finally adopted on 
the 26 January by a majority of only one vote. The land 
forces to be raised were estimated at 4000. Though carried 
with such difficulty, as soon as the decision was arrived at, 
the whole province appeared to be unanimous and zealous in 
the execution. Messengers were sent to the other colonies as 
far as Pennsylvania, to request their aid, but the New England 
provinces only took a part. Connecticut agreed to raise 5(X) 
men ; New Hampshire, 300 ; and Rhode Island, 300. 

William Pepperell, of Kittery, a merchant and a colonel of 
militia, of upright character, and popular and engaging man- 
ners, was born 27 June, 1696, in New England. His father 
was an Englishman from Devonshire. He was therefore in 
his 49th year, and was appointed commander-in-chief of the 
New England land forces on this expedition, with the rank of 
lieutenant general. The next officer in rank was Mr. Wolcott, 
of Connecticut, then sixty-six years old, who had marched with 
Nicholson in 171 1 in the projected invasion of Canada. He 
headed the Connecticut contingent, with the rank of major 
general. Samuel Waldo, a native of Boston, and a colonel of 
militia and member of assembly, was named third in command, 
with rank of a brigadier general. Captain Edward Tyng, son 
of the Mr. Tyng who was named as governor of Nova Scotia 
in 1 69 1, was made commodore of the New England naval 
force. Among the other officers of distinction were colonel 
John Bradstreet, afterwards a major general ; colonel Jeremiah 
Moulton, who commanded at Norridgewock in 1724, and was 
born in 1688 ; lieut. colonel Messerve, who died at the second 
siege of Louisbourg in 1758; colonel Gorham ; lieut. colonel 
Richard Gridley, an artillery officer, who fought on the Ame- 
rican side at Bunker Hill in 1775 ; Mr. Vaughan, who origi- 
nated the expedition, and now went with it as a colonel 
unattached ; and captain Rouse, in command of the Shirley 



1745- History of Nova-Scotia. 49 

galley, one of the Massachusetts war vessels. The land forces 

were from 

Massachusetts, (exclusive of officers), 3250 

New Hampshire, (inclusive of officers), 304 

Connecticut, do. do. 516 



In all, 4070 



The Rhode island contingent did not arrive until it was too 
late to assist in the siege. The sea forces of Massachusetts 
employed were three vessels of 20 guns each, two of 16 guns, 
one of 12 guns, and two of 8 guns, making eight armed ves- 
sels. One armed ship, hired from Rhode island, of 20 guns ; 
two armed vessels, of Connecticut, of 16 guns each, and two 
vessels of New Hampshire, each having 14 guns, made the 
colonial sea force amount to thirteen armed vessels in all, car- 
rying a total of 200 cannon. Ten cannon, i8-pounders, were 
obtained for the army upon loan from New York. [2 Hutch., 
Mass., 418.] 

On the 23d March, an express boat, which had been sent to 
commodore Warren, arrived at Boston with excuses from him» 
for not joining. This governor Shirley made known to gene- 
rals Pepperell and Waldo, but to no other person. By this, 
time the armament was ready, and the general, Pepperell„ 
having embarked in the Shirley galley, captain John Rouse». 
with the transports in her convoy, they set sail from Nantas- 
ket on 24 March, and arrived at Canso, the place of rendezvous, 
i^ppointed, on the 4 April. The New England land and sea. 
forces were detained for three weeks at Canso, in consequence 
of the winter's ice still adhering to the Eastern shores of cape: 
Breton, — Gabarus (or Chapeau rouge) bay, the place designedi 
for landing the troops, being filled with ice, and all landing 
there being impracticable. While there they built a block- 
house, and put eight cannon into it, (nine-pounders), and sta- 
tioned a garrison there of two companies, of 40 men each,, 
being 80 men, exclusive of their officers. On the 16 Aprils, 
one of their ships, the Cassar, captain Snelling, captured a 
French brigantine from Martinique, with a large West Indian 

B4 



50 History of Nova-Scotia. I745« 

cargo ; and on the i8th April the French ship Renomm6e, of 
30 guns, fell in with the Massachusetts vessels, and, after a 
fight, escaped by outsailing them. After Mr. Warren's refu- 
sal, he received by the sloop Hind an order from England to 
repair to Boston with his squadron, and while on his way 
thither, on the 12 April, he learned that the fleet had sailed 
for Canso. On the 22 and 23 April, (o. s.,) Warren reached 
Canso with his squadron of four men-of-war, and after confer- 
ring, by letter, with general Pepperell, left almost immediately 
and proceeded to cruise off Louisbourg, being joined from 
time to time by six other ships of the navy, three of them 
coming from England and three from their station at New- 
foundland. He thus had four 60-gun ships, five of 40 guns, 
and one of 50. Before leaving Canso, Pepperell drew up and 
reviewed his forces on Canso hill, and formed the detachments 
he meant to employ. Two armed sloops were sent thence to 
Bay Verte, to take or destroy vessels understood to be bring- 
ing provisions from that place to Louisbourg, and at the same 
time a party of 270 men, under command of colonel Moulton, 
and convoyed by an armed sloop from New Hampshire, was 
sent to St. Peter's, a small French settlement in cape Breton, 
with orders to take possession of it — burn the houses, and 
demolish the Fort, which they effected. One object of this 
capture was to prevent information of the movements of the 
English forces being carried to Louisbourg, as it was Shirley's 
idea as well as Vaughan's to take the place by surprise. 

On Sunday, 29 April, (o. s.,) the expedition sailed from Canso 
(having re-embarked), in four divisions of transports, and having 
for convoy one armed snow, and two armed sloops of the New 
England vessels of war, and expected to reach, the same day, 
Chapeau rouge, (or Gabarus), a bay next to Louisbourg har- 
bor, on the South, both ports being on the Eastern or Atlantic 
shore of cape Breton ; but the wind failing them, they were 
obliged to lay aside the thoughts of surprising the enemy, nor 
did they reach Gabarus until monday, 30 April, when about 
8 o'clock, A. M., they were off the mouth of the bay. They 
were observed by the enemy, who gave an alarm by firing a 
number of cannon. About 9 or 10 o'clock, a. m., the fleet 



1745- History of Nova-Scotia. 51 

having the main body of the troops on board, came to anchor 
in Gabarus bay, at about two miles distance from Flat point 
cove. The French continued to fire cannon, and rang the 
bells in the town, to call in their people from the suburbs and 
outskirts, and sent out of the town a detachment of about 150 
men, said to have been chiefly regulars, under the command 
of Morpin, the well known privateer captain, and M. Boular- 
derie, lately an officer of the army in France, in order to 
oppose the landing of the English. Pepperell made a feint 
of landing a party of his men to the right of the French party 
at Flat point cove, in order to draw them thither, which had 
its effect. On a signal from the vessels, the boats returned 
and joined another party of boats under the stern of one of 
the English ships, and then, under protection of the fire of the 
ships' cannon, about one hundred of the English were landed 
higher up the bay, before the enemy could get up with them. 
No sooner had they landed than they briskly attacked the 
French party, who had the advantage of the wood as a cover ; 
and after exchanging some shot, the English killed six of their 
opponents upon the spot — took as many prisoners, among 
whom was M. Boularderie — wounded several more, and forced 
the remainder to make a precipitate flight towards the town, 
who lost further on their retreat. The English loss is stated 
on this occasion to have been only two men slightly wounded. 
The English landed about 2000 men on the same day, 30th 
April, without further opposition. During this time the 
French burnt a number of houses between the town and the 
grand battery, and sunk some vessels in the harbor. On the 
I May, the remainder of the troops were landed, and lieut. 
colonel Vaughan conducted 400 men through the woods within 
sight of the city, and saluted it with three cheers. His detach- 
ment consisted chiefly of New Hampshire troops, and they 
marched in the night to the N. E. part of the harbor, where 
they burnt the warehouses containing pitch, tar, &c., and 
staved a large quantity of wine and brandy. The smoke of 
this fire being driven by the wind into the grand battery, so 
terrified the French that they abandoned it and retired to the 
city, ^fter having thi'own their powder into a w;ell, spiked the 



52 History of Nova-Scotia. i745' 

guns, and cut the halliards of the flag staff. The next morn- 
ing, 2 May, as Vaughan was returning with 13 men only, he 
crept up the hill which overlooked the battery, and observed 
that the chimnies of the barracks were without smoke, and the 
staff without a flag. With a bottle of brandy which he had in 
his pocket, (though he never drank spirituous liquors), he hired 
one of his party, a Cape Cod Indian, to crawl in at an embra- 
zure, and open the gate. He then wrote to general Pepperell : 
" May it please your honor to be informed that by the grace " 
" of God, and the courage of thirteen men, I entered the " 
" Royal battery about 9 o'clock, and am waiting for a rein- " 
*'forcement and a flag." Before either could arrive, one of 
the men climbed up the staff, with a red coat in his teeth, 
which he fastened by nail to the top. This piece of triumph- 
ant vanity alarmed the city, and immediately 100 men were 
despatched in boats to retake the battery ; but Vaughan, with 
his small party on the naked beach, and in face of a smart fire 
from the city and the boats, kept them from landing until his 
reinforcements arrived. This account of taking the Grand 
battery is given by Belknap, v. 2, p. 211, 217. In the official 
journal of the siege it is thus mentioned : On May 2nd, a 
detachment of 400 men was sent round behind the hills to the 
N. E. harbour, where they got about midnight, and burnt the 
enemy's houses and stores, about a mile distant from the 
Grand battery ; and on the 3 May we took possession of 
the Grand battery, which the enemy had deserted, owing, as it 
is supposed, to the surprize they were in from the firing the 
houses in the neighborhood. They had abandoned this bat- 
tery in so much hurry and confusion, that they had only 
spiked up their guns without breaking off any of the trunnions, 
or much damaging their carriages. 

There were 28 cannon (42-pounders), and two (i8-pounders), 
350 shells of 13 inches, 30 shells of 10 inches, and a quantity 
of shot, abandoned in the Grand battery. English workmen 
were set to drill the cannon, who soon got several of them 
cleared, and they were turned on the town with effect, every 
shot lodging within the town, while many fell into the roof of 
the citadel. Pepperell says he cannot conceive of any reasons 



1745- History of Nova-Scotia. 53 

why the enemy should desert so fine a fortification, but extreme 
want of men. The distance from the Grand battery to the 
Island battery is 4800 feet, and to the town 5913 feet. Within 
a week about 20 of the guns had been got ready for service, 
four of which bore on the town, most of the others command- 
ing the mouth of the harbor. The landing of the artillery, 
stores and provisions, proved difficult and fatiguing, there being 
no harbor there, in Gabarus, and the surf running very high, so 
that for days together nothing could be got on shore ; and when 
anything subject to damage from being wet was to be landed, 
the men had to wade high into the water to save it. They 
had no clothes to shift themselves, but poor defence against 
the weather. The nights w^ere very cold, and, in general, 
attended with thick, heavy fogs. Thus it took near a fort- 
night before all the stores were got on shore, and many boats 
and some stores were lost in spite of all care taken. The 
English got their small mortars and cohorns to a hill about 
400 yards distant from the town, and the large one to a hill 
near that, from which they threw some shot into the town ; 
but the bed of the large one, on which their chief dependance 
lay, gave way twice, and put them to difficulty. The French 
twice sallied out against the battery, but were repulsed. Their 
fire from the town killed one man and wounded two or three. 
The English threw up a fascine battery on the West of the 
town. 

On 7 May, by advice of a council of war, at which Warren 
attended, Pepperell sent in a summons to M. Duchambon, 
proposing terms of surrender. He replied that his answer to 
it must be at the cannon's mouth. On the 8 May, the Eng- 
lish established a battery of seven guns at the foot of Green 
hill, behind a little pond, and fronting the king's bastion. This 
battery never ceased firing during the siege, and proved very 
effective. The besieged made a sally this day, but were soon 
repulsed. On the 13th, a snow from Bourdeaux got in, not- 
withstanding the vigilance of the English men-of-war and 
colony cruisers. An ineffectual attempt was made from the 
Grand battery to destroy her by means of a fire ship. Colonel 
Moulton rejoined the besiegers, with the detachment that he 



54 History of Nova-Scotia. I745« 

had led to St. Peters ; having destroyed that settlement and 
taken some plunder and prisoners there, burnt four schooners 
and brought one off. The greatest part of the inhabitants 
made their escape. Captain Jacques was killed, and captain 
Stanford wounded, in a conflict with Indians at bate Vcrte. 
Meanwhile, Warren sent some of the cruisers to St. Anne's 
and Niganiche, who burned about forty houses and as many 
small vessels. Sickness prevailed at this time among the 
besiegers so greatly, being a diarrhoea occasioned by encamp- 
ing on damp ground, that they had not more than 2100 effect- 
ive men, of whom 600 had gone in quest of parties of French 
and Indians. On the 16 May, the cohorns and 9 and 11 inch 
mortars were removed to a hill within 1320 feet of the West 
gate, whence they annoyed the garrison. A parly of one 
hundred men left the town during the night, and landed near 
Light-house point, and next day attempted to surprise the 
English who were posted at the light-house. Forty of the 
latter advanced on them, and a conflict took place in a wood, 
where the French were defeated, losing five killed, and a lieu- 
tenant wounded and made prisoner. The rest escaping, united 
with some other French and eighty Indians about Mire, and 
were soon after again attacked and defeated by the English on 
scouting parties. The English scouts and cruisers at different 
times burnt most of the smaller French settlements, and made 
about 300 prisoners. 

On the 17 May, the advanced battery was raised, bearing 
W. by N., 1-2 N., 750 feet distant from the West gate, and 
one i8-pounder mounted ; and on the i8th, a second i8-poun- 
der, and two 42-pounders, were mounted there. These guns 
were brought there from the Grand battery, upwards of two 
miles by the road, over a very rough, rocky, hilly way. From 
this battery the West gate was beaten down, and a breach 
made in the wall adjoining, and the North East battery dama- 
ged, and rendered in a great measure useless. Besides the 
cannonading, the fire of musketry on both sides was much 
employed for hours daily. On the 20th May, three additional 
guns were mounted at the advance battery. In the meantime 
the French erected two cavaliers, of two guns each, upon the 



1745- History of Nova-Scotia. 55 

rampart of one of the faces of the king's bastion, — planted a 
great number of swivel guns upon the wall facing the harbor ; 
and to secure the low wall at the South-east part of the town, 
added to the top of it a plank work, picketted so as to raise it 
to the same height with the rest of the wall, and a range of 
palissadoes, at a little distance within the walls, and raised a 
little battery of three small guns upon the parapet of the lower 
South bastion fronting cap Noir, a small hill which very much 
commands the town. 

On the 18 May, the Vigilant, a French ship of war of 64 
guns and 560 men, commanded by the marquis de la Maison- 
forte, laden with military stores for the relief of the garrison, 
was met by the Mermaid, 40 guns, captain Douglass, who 
suffered her to chase him until he drew her within command 
of commodore Tyng, and the other vessels cruising with him, 
when the Vigilant struck. This took place off the harbor, in 
sight of the camp. — The besiegers erected five fascine batte- 
ries, the last called Tidcomb's, on 20 May, afterwards mounted 
with five 42-pounders. bearing N. W. by W., about 2400 feet 
distant from the West gate. 

As might be expected from militia, a want of order and dis- 
cipline was very apparent in the New England troops. They 
presented a formidable front to the enemy, but the rear was a 
scene of confusion and frolic. While some were on duty at 
the trenches, others were racing, wrestling, pitching quoits, 
firing at marks or at birds, or running after shot from the 
enemy's guns, for which they received a bounty, and the shot 
were sent back to the city. They knew nothing of regular 
approaches, but took advantage of the night ; and when they 
heard Mr. Bastide's proposals for zigzags and epaulements, 
they made merry with these terms of art, and went on in their 
inartificial mode. 

On the 25 May, the 13-inch mortar burst, owing to a flaw in 
the shell, which broke in the mortar, and wounded a bombar- 
dier. On the eighth day after, one received from Boston was 
at work in its place. The transportation of the cannon was 
carried on with almost incredible labor and fatigue, for the 
ground over which they had to be drawn consisted chiefly of 



56 History of Nova-Scotia. 1745- 

a deep morass, varied here and there with small patches of 
rocky and hilly land. While wheels were used, the cannon 
several times sunk entirely under the surface. Cattle could 
not be employed in this service, but the whole was to be done 
by men, who were themselves often up to their knees in mud. 
The work had to be done by night, and the nights were cold, 
and mostly foggy. The tents of the men were also bad, as no 
proper materials for them were then to be had in New Eng- 
land. The men, however, were not discouraged, nor did they 
murmur at their tasks, which were, after some time, lightened 
by the adoption of sledges of about i6 feet long, five feet wide 
and one foot in thickness, on which the cannon could be better 
removed. These were constructed by lieut. colonel Messerv6, 
of the New Hampshire troops, who was a ship carpenter. 
The French had thought the roads impassable for such heavy 
bodies, but the perseverance and resolution of the troops, and 
the experience they had in the removal of heavy weights, 
aided them in their Herculean labor. All the powder, shot 
and shells, which they daily used in the siege batteries, they 
had to carry over the same roads on their backs. Tidcomb's 
battery did great execution against the Circular battery, by 
means of which, and the advance battery, not only the West 
gate was demolished, but a large breach was made in the wall 
to within ten feet of the bottom of the ditch. The Circular 
battery was almost entirely demolished, but three guns out of 
sixteen being left standing, and those so exposed to the N. W. 
battery that nobody could keep the platform. The West flank 
of the King's bastion was almost wholly ruined, but in some 
measure repaired with timber. This battery, the advance bat- 
tery, and the light-gun battery, were sustained by 1350 men. 
After many fruitless preparations for an attack on the Island 
battery, it was attempted on the night of 26 May by a party of 
400 men, who went there in whale boats very thin and slight, 
so that a few musket balls could sink them ; but from the 
strength of the place, and the advantage the enemy had of 
being under cover, and our men being exposed in open boats, 
the surf running very high, and their not being thoroughly 
acquainted with the best place of landing, they were repulsed, 



1745' History of Nova-Scotia. 57 

with the loss of about 60 killed and drowned, and 116 taken 
prisoners. One Brookes, an American officer, had nearly struck 
the flag of the Fort ; it was actually half down, when a Swiss 
trooper in the French service clove his skull. On 6 June, the 
French had two guns run out of new embrazures cut through 
the parapet near the West gate, which soon began to play with 
great fury, and the besiegers were obliged to turn three guns 
against them. In three hours they dismounted one and 
silenced the other for that day. The 9 and 1 1 inch mortars, 
with constant use straining their beds, occasioned their being 
removed to this battery, which was nearer the enemy, as were 
also the cohorns. The bombs in great number fell all around, 
but did very little damage. There were 10 men killed, and 
15 or 16 wounded, several of them with musket balls. In the 
meantime the besieged worked constantly in the night to bar- 
ricade the gateway, where a breach was made. They also 
made a retrenchment across the Circular battery — raised 
another work to cover their magazine, and laid a boom before 
the town, to hinder boats from landing under their walls. At 
the same time the English men-of-war and cruisers were very 
diligent, and took several prizes. The ground was so uneven, 
and the New Englanders so scattered, that the French could 
form no estimate of their numbers, nor could they learn it 
from the prisoners taken at the Island battery on the 26 May, 
who, on their examination, as if by previous agreement, repre- 
sented the number to be much greater than it really was. At 
this time, besides the damage done to the roofs of the houses, 
the West gate was defaced, the adjoining curtain and flank 
were much hurt, but no practicable breach was made by the 
random bombarding. 

Upon the capture of the Vigilant, it was thought that if the 
fact were communicated to the besieged, it would have an 
effect. The general and commodore accordingly devised an 
expedient for that purpose. Some English prisoners had been 
used with cruelty, and the general requested the captain of the 
Vigilant, the marquis de la Maisonforte, to visit all the English 
ships in which there were French prisoners, and observe 
their condition. The marquis being satisfied that they were 



58 History of Nova-Scotia. I745» 

all well treated, was then requested to write to the governor 
of the city to that effect, and to request the like favor for the 
English, who were prisoners. With this he complied, and on 
7 June, captain McDonald went to Louisbourg with a flag of 
truce to deliver the letter of the marquis, and was carried into 
the presence of the governor and his chief officers, who, sup- 
posing him not to understand French, spoke unguardedly, so 
that he ascertained that they had not before been apprized of 
the capture of the Vigilant, and were much disturbed by it. 

The island battery was a strong fort at the entrance of the 
harbor, situate on a small rock of about 20 yards broad and 
200 long, and almost inaccessible, the battery being in front 
and a guard house and barracks behind. It was mounted with 
thirty 28-pounders, seven swivels, snd two brass lo-inch mor- 
tars, and its garrison consisted of 180 men. It being of the 
utmost consequence, in the opinion of the besiegers, to obtain 
possession of this post, — and after the unsuccessful attack 
made on it by boats, that plan being considered impracticable,^— 
it was determined to erect a battery on a high cliff near the 
light house, opposite to it, which would be 3400 feet distant, in 
such a manner as to be exposed to the fire of but four of the 
enemy's guns, and at the same time to flank a line of above 
twenty of their guns. Lieut, colonel Gridley was employed 
on this work, and notwithstanding the almost insuperable diffi- 
culties that attended it, it was happily effected, and two 
i8-pounders mounted the 11 June. The difficulties the Eng- 
lish had to encounter were the transporting their cannon in 
boats from Gabarus bay to the Eastward of the light house — 
getting up the bank of the shore, which was a steep, craggy 
rock, and hauling them a mile and a quarter over an incredibly 
bad way of hill, rocks and morasses. Powder growing short, 
the fire of the besiegers had for some days very much slack- 
ened, and the French began to creep a little out of the case- 
mates and covers where they had hid themselves during its 
greatest fierceness. This day, 1 1 June, being the anniversary 
of the accession of king George 2d, as a mode of honoring it, 
orders were given for a general discharge of all Ihe cannon 
from every battery, at 12 o'clock. This was done, and it was 



1745- History of Nova-Scotia. 59 

followed by an incessant fire all the rest of the day. It was 
determined, as soon as possible after the arrival of the Canter- 
bury and Sunderland, to make a general attack by sea and 
land. Accordingly, they arriving the next day, all the trans- 
ports were ordered off to take out the spare masts, yards, and 
other lumber of the men-of-war. The soldiers were employed 
in gathering moss to barricade their nettings, and 600 men 
were sent on board the king's ships at the request of Warren. 
The large mortar was ordered to the Light-house battery ; and 
a new supply of powder coming in, the fire was more fierce 
from this time to the 15 th than ever. Four more guns had 
been mounted on the Light-house battery by the 14th, and a 
force of 320 men stationed there. When the large mortar 
began to play from it upon the Island battery, out of 19 shells 
discharged, 17 fell within the fort, and one of them upon the 
magazine. The shot from the cannon ranged quite through 
the barrack on the island, and its garrison being so much 
exposed to its effects, some of them in terror fled the fort and 
ran into the water for refuge. 

The Grand battery being held by the English, the Island 
battery so much distressed, the North-east battery open to the 
fire of the besieger's advance battery, so that it was not possi- 
ble for its defenders to stand to their guns, — all the guns of 
the Circular battery, except three, having been dismounted, 
and its wall almost entirely broken down, — the West gate 
demolished, and a large breach made in the wall adjoining, ^^^ 
the West flank of the King's bastion nearly ruined, — the 
houses and other buildings in ruins, (but one house in the town 
remaining uninjured), and the ammunition of the besieged 
beginning to fail, they sent out a flag of truce to the camp, 
desiring time to consider upon articles of capitulation. This 
was granted until the next morning, when they brought out 
articles, which were refused, and others were sent in by 
Pepperell and Warren, to which Duchambon assented. 



6o History of Nova-Scotia. I745« 

Terms of Capitulation agreed to June 15, 1745,/^;' the surren- 
der oj the town and fortresses of Louisbourg, and the territo- 
ries thereunto belongings between commodore Warren aud 
general Pepperell, on the English side, and M. du Chambon, 
the governor of Louisbourg : — 

1. That if your own vessels shall be found insufficient for 
the transportation of your persons and effects to France, we 
will provide such a further number of vessels as may be suffi- 
cient for that purpose ; also any provisions necessary for the 
voyage, that you cannot furnish yourselves with. 

2. That all the commission officers belonging to the Garri- 
son, and the inhabitants of the Town, may remain in their 
houses with their families, and enjoy the free exercise of their 
religion ; and no person shall be suffer'd to misuse or molest 
any of them, till such time as they can conveniently be trans- 
ported to France. 

3. That the non-commission officers and soldiers shall, 
immediately upon the surrender of the Town and fortress, be 
put on board some of his Britannick Majesty's ships, till they 
can also be transported to France. 

4. That all your sick and wounded shall be taken tender 
care of, in the same manner with our own. 

5. That the commander-in-chief now in the Garrison shall 
have liberty to send off two covered waggons, to be inspected 
only by one officer of ours, that no warlike stores may be con- 
tained therein. 

6. That if there are any persons in the town or garrison 
which you shall desire may not be seen by us, they shall be 
permitted to go off masked. 

" The above we do consent to, and promise on your compli- 
ance with the following conditions, viz. : " 

1. That the surrender and due performance of every part 
of the aforesaid premises be made and completed as soon as 
possible. 

2. That as a security for the punctual performance of the 
same, the Island battery, or one of the batteries of the town, 



1745* History of Nova-Scotia. 6 1 

shall be deliver'd, with all the artillery and warlike stores 
thereunto belonging, into the possession of his Britannick 
Majesty's troops, before six of the clock, this afternoon, 

3. That his Britannick Majesty's ships of war, now lying 
before the port, shall be at liberty to enter the harbour of 
Louisbourg, without any molestation, as soon after six of the 
clock this afternoon as the commander-in-chief of the said 
ships shall think fit. 

4. That none of the officers, soldiers, nor inhabitants in 
Louisbourg, who are subjects of the French king, shall take 
up arms against his Britannick Majesty, or any of his allies, 
until after the expiration of the full term of 12 months from 
this time. 

5. That all subjects of his Britannick Majesty who are now 
prisoners with you, shall be immediately delivered up to us. 

P. Warren. 
W. Pepperell. 

" It having been desired by the governor of Louisbourg that 
his troops might march out of the Garrison with their arms 
and colours, and to be then delivered into the custody of com- 
modore Warren and Mr. Pepperell, till the said troops' arrival 
in France, and to be then returned to them, the same was 
consented to." 

Hostages were then exchanged, and the city and fortresses 
were surrendered on the 17 June, o. s. The loss of the Eng- 
lish during the siege was computed to be loi killed, and 30 
who died of sickness. The enemy is supposed to have lost 
over 300 men. 

Duchambon says : " The fire of the enemy from cannon " 
"and mortars was without cessation from the beginning of" 
"the siege, — the houses of the city were perfectly riddled " 
" with balls. — the flank of the king's bastion was demolished, " 
" — the wooden and turf embrazures that have been fre-" 
" quently repaired were destroyed, and a breach was made in " 
" the Dauphin gate, through which an entrance was now " 
" practicable by the help of fascines, which the enemy were " 
" bringing forward for two days to the advanced battery, and '* 



62 History of Nova-Scotia. ^745 

*' all this had been done in the face of our cannon and mus- ' 
" ketry, and which were served with an activity and vigor ' 
*' beyond expectation. This is proved, monsieur, by a fact ' 
" that of the 67,000 kegs of powder we had at the commence- 
" ment of the siege, there remained on the 17 June but 47 in 
" the city, which quantity was absolutely necessary on the 
*' eve of capitulation. We had also expended all our shells of 
" 9 and 12 inches. — Every one was worn down with fatigue 
" and watching ; and of the thirteen hundred men at the 
"beginning of the siege, fifty were killed and ninety-five 
" wounded, and many were sick from the hardships they 
"endured." On the 16 June, the inhabitants of the city sent 
the governor a petition, requesting him to capitulate. Gene- 
ral Pepperell says : " We gave the town about 9000 cannon " 
" balls and 600 bombs before the enemy surrendered." In 
Duchambon's letter to count d'Argenson, dated Belle isle road, 
13 August, 1745, he says the English had 13,000 sea and land 
forces, and he but 1 300, and attributes his yielding to want of 
powder and people. 

On the 17 June, the French garrison marched out with 
arms, music and standards, after a siege of 49 days, (Pepperell 
himself marching in at the head of his troops by the South-west 
gate,) and paraded in a line between the casemates in front of 
the French troops, who were drawn up in a parallel line in front 
of the barracks to receive them. Salutations were exchanged, 
and formal possession taken. A banquet was prepared by Pep- 
perell for the officers of his army. Several clergymen were 
present, and the senior of them, old Mr. Moody, of York, the 
uncle of Mrs. Pepperell, was called on to ask a blessing at the 
feast. The friends of Moody felt somewhat anxious lest he 
should disgust the guests by a prolix performance such as he 
often indulged in ; but his temper was so irritable that none 
would venture to suggest to him that brevity would be accept- 
able. They were agreeably disappointed and highly gratified 
by his saying grace as follows : " Good Lord, we have so many " 
" things to thank thee for, that time will be infinitely too short " 
" to do it. We must therefore leave it for the work of eternity." 



1745- History of Nova-Scotia. 63 

" Bless our food and fellowship upon this joyful occasion, for " 
" the sake of Christ, our Lord. Amen." 

By the capitulation the inhabitants as well as the garrison 
were included in the engagement not to bear arms against the 
British for twelve months. The garrison which surrendered 
comprized about 600 regular soldiers and 1300 militia, half 
of whom were called in from the neighboring settlements. 
These with near 2000 inhabitants, and 560 the crew of 
the Vigilant, making in all 4130 persons, were sent to 
France embarked in 14 cartel vessels bound to Rochefort, of 
these 1822 went via Boston, and ^6 via New Hampshire. 
Seventy-six cannon and mortars and other property to a great 
amount fell into the victors' hands, and the town was found to 
contain provisions and ammunition enough for five or six 
months. [There seems some contradiction in the different 
accounts as to what powder and shot remained in the place at 
the time of the surrender. The strongest testimony leads to 
the conclusion that they ran short of gunpowder.] It is said 
that on entering the fortress and viewing its strength, and the 
plenty and variety of its means of defence, the stoutest hearts 
were appalled and the impracticability of carrying it by assault 
was fully demonstrated. We must bear in mind however that 
the blockade of the port was very effective, and the place was 
thus invested so as to preclude any relief getting into it, so 
that it must eventually have fallen, though by a slower but 
very destructive process. A schooner was dispatched to 
Boston with the news of the conquest, which arrived there on 
the 3 July about i a. m. At break of day the bells rang out 
and that day and night were devoted to rejoicing. — As it was 
expected at Louisbourg, that French vessels would arrive, the 
French flag was kept flying to decoy them. Two East Indiamen 
and one South Sea ship were captured by the squadron at the 
mouth of the harbor. These prizes were valued at ^600,000. 
The place was kept under the joint authority of Warren and 
Pepperell. Governor Shirley arrived there on the 17 August, 
and he persuaded the New England militia to continue in the 
service beyond the term fjr which they had enlisted. The 



64 History of Nova-Scotia, I745' 

Vigilant, Chester and Louisbourg (five ships) staid there over 
the winter. We may conclude that a large garrison was left 
to preserve this important conquest, particularly as we find, 
three years after, that there were nearly 4000 troops stationed 
there. 

The information of this event having reached London on 
the 23 July ; at noon, the Lords of the Regency in council 
ordered the Tower and Park guns to be fired in honor of the 
victory. This took place at 3 p. m. In the evening the public 
offices, &c., were illuminated, and the night concluded with 
bonfires, ringing of bells and all the other demonstrations of 
joy then usual. 

Pepperrell was made a baronet, Warren promoted to be rear 
admiral of the blue. Commissions were issued to both Pepper- 
rell and Shirley, as colonels, authorizing them each to raise a 
regiment in America, as part of the regular army. No prize 
money was awarded to the New England troops, but the 
expenses of the expedition were reimbursed in 1748, to the 
colonies interested, by Parliament. 

This siege, so suddenly resolved on by the colonists, so 
boldly undertaken, so resolutely persevered in, until crown- 
ed with complete success, is an event of no ordinary char- 
acter. That a colony like Massachusetts, at that time far 
from being rich or populous, should display such remark- 
able military spirit and enterprize, aided only by the smaller 
province of New Hampshire, that they should equip both 
land and sea forces to attack a redoubtable fortress called by 
British officers impregnable, and on which the French crown 
had expended immense sums, — that the British commodore 
should give such hearty aid and concurrence, and that 
such entire harmony existed between him and Pepperell, 
and among those who were under their respective commands, 
that 4000 rustic militia, whose officers were as inexperienced 
in war as their men, although supported by naval forces, 
should conquer the regular troops of the greatest military 
power of the age, and wrest from their hands a place of 
unusual strength, all appear little short of miracle. No bet- 
ter evidence can be found to shew that the British race had 



1745- History of Nova-Scotia. 65 

not in any way degenerated from the high qualities of their 
nation, although changing their homes for the wild regions of 
America. The traditions of the border wars with the Cana- 
dians and Indians no doubt operated in producing a military 
disposition among the people of New England ; but many 
years had elapsed since any actual service of that kind had 
been called for, and I do not know that there is a name among 
the members of this expedition connected with previous ope- 
rations of battle, except that of colonel Moulton, who had held 
a command in the raid of Norridgewock twenty years before. 
The merit of projecting this expedition has been attributed to 
colonel Vaughan, and to Mr. Robert Auchmuty, Judge Advo- 
cate of the Court of Admiralty in New England ; but Pepperell, 
in a letter to the duke of Newcastle of June 19, 1745, written 
immediately after the capture, says expressly that colonel 
Bradstreet was the first projector of the expedition. Auch- 
muty's project, which is printed in the London Magazine for 
1745, differed from that acted on, as he suggested that 3000 
colonials should be united with 2000 regulars and 6 ships of 
the line. Vaughan probably urged on the notion, and much 
was due to governor Shirley, who gave shape and form to the 
plan — drew up excellent suggestions and directions, leaving 
yet every latitude of discretion to Pepperell, and used every 
exertion to promote and provide for the expedition. Governor 
Benning Wentworth, of New Hampshire, wisely placed his 
men absolutely under Pepperell's command. The importance 
of this victory can hardly be overrated. It certainly saved Nova 
Scotia to the English, and perhaps secured New England from 
serious dangers, while it infused a spirit of self-reliance in the 
British colonists. The harmony that subsisted between War- 
ren and Pepperell had, as the former says in a letter to the 
duke of Newcastle, soon grown into a strict friendship. They 
had much difficulty to encounter. The town was in ruins. 
The troops not habituated to discipline or obedience. The 
water was unwholesome — the climate severe — firewcod was 
scarce, and rum was over-abundant. Warren had ordered all 
the rum in the place to be lodged in the citadel casemates, 
which had been effected to the amount of 64,000 gallons, 

BS 



66 



History of Nova-Scotia. 



1745- 



(equal to more than looo hogsheads), and yet so much had 
escaped his efforts, that Admiral Knowles, his successor in the 
government, says lOOO men would be daily drunk. It is not 
to be wondered at, then, that sickness prevailed and mortality 
ensued. In January, 1745-6, Warren and Pepperell tell the 
duke " out of the number of 2740 alive at the time of Mr. " 
" Shirley's departure, we have buried near 500 men, and have " 
"near 11 00 sick;" and in May, Pepperell states that about 
1200 of the troops had died of fever. They recommended the 
dismantling and abandonment of the Block-house at Canso, for 
want of men to support it — also that a fort and settlement 
should be established at St. Anne's. 



APPENDIX TO CHAPTER V. 



(1.) 

Commodore Warren's Squadron before Louisbourg. 



Eltham, 




40 guns, Capt. Durell. 


Superbe, 




60 




Launceston, 




40 


•' Calmady. 


Mermaid, 




40 


" Douglas. 


Hector, 




40 


" Cornwal. 


Princess Mary, 




60 


" Edwards. 


Canterbury, 




60 




Sunderland, 




60 




Lark, 




40 


(Store ship.) 


Vigilant, 




64 


Prize taken i8 May. 




(James Douglas 


got command of her.) 




Sea forces of 


Massachusetts ^ &'c. 


Ship Massachusetts frigate. 


20 guns, Capt. Edw. Tyng. 


Caesar, 




20 


" Snelling. 


Shirley galley, 




20 


" John Rouse. 


Snow Prinee of 


Orange, 


16 


" Smithurst. 



(The Prince of Orange was sunk in a storm, and the crew drowned.) 



History of Nova-Scotia, 67 

Brig Boston packet, i6 guns, Capt. Fletcher. 

Sloop, 12 " Donahew. 

" 8 " Saunders. 

" 8 " Bosch. 

Sloop hired from Rhode Island, 20 " Griffin. 

Connecticut vessels — one of 16 " Thompson. 

Colony sloop, 16 

Of New Hampshire — 

Province sloop, about 14 guns. 

Of Rhode island- 
Colony sloop, about 14 guns. 



(3) 

Officers in PeppereWs army at the reduction of Louisbourg, 1 745. 

I. York County. — Pepperell's Regiment. — Colonel Bradstreet, lieut. colonel 
Storer, major Cutts. Captains : Peter Staples, Ephraim Baker, John Fairfield, 
Bray Bearing, John Kinslagh, John Harmon, Moses Butler, Thomas Perkins. 
William Warner, Moses Pearson. 

2. — Connecticut. — General Wolcott's Regiment. — Colonel Burr ; lieut. colonel 
Lothrop ; major Goodridge. Captains : David Wooster, Stephen Lee, Daniel 
Chapman, William Whiting, Robert Dennison, Andrew Ward, James Church, 
Henry King. 

3. Cumberland County. — Colonel Waldo's Regiment. — Lieut, colonel Noble ;; 
major Hunt, Captains : Samuel Moody, John Watts, Philip Damarisque„ 
Benjamin Goldthwaite, Daniel Hale, Jacob Stevens, James Noble, Richard- 
Jacques, Daniel Fogg, Joseph Richardson. 

4. Brigadier Dwight's Regiment. — Colonel of Artillery. Lieut. Col. Thomas,, 
major Gardner. 

5. York County. — Colonel Moulton's Regiment. — Lieut, colonel Donnell ;. 
major Ellis. Captains : John Card, John Lane, Christopher Marshall, James, 
Grant, Charles King, Peter Prescott, Ami R. Cutter, Samuel Rhodes, Bartholo- 
mew Trow, Estes Hatch. 

6. Worcester. — Colonel Willard's Regiment. — Lieut. Col. Chandler ; major 
Pomroy. Captains : Joshua Pierce, John Terry, John Alexander, David Mcl- 
vin, John Warner, Jabez Homestead, Joseph Miller, James Goulding, James 
Stephens. 

7. Essex. — Colonel Hale's Regiment. — Lieut, colonel Eveleigh ; major Tit- 
comb. Captains: Benjamin Ives, Daniel Eveleigh, Titcomb, John Dodge, 

Jonathan Bagley, Jere. Foster, Samuel Davis, Thomas Stanford, Charles Byles. 

8. Bristol. — Colonel Richmond's Regiment. — Lieut, colonel Pitts ; major 
Hodges. Captains : Nathaniel Bosworth, Thomas Gilbert, Josiah' Pratt, Robert 
Swan, Ebenezer Eastman, Cornelius Sole, John Lawrence, Nathaniel Williams, 
Ebenezer Nichols, Weston. 

f. Colonel Gorham's Regiment. — Lieut, colonel Gorham ; major Thatcher; 
Captains : Jonathan Carey, Elisha Doane, Sylvester Cobb, Israel Bailey, Edw'd.. 
Demmick, Gershom Bradford, Samuel Lombard. 



68 History of Nova-Scotia. 

10. New Hampshire. — Colonel Moore's Regiment. — Lieut, colonel Messerve; 
major Gilman. Captains : Samuel Whitten, William Waldron, True Dudley, 
Tufton Mason, William Seaward, Daniel Ladd, Henry Sherburne, John Turnel, 
Samuel Hale, Jacob Tilton, Edward Williams. 

(4-) 

The authorities which I have followed as to this siege of Louisbourg, are Hutch- 
inson, Belknap, Williamson, and Douglas, the correspondence in mss., London 
Magazine, &c. One source of many particulars was the American Magazine for 
1746. It contains an official journal of the operations of the besieging army. 
Certified at Louisbourg as true, Oct'r. 20, 1745, by Pepperell, Waldo, col. Sam. 
Moore, It. col. Simon Lothrop. aud It. col. Richard Gridley, of the artillery. 

(5-) 
From a letter of Pepperell to Shirley, (date wanting.) 

" Mr. Benjamin Green, whom you was pleased to appoint secretary in this 
" expedition, it would be a pleasure to me if you would be pleased to mention 
" him at home to be continued secretary, if his majesty should be pleased to make 
" this place a government. Commodoie Warren voluntarily offered to join with 
" me in a letter home for that or anything else, and has mentioned to him to send 
" for his wife to come here with madame Warren." 

Benjamin Green was subsequently a member of H. M. Council, treasurer and 
president in Nova Scotia. His great grandson, Capt. Parker, was killed at 
Sebastopol. 

(6.) 
Pepperell to Shirley. July i„ 1745. 

He sends Shirley a hhd. best claret he could get at Louisbourg, as a present. 
P. S. recommends Mr. William Winslow as Commissary of provisions or store- 
keeper to the Garrison. 

" Mr. Bastide no doubt would have done all in his power, had he come sooner, 
" for the service of the expedition, but our batteries were erected, and played on 
" the enemy before he came, and the affair almost over." " Your Excellency did 
" tell me that this summer y ju did design to bring madam Shirley here. Nothing 
•" would give me more pleasure than waiting on you before my removal. I should 
■" be glad your own eyes may see this place, for I cannot make a juat representa- 
" tion of the strength and formidableness of it." 

(7-) 

William Pepperell. of Kittery, colonel of the Western regiment of Yorkshire 
militiii, was appointed commander-in-chief of the Land Forces, with the rank of 
lieutenant genfral. He was born in New England 27 June, 1696. His father 
was frona Devonshire, in England. He was a merchant — upright, popular, and of 
engaging manners. Pepperell left no surviving son. His grandsons' estates 
were confiscated, they being loyalists. [2 Will., M.^ 224.] 



History of Nova-Scotia. 69 

Samuel Waldo, a native of Boston, colonel of the Eastern Yorkshire regiment 
of militia, and member for Falmouth in the General Court, was made third in 
command, with the rank of brigadier general. The enlistment for volunteers 
began on 2 Feb'y.i 1745- Brigadier Waldo died in 1759. [London Magazine for 
y^ty, I7S9-] 

Captain Edward Tyng, of Falmouth, was appointed commodore of the New 
England fleet. He was son of Mr. Tyng, named as Governor of Nova Scotia 
in 169 1, but captured by the French. He married a daughter of Cyprian 
Southack, one of the 'Council of Nova Scotia, and his second wife was sister of 
Samuel Waldo. On the 24 June, 1744, he commanded the galley or snow called 
the Prince of Orange, and captured a French privateer. 

Sir Peter Warren, K. B., was born about the year 1700 — was commissioned a 
captain in the Navy 1727 — commanded the Leopard, 50, in 1734, and the Squirrel, 
50, in the expedition against Carthagena in 1741. 

In 1744, commodore Warren commanded the fleet at the Leeward islands, and 
in the following year at the siege of Louisbourg. As a reward for his services on 
the latter occasion, he was promoted to the rank of Rear Admiral of the Blue 
10 August, 1745. He applied for the government of New Jersey on the death of 
Governor Morris, but without success. In 1747 he was made Rear Admiral of 
the White, and greatly distinguished himself in the sea fight off" Cape Finisterre, 
while commanding the Devonshire, 66, and the same year. May 29th, [Z. M.for 
I747> /• 391]. was created a Knight of the Bath. In May, 1748, he was made 
Vice Admiral of the Red. Admiral Warren was married to Susan, eldest daugh- 
ter of Stephen de Lancy and Ann van Cortlandt, of New York. From the 
inscription on his monument in Westminster Abbey, we find him designated — 

" Sir Peter Warren, knight of the Bath, Vice Admiral of the Red squadron of 
the British fleet, and member of Parliament for the city and liberty of Westmin- 
ster. He derived his descent from an ancient family of Ireland." 

His death is there stated to have happened " on the 29th day of July, 1752, " 
" in the 49th year of his age." [From the London Magazine for ^ST,fp. 552 and 
560.] The celebrated Sir Wm. Johnson, of the Indian wars, was his nephew. 
London Magazine for 1752,/. 383, the death of Sir Peter Warren, Knight of the 
Bath, Vice Admiral of the Red, and member of Parliament for Westminster, is 
stated as occurring 29 July, 1752, in Ireland, of an inflammatory fever. He left a 
lady and 4 daughters. \See New York colonial documents, v. x., p. 46, note.\ 

Governor Wolcott. — He had marched with Nicholson from Albany in 171 1, on 
the projected invasion of Canada, being then Deputy Commissary of the Connec- 
ticut quota of the troops. He headed the contingent of Connecticut as Major 
General, next in rank to Pepperell, being then 66 years old in 1745. He 
was afterwards Chief Justice of Connecticut, and Governor of that province from 
1751 to 1754. He died May 13, 1767, in the 89th year of his age. His son 
signed the declaration of independance. 

Colonel John Bradstreet, who commanded Pepperell's own regiment in 1745, 
was, after the reduction of Louisbourg, appointed Governor of Newfoundland. 
He was much employed in the French war — was major general in the Royal ser- 
vice in 1772, and died in 1774. 

Colonel Jeremiah Moulton was born in York, Maine, 1688, and was taken pri- 
soner by Indians at York when 4 years old. He marched with captain Harmon 
and 200 men to Norridgewock, and destroyed the Indian village, killing father 



70 History of Nova-Scotia. 

Ralle and 26 Indians. He commanded a regiment at the siege under Pepperell, 
and was afterwards Sheriff", Councillor, Judge of Common Pleas and Probate. 
He died at York July 20, 1765, aged 77. 

Lieut, colonel Messerve, under colonel Moore, of New Hampshire, in 174$, 
was colonel of a New Hampshire regt. : sent to Crown Point under Abercrombie 
and Gen'l. Winslow. He went with Amherst to the second siege of Louisbourg, 
with rank of colonel, but in charge of 200 ship carpenters. He and his son died 
at that siege, of the small pox, 1758. 



1745* History of Nova-Scotia. 71 



CHAPTER VI, 



Leaving the captors of Louisbourg to enjoy the fruits of vic- 
tory and conquest, let us return to look upon our old friends 
in the little garrison of Annapolis, and observe how they have 
fared in the meantime. Mascarene, after the vigils and anxie- 
ties of the summer and autumn of 1744, had comparative quiet 
during the winter, He busied himself in repairing the for- 
tress. Writing 18 March, he says that " tho' the season was " 
" far advanced when the Ennemy totally left us, two Bastions " 
" have almost entirely been revested before the winter sett " 
** in ; which, the old revestments being entirely decay'd, and " 
" the soil with which they are rais'd a meer sand, would, in a " 
*' little time longer, have tumbled down, and left us all winter " 
*' naked to the Ennemy. The materials brought in since, by " 
" the River being, contrary to what generally happens, left " 
" open since the latter end of January, will enable us to " 
" revest a curtain and two flanks, remaining still very bad, " 
" and to pallissadoe our cover'd way, which is still open, and " 
" the filling up the hollows, and esplanading the Glacis, if the " 
" Ennemy will allow time for it, will put me in a better con- " 
" dition to receive him than I was in last year." He says the 
winter has proved milder than usual, and the French inhabi- 
tants have in general behaved well. — In the beginning of this 
year, Alexander Bourg, the notary of Mines, an aged man, 
Amand Bugeaud, and one Joseph leBlanc, called Le Maigre, (i. e. 
the lean), were brought to Annapolis, and subjected to close in- 
terrogation as to their conduct during the invasion. The result 
appeared to be that they had done nothing to aid Duvivier 



72 History of Nova-Scotia. J745» 

and his followers, except as far as they were compelled by 
menaces of death and superior force. During March and 
April, the repairs were going on, the utmost diligence being 
used, the inhabitants shewing a readiness to furnish the pro- 
per materials. There was a rumor in March among the 
French population, that three vessels of force, and a new 
governor, had arrived at Louisbourg — that a party of offi- 
cers and men had come in the winter to Chignecto, and 
that the Indians were gathering to join them and the forces 
to be brought by sea from Louisbourg, in order to make 
another attempt upon Annapolis. This report caused Masca- 
rene and his garrison to exert themselves with alacrity to make 
ready for events. He had still with him the four companies 
of auxiliaries which Shirley had sent in the past summer, 
without whom he could not have carried on the repairs requi- 
site, nor even, as he says, supplied the guards for the common 
duty of the garrison. The enemy had seized on a vessel 
that was loading some provisions for the inhabitants of 
Annapolis river, and detained another which went on the same 
errand, and suffered no one to come to Annapolis from the 
upper part of the bay, (Chignecto i*) and thus the rumor pre- 
vailing seemed to have a good foundation. In the course of 
this winter some of the inhabitants of Mines, Pizzaquid, &c.. 
entertained, or professed to entertain, apprehensions for the 
safety of such of them as were half breeds, owing to the 
declaration of war against the Indians proclaimed in New 
England. On this, Mascarene wrote to the deputies of 
these places to re-assure them, promising to protect all loyal 
men, no matter what color their faces might have. (5 Jan'y., 
1744-5.) 20 March, he refuses an application from Pierre 
Alain for a mill seat on the river Chiconecto, as his instruc- 
tions prevent his making new grants to the inhabitants. 

Mascarene was at this time apprized of the sailing of the 
New England armament to attack Louisbourg, and considered 
it would prevent any early attempt on Annapolis, and thus 
afford him time to complete the outward repairs of the Fort, 
and to expect the arrival of the reinforcements which he had 
been informed were coming from England to his assistance. 



1745* History of Nova-Scotia. 73 

In the beginning of May a rumor came to Annapolis that 
there was a body of 300 Canadians and 300 Indians at Mines, 
with several officers, an engineer, surgeon, &c. This party 
was commanded by M. Marin, a lieutenant from Canada. They 
came to the vicinity of the Fort at Annapolis during the 
month of May. They captured two schooners from Boston 
having goods on board, and made the wife of one of the car- 
penters of the garrison prisoner. They appear to have hovered 
awhile in the vicinity of the Fort, and then to have returned 
to Mines. On the ist, Mascarene sent out a party of fifty 
men under the Fort major, by night, to bring in such of the 
inhabitants of the cape as knew anything of this invasion. 
Five or six persons were brought in and examined under oath, 
who confirmed the story of the enemy being at Mines, and 
stated that two lads, named Charles Raymond and Peter 
Landry, had privately made three journeys to Mines, from 
Annapolis. Mrs. Gautier and Paul Suratt were detained, and 
Peter Gautier was committed to prison for endeavoring to 
conceal this affair. 4 May, the deputies were reproached for 
the conduct of the people in carrying on a clandestine corres- 
pondence with the enemy by means of the two boys, who had 
absconded for fear of punishment for their former misbehavior. 
The deputies threw the blame on a few designing persons. — 
On the 10 May, the council advised the pulling down two 
houses, " which are a blind betwixt the Block-house in the " 
" lower town and the company of Rangers' quarters, and " 
" hinders their mutual defence," to be appraised and pulled 
down, viz't., the houses of the late Mr. Oliver, and that of Ser- 
jeant Davis, and that the crown should be applied to for com- 
pensation. May 13, Mr. Bastide, the chief engineer, reports 
the necessity of pulling down or demolishing " the several 
" houses in the Lower town belonging to Mr. Adams, Mr. 
" Ross, Mr. Hutchinson and Mr. Oliver, which are in danger 
" of being fired by the enemy, who last night attempted to do 
" it, and as the consequence of which may be Fatal, not only to 
" the neighbouring buildings that are contiguous, but also to 
" the garrison, which is judged to be so near the town that it 
" may catch flame, as the wind blows strongly at North East." 



74 History of Nova-Scotia. I745' 

Mr. Bastide says, in his letter of 12 May, that the enemy last 
night endeavored to set Mr. Adams' house in the Lower town 
on fire with their fire arrows ; and this old house, with some 
other ruinous ones, not inhabited, interrupting the defences 
between the Ordnance house and the two block-houses, and 
exposing the good houses to be also burnt, and the risk to the 
Fort in a North wind, which then blew, recommends to de- 
molish them before night, &c. 

The party under Marin had spent the winter at the 
head of the bay of Fundy ; and after three weeks spent 
in the neighborhood of Annapolis, where their success 
was confined to the surprize and capture of the two Bos- 
ton trading schooners, they received a request from M. 
Duchambon, sent by express, begging their aid to come to 
his relief, he being then heavily besieged. Part of them, 
about 400, embarked in a small vessel to go from Port Royal 
(Annapolis) to Louisbourg, but near cape Sable were chased 
by Provincial armed vessels, and had to land to escape cap- 
ture, and finally did not reach near to Louisbourg until July, 
after the place had surrendered. Douglass says they had two 
sloops, two schooners, and about 60 large canoes, and were 
met in Ascamouse harbor, June 15, by capt. Donahew, Beck- 
ett, and Jones, of the Provincial cruisers, and forced to retire. 
\Siimmary, p. 324.] Duchambon thought if they had arrived 
in time, the English would have raised the siege. 

Five of the deputies who attended before the council at 
Annapolis on 25 May, o. s., stated that the behavior of the 
enemy towards the inhabitants had been very harsh. That 
coming in the night, they sent men to every house whilst the 
dwellers were buried in sleep, and threatened to put any to 
death that should stir out or come near the Fort. That 
they had been ordered to furnish weekly a certain quan- 
tity of cattle, and to bring their carts and teams, the orders 
being, most of them, on pain of death. In proof of their asser- 
tions, the deputies produced a number of orders signed 
' Marin' The orders are dated 20, 24, 25, 27, 28, 29, 31 May, 
and 2 and 3 June, new style, embracing a period of a fortnight 
identical in time with the space from 9 May to 23 May, old 



1745- History of Nova-Scotia. 75 

style. [It is requisite to pay attention to this difference, when 
we have to compare the French and EngHsh statements of the 
same occurrence. As the Enghsh retained the old style until 
1752, the dates in all French narratives are eleven days in 
advance of those mentioned by the English. For example : 
M. Duchambon writes to the minister., the count d'Argenson, 
that he was obliged, on the 27th of June, to surrender Louis- 
bourg, &c., this corresponding with the 16 June, o. s., the 
day of the signing the capitulation. I have frequently added 
the letters o. s. and n. s. to shew the true time intended, but 
in other cases wish the reader to infer that in English affairs 
and narratives the date then was always old style, while the 
French kept to the new style.] The written orders issued by 
Marin, copies of which have been preserved, are about twenty 
in number. Many contain menaces of death in case of dis- 
obedience — others speak of corporal punishment. In one for 
furnishing cattle weekly, they are told the Indians should burn 
their houses and destroy their cattle if they disobeyed. They 
are to bring in horses, saddles, canoes, bags, codlines and 
leads, &c. Death is menaced to any who should obey the order 
of the English commander to repair to the Fort. They very 
much resemble the orders issued the previous summer by 
Duvivier. Indeed they seem at once cruel and ludicrous — 
cruel in their menacing language, and ludicrous as the acts of 
an inefficient force, who did nothing military or manly, but 
hung about the precincts of a fortress, acting more like a band 
of thieves and incendiaries. 

On 19 June, o. s., presid-ent Mascarene and the council met, 
and they had before them deputies from Pisaquid, river 
Canard, and others, and all the deputies of Annapolis river. 
Mascarene remarked on the conduct of several of the inhabi- 
tants, who had pointed out the effects of the English to the 
enemy, and had given them intelligence of the circumstances 
of the garrison, thus leading to the surprising some of the 
Rangers on Goat island, &c. He told them the well-affected 
ought to point out such offenders. He also said that all the 
plunder obtained by the French from the seizure of the two 
schooners from Boston, had been dispersed, and bought up 



76 History of Nova-Scotia. I745« 

by the inhabitants of Mines. On this, Joseph le Blanc, of 
Grand pre, replied that the people at Mines had bought up the 
goods, in order to return them to the British proprietors, and 
had also ransomed three prisoners, whom they were ready to 
bring to Annapolis. The president and council on this, resol- 
ved that the three ransomed prisoners should be at once 
brought in, the money paid for them be reimbursed, and 
the captured goods brought in a vessel, with accounts, on 
oath, from the purchasers, which would be considered. Thurs- 
day, 27 June, o. s. Jean Terriot and Jean Potier, deputies 
from Chignecto, appeared before the president and coun- 
cil. They were ordered to discover those inhabitants who had 
assisted the enemy ; to return to the owners any effects of 
British subjects seized by the enemy and left there, and not to 
suffer any person to reside there but those who, by the- oath of 
fidelity taken by themselves or their fathers, were British sub- 
jects ; " and to rhake use of all the means in their power to " 
" make monsieur Dugay speedily to quit the country, &c." 

Monsieur Duvivier had been sent to France in the winter of 
1744 to solicit a force to conquer Nova Scotia, and accordingly 
Sailed in the beginning of July with seven ships of war for 
that purpose, who were to stop at Louisbourg on their way. 
On their passage they captured a vessel bound from Boston to 
London, on board which was lieutenant governor Clark, of 
New York. They were thus informed of the fall of Louis- 
bourg, and of the strong English squadron there. On learn- 
ing this disaster they went back to France. — In August, Mas- 
carene gave an official certificate to the three brothers Mius, 
of Poubomcoup, of their steady loyalty since the declaration of 
war. — In October, the president proposed to check the Indian 
fur trade. This was not agreed to by the council ; but it 
was resolved that " no powder, ball, strouds or blancoating " 
(blankets) " be disposed to the French inhabitants, and that " 
" former orders prohibiting all trade with the enemy be enfor- " 
" ced." 

October 28, monday. Advices were read in council of de 
Loutre's arrival at Chignecto, from Quebec, with a shallop, 
bringing presents for the Indians. Nov. 4, some of the depu- 



1745- History of Nova-Scotia. 77 

ties from Chignecto appeared before the president in council. 
By their admissions it appears that de Loutre lodged inthe/;rj- 
bytkre^ (parsonage), said mass, and the inhabitants attended 
him. Being blamed for this, they pleaded their being long 
without a priest, and asked leave to send for one to Canada, 
which was not agreed to. They said they knew not the quantity 
of the presents sent to the Indians. They were brought in 
a vessel to Gaspe, and one Boutiller, of that place, brought them 
thence in a small vessel to Chignecto, and if they were landed 
it was on that side next to bale Verte. They also said that 
they met some cape Sable Indians, who had two barrels of 
powder, four bags of shot, and a bale of blankets. 

In November, president Mascarene gave directions to the 
deputies of Chignecto to report to him every six weeks, not 
to suffer the landing of either provisions or ammunition there, 
that might be of service to the enemy, — "to give advice of" 
" the ammunition that may have been left by M. le Loutre at " 
" Chicanecto, and in whose keeping — not to suffer any stran- " 
"ger among you of those who have not taken the oath of" 
"iidelity to his Britannic Majesty." The Indians of Nova 
Scotia, in August, 1745, indicated a wish to make peace, but 
were so far undecided that they could not answer for them- 
selves, if a French naval force should come to the bason of 
Port Royal ; and they induced Pierre Landry to write a letter 
to the president on their behalf His answer was, that they 
were not to expect peace unless they could give a satisfactory 
security that it should be lasting ; and it was resolved that no 
vessel should be allowed to go up the bay, until the Indians 
be brought to terms that shall be satisfactory. — At this time 
some families came to Mines from Louisbourg to settle, and 
five deserters from Warren's squadron came there also, whom 
Mascarene ordered back, giving them a letter begging for 
their pardon. In this autumn a party of eleven or twelve 
Indians stopped the persons who were bringing live stock 
from Mines for the garrison of Annapolis, Mascarene wrote 
to the deputies that this was no small surprise to him, con- 
sidering the force and numbers of the inhabitants, and attri- 
butes it to their disloyalty — speaks of their pretended cloak 



78 History of Nova-Scotia, 1745* 

of fear and their passive obedience to the enemy, and of the 
deference and submissiveness they shew towards monsieur de 
Loutre, who, from being the missionary, has become the gen- 
eral of the Indians at war with the king ; and he writes to 
John Teriot, Chignecto, 29 Oct'r. : " I think you might also " 
" have acquainted me of the quantity of ammunition and " 
" presents that mons'r. de Loutre and that shallop had " 
" brought for the Indians," It could not have been done so 
secretly, he adds, but that some of them would know the par- 
ticulars. The chiefs of the Micmacs addressed a letter con- 
cerning peace to Mascarene, without signatures. He recom- 
mends them to send delegates to the government at Louis- 
bourg, A report having been spread that Pierre Alain had 
offered to go against the Indians, Mascarene wrote to the 
deputies of Grand pr^, informing them that this story was a 
malicious falsehood. 

[21 Dec, 1745. There being no Judge of Probate appointed, 
on the petition of Edward How, esquire, stating that he is not 
only the nighest of kin, but the greatest creditor of lieutenant 
Thomas Armstrong, deceased, the president and council grant 
administration to him.] 

Mascarene, writing to the duke of Newcastle, 9 December, 
1745, says his object has been to keep the French inhabitants 
from joining the enemy, and getting their aid in bringing 
timber, &c., to repair the Fort ; but he fears if a French fleet 
and army should arrive, they would be led to join them. He 
says also this Fort makes now a pretty good appearance. — 
That he was not far astray as to the sentiments of the French 
inhabitants will be apparent from the contents of a letter from 
the governor and intendant at Quebec this year, as extracted 
from in the appendix to this chapter. This document throws 
the clearest light on the system pursued by the French gov- 
ernment at Quebec, and the way in which they victimised 
their own colonists and the native tribes who looked up to 
France for protection. The double dealing and hypoc- 
risy enjoined on the poor Acadians, and to carry on which 
all means were resorted to that could influence them, at 
this period can be very plainly seen. Threats of death — of 



1745* History of Nova-Scotia. 79 

being hounded by the Indians, are mixed with appeals to 
their feelings as Frenchmen by descent ; and, worst of all, the 
sacred influences of religion are abused for the purposes of 
political intrigue and ambition. The hearts of the poor 
French were constantly assailed on the points where all men 
are most susceptible — love of country, of race, of religious 
liberty. As to the Micmac, he was supposed to be only vul- 
nerable, through his pocket and presents were the unfailing 
resource of those who desired to guide him. Active inter- 
course was kept up overland with Quebec, by Indian expres- 
ses, who did not always seem to hurry themselves. Thus let- 
ters from de Loutre and Germain of 27 Dec, 1745, and 30 Jan., 
1746, were only received at Quebec on the 28 March. De 
Loutre's Indians had intercepted letters from the government 
of Louisbourg to that of Annapolis. 



APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VI. 

[10 vol. New York Documents, (Dr. CCallaghan's), pp. 4, 5.] 

(From the letter of Messrs. Beaubarnois & Hocquart to the count de Maurepas.) 

Quebec, 12 September, 1745. 

" The English being now masters of Isle Royale, will become still more jealous, 
and more careful than ever to secure Acadia to themselves. That beautiful and 
fertile province is essential to the maintenance of their new conquest, in which 
the English have not made any establishment of importance since the peace. 
'Twas only last fall, and particularly during the present autumn, that they have 
put Port Royal in a state of defence, and have a garrison of about 300 men in it. 
All the rest of Acadia is inhabited exclusively by French people ; and according 
to the information we have received of their numbers, there may be about 2500 
men capable of bearing arms at Beaubassin, Minas and Port Royal, the three 
most populous places. 

*' As regards the disposition of the inhabitants towards us ; all, with the excep- 
tion of a very small portion, are desirous of returning under the French dominion. 
Sieur Marin, and the officers of his detachment, as well as the missionaries, have 
assured us of this ; they will not hesitate to take up arms as soon as they see 
themselves at liberty to do so ; that is, as soon as we shall become masters of 
Port Royal, or they have powder and other munitions of war, and will be backed 
by some sedentary troops for their protection against the resentment of the Eng- 
lish. If, notwithstanding this preliminary, any settlers should still be found to 



8o History of Nova-Scotia. i745« 

hesitate declaring themselves, all difficulties would be overcome by the employ- 
ment of menaces and force. The reduction of Louisbourg has, meanwhile, dis- 
concerted them. M. Marin has reported to us, that the day he left Port Royal 
all the inhabitants were overpowered with grief. This arose only from their 
apprehension of r^aining at the disposition of the enemy — of losing their pro- 
perty, and of being deprived of their missionaries. The English might probably 
have recourse to such policy, or at least adopt measures to keep them in a strict 
and severe subjection. They will not experience any great difficulty in that, and 
consequently will not have to observe any delicacy, because the supplies of pow- 
der and lead, and other munitions, which the Acadians and Micmacs of the 
country were in the habit of drawing from Louisbourg, will be no longer forth- 
coming. These Indians, irreconcilable enemies of the English, cannot have any 
other place of refuge than Canada, or Ristigouche and Miramichi. This is what 
we have now to fear, and, with a view to retain them, have thought of remedying 
it by transmitting to Miramichi some powder and lead, to which we add some 
provisions and other supplies. 

" We have just explained the conduct the English will probably observe 
towards the Acadians. We cannot imagine that they could entertain the idea of 
removing those people, in order to substitute Englishmen in their stead, unless 
the desertion of the Indians would embolden them to adopt such a course, utterly 
inhuman as it may be. The evacuation exacted and agreed to by the capitula- 
tion of Louisbourg, e.xcites a prejudice which must increase our distrust. The 
Acadians have not extended their plantations since they have come under Eng- 
lish dominion ; their houses are wretched wooden boxes, without conveniences 
and witlioiit ornaments, and scarcely containing the most necessary furniture ; 
but they are extremely covetous of specie. Since the settlement of Isle Rovale, 
they have drawn from Louisbourg, by means of their trade in cattle, and all the 
other provisions, almost all the specie the King annually sent out ; it never 
makes its appearance again — they are particularly careful to conceal it. What 
object they can have, except to secure for themselves a resource for an evil day } 
Already many of them have caused inquiries to be made whether they could find 
lands here to settle on, and whether they would be admitted to enter on them. 
We have avoided all answer. 

(Referring to Louisbourg.) " It can hardly be expected that the English will 
give up their conquest, unless the King have gained advantages over them in 
Europe, which would induce them to do so. These will have to be considerable, 
otherwise we do not believe that they will surrender it, unless on condition that 
its fortifications be razed. This clause and its execution would relieve them of 
all un'^asiness ; the battery or fort of I'ilet would have, nevertheless, to remain. 

(Referring to Port Royal, Annapolis.) " The enemy will not fail to stock the 
place abundantly with all the stores necessary for its defence and to strengthen 
its garrison. This consisted of 300 men when Sieur Marin left the place in the 
beginnin^.; of June. There were then six 24-pounders pointed towards the river, 
one 12 inch mortar, and 30 pieces of cannon on the rampart. The fort is a 
square, with four Bastions, being about 180 toises (1080 feet) from one point of 
the bastion to the other. The wall is of earth, faced with squared timbers 10 a 12 
inches in width and 18 feet long, joined together and set up perpendicularly ; the 
embrazures of the parapets are very open ; the top of the parapets is set off with 
round sticks, 12 inches in diameter, fastened with ope ends, these sticks being 



History of Nova-Scotia. 



so disposed as to admit of being loosened and slipped over the talus of the para- 
pet, with a view to break the ladders which would be employed in scaling. The 
ditch may be lo a 12 toises (60 a 72 feet) in width, and 5 or 6 in depth ; in its 
centre is a cunette, (a wet ditch in the middle of a dry one), with a palisade ; the 
covert way is nothing else than the counterscarp. The glacis, with well defmed, 
salient and entering angles, may be 15 toises. The outworks consist of the three 
block-houses, one situated between the mouth of the Little river and the fort, and 
defends the plain ; the other two, E. N. E. of said fort, defends the approach of 
the Lower town. 'Tis to be observed, that during Mr. Marin's sojourn, all the 
houses in the Lower town were abandoned. The most part belong to the officers 
of the garrison. The English, however, have a large frame house, (maison de 
colombage), there to lodge their Indian allies ; this house was defended by four 
guns. 

" The English were informed in the month of April, by three Indians, whom 
one of their privateers, sailing under French colors, had surprised at cape Sable, 
that Mr. Duvivier was expected at the end of May with several men of war. It 
was in consequence of this advice, or even of previous information, that Mr. Mas- 
carin, commandant of Port Royal, redoubled his precautions in order to place 
himself in a state of defence. You will see, my lord, by the annexed journal, that 
Mr. Mascarin had commenced on the 12th or 15th of May to have the North side 
of Goat island cleared, either with a view to discover at a greater distance the 
ships that enter the narrow mouth of the harbor, the view of which is intercepted 
by trees, or rather to erect a battery on it, to defend the only ship channel between 
that island and the main land, and by that means prevent vessels going up as far 
IS the Fort. 'Tis to be presumed that the English have now erected that bat- 
tery, and that they will, on the receipt of the first news of preparation against 
Acadia, construct, perhaps, another battery at the entrance of the Strait. ShoulcJ 
they erect one on Goat island, it will not prevent ships entering and anchoring in 
the Basin, nor troops landing on the South shore, opposite the anchorage 
ground. 'Twill be very easy to render the road from that point to Port Royal 
passable for the artillery destined for the attack ; the distance is about 3 leagues.. 
They urge an expedition to be sent out to retake Louisbourg and conquer Aca- 
die, at least a military settlement at Spaniard's Bay, (Sydney, C. B.) 10 men of 
war, 2500 regular soldiers, &c., are proposed. 

" Port Royal is, in truth, advantageously situated for the security of the ships- 
which will come to fish on the coasts, but the entrance to the basin is narrow, 
and the currents there are strong : besides, the fishery is much more abundant 
on the East coast, which has three or four very excellent harbors capable of ac- 
commodating the largest sized vessels, viz't., LaHeve, Chibouctou, and Port la 
Tour, (Barrington.) This coast is not settled; at Mirligueche, a small harbor 
S leagues east of LaHeve, are only 8 settlers, among the rest are Paul Guidry,. alias 
Grivois, jovial or jolly, a good coast pilot. Again, West of LaHeve, at the place 
called the Little river, are two more settlers. Germain Lejeune, one of these, is 
intimately acquainted with the coast. The man named Boutin, and his children, 
live three leagues east of the entrance of Chibouctou. The attachment of the»e 
people to France can be relied on. (They suggest that if Annapolis should prove 
too well defended, then to settle LaHeve and Chibouctou.) 

" The English do not dry any fish on the East coast of Acadia since the war, 
through fear of being surprised there and killed by the Micmacs. These Indians 

b6 



82 History of Nova-Scotia. 



rove along that coast from spring to autumn, in quest of a livelihood. Lately 
a boat belonging to an English merchantman, having landed at LaHeve for wood 
and water, these Indians killed 7 of the crew, and brought their scalps to sieur 
Marin ; they can be depended upon to pursue the same course as long as means 
will hi found to furnish them with arms, powder and ball. This is also the opin- 
ion of M. Liutre, their missionary at Chibenacadie, who arrived at Quebec on 
the 14th of September. He brought with him five of these Micmacs, deputies 
from that nation. We will report to you, my lord, their resolution, and what will 
take place between us. This missionary has laid before us, on his arrival, the 
letter Sr. Dailleboust wrote him on the 22nd ol July, indorsed on which is a 
sort of passport from generals Warren and Pepperell, enjoining him to repair to 
Louisbourg, in default whereof his life is threatened. The missionary has paid 
no attention either to the letter or passport, and we are about sending him back 
to his mission. 

" We have held a council with the deputies of sieur le Loutre's villages. 

" The attachment of these Indians may be depended on. We send by sea, as 
far as Miramichi, 4000 lbs. of powder, and lead in proportion, and some cloth to 
cover thsm. It were to be wished that we had been in a condition to supply 
them with more ammunition, but in our present condition 'twould not be prudent 
to strip ourselves. We made up the deficiency with 2000 li. in specie, which we 
have entrusted to M. Loutre, for the purpose of relieving their more urgent 
wants." 

2ist Sept. M. Loutre left with his Indians. He is to go to the river St. John, 
to Beaubassin, and thence proceed to his mission. (He was furnished with sig- 
nals to communicate with any French men-of-war on the East coast of Acadia.) 

No. of Micmacs in Acadie. 

In Acadia proper, belonging to sieur Loutre's mission, 200 
He Royale, M. Maillard, missionary, (they will have 

removed to Miramichi and Ristigouche), 80 

Miramichi mission, father LaCorne, missionary, 195 

Ristigouche mission, father L'estage, missionary, 60 

Total, 535 

27 September. M. Germain, missionary on the lower part of the river Sr. 
John, arrived here yesterday with the chief and 24 Indians of his mission, the 
most of v/'nom served-vin Mr. Marin's party. The missionary adds that the Eng- 
lish have permitted Mr. Maillard, priest and missionary at Isle Royale, to remain 
at St. Peter's in charge of the inhabitants of that place who remained after having 
taken t'ne oat'n of fidelity, the same as the Acadians did formerly. The Micmac 
Indians belonging to this mission, numbering 80 families, are on their way to 
Quebec. 



1746. History of Nova-Scotia. 83 



CHAPTER VIL 



1746. During this winter, the Indians, although they had 
made some movements towards peace with the English, ap- 
peared still very hostile, and used all their exertions to inter- 
cept the communications between Annapolis and Louisbourg. 
The latter place had now become the military head-quarters 
of the British. In the autumn of 1745, two regiments of foot, 
viz., Fuller's and Warburton's, and three companies of Framp- 
ton's regiment, arriving near the North American coast late in 
the season, from caution they put into some port in Virginia, 
to await the spring season. They did not reach Louisbourg 
until the 24 May, 1746, when they relieved the New England- 
ers, in garrison there since the surrender of the place in June 
previous, who were about 1500 in number. {Douglass, 345.] 
Mascarene blamed de Loutre for the troubles of the coun- 
try, charging him with bringing on the first attack of Anna- 
polis by the Indians, and thus exciting the New England 
people to besiege and take Louisbourg, which, he says, would 
not have been dreamed of, but for the attacks on the Fort. 
He also attributes to the same influence the Indians being still 
at war. — He desired the protection of a ship of war to defend 
the harbor, and to convey supplies from New England, and a 
tender to carry intelligence and keep up obedience among the 
people of the bay. On this subject he wrote to the duke of 
Newcastle in January. One of the incessant subjects of dis- 
satisfaction to the government of Annapolis had long been 
that the French inhabitants of Mines and Chignecto were 
accustomed to supply Louisbourg with cattle and provisions^ 



84 History of Nova-Scotia. 1746. 

by vessels taking them on board at baie Verte. Although 
this was forbidden by orders from the governor and council, 
yet one can hardly blame the farmers for seeking the only 
market where their produce could be disposed of to advantage. 
We have seen that the silver coin current in the province was 
all French, and it must have come in this way. Neither the 
limited demand at the garrison of Annapolis, which, of course, 
was chiefly supplied from the farms on the river, nor the more 
distant sale at Boston, could have compensated for shutting off 
this traffic. We may therefore fairly conclude that self-pre- 
servation would go far to justify the people of Mines and Beau- 
bassin in adhering to this trade, notwithstanding any official 
prohibition ; and we may also infer that the governor and 
authorities at the Fort, while, as a point of honor, they felt 
bound to object to it, were nevertheless not very deeply 
aggrieved at the existence of an intercourse which brought 
specie and goods into the country, and favored its wealth and 
improvement. After Louisbourg however became an Eng- 
lish possession, it seems that the French inhabitants were 
actuated by their hostile feelings to run counter to their 
own interests so far, that they could not be induced to send 
any cattle or produce from Nova Scotia to Louisbourg, where, 
from the presence of a large garrison and squadron, the de- 
mand must have been greater than heretofore. The English 
colonies on the continent of course did what they could to 
supply the place. Mascarene wrote in January, and again in 
May, to the deputies of Mines and Chignecto, recommending 
their causing provisions to be sent ; and he mentions (30 May) 
that three men of war, transport vessels, two additional Royal 
regiments, and two regiments of New Englandmen were then 
at Louisbourg ; that the English West Indian squadron was 
making towards it, and that in England four men-of-war and 
'two more regiments were getting ready to go there ; and that 
the rebels in -Scotland had been put down. This was not the 
only grievance he had to complain of, as he writes (18 May) 
to the deputies of Chignecto, expressing his surprise that they 
had not given him advice of the arrival of the sieur La Corne, 
(a Canadian officer), in their neighborhood, and of a person 



1746- History of Nova-Scotia. 85 

named St. Lawrence, nor of their departure, nor of the news 
brought from Canada. 

In June, a soldier of the garrison named L'argentiere, deser- 
ted, and took the road to Mines. At the same period, the 
French inhabitants of the island of St. John fled from the ap- 
proach of the English, and Mascarene apprehended they 
would come on to Nova Scotia. June 2. Anne Bourg, wife of 
Jacques le Blanc, called LeMaigre, asked leave to go to the 
river St. John, which the president refused her, conceiving it 
an attempt at intercourse with the enemy. In June, the 
Dover, capt. Collins, a British ship of war, having arrived at 
Annapolis, Mascarene managed to detain her for the protec- 
tion of the place, which he expected would be attacked. Mas- 
carene had, in January, issued a commission to Geo. Giddings, 
commander of a sloop called the " Ordnance Packett," to 
attend the service of the province, and to capture vessels and 
cargoes, &c., liable to confiscation under the Marine Treaty of 
London, of i Dec'r., 1674, &c. This vessel he employed to 
visit Louisbourg, and to convey provisions from Boston for 
the garrison ; and in August to take a party of Rangers, 
under It. Gorham, up the bay. He also employed the Bilan- 
der, an Ordnance vessel, to range the coast for intelligence, 
and to intercept the enemy. On 31 January, Marie Gautier, 
Pierre Gautier, and Joseph le Blanc, called le Maigre, (of 
Grand pre), who were detained under charges, escaped. Joseph 
Maletot, an English prisoner, had been ransomed from the 
enemy for 300 livres ; and Antoine Landry gave a power 
of attorney to Prudent Robichaux, 3 March, 1746, to receive 
the amount from the governor. Rene Blanchard and associ- 
ates had furnished the money. In April, the deputies of 
.Atinapolis river were ordered to furnish 40 men weekly to 
work at the wood-work of the quay at Annapolis. 

The earnest exertions of the French to recover possession 
both of Acadie and cape Breton, led to a plan on the part of 
the English government to reduce Canada, and drive the French 
out of this continent entirely. Governor Shirley's perseve- 
rance, and the method that marked all his acts and speeches, 
especially on this matter, entitle him to no small commenda- 



86 History of Nova-Scotia. ^74^- 

tion. The constant movements of the Canadians, with their 
red skin auxiliaries, upon the borders of New England, in 
Newfoundland, and on the coasts and waters of the peninsula 
and its islands, created such constant distress and loss to the 
northern colonies of England, that the feeling to rid themselves 
of such an incubus, tormenting in time of nominal j>eace as 
well as in that of avowed war, must have been very general 
and powerful among the Anglo-Americans. Whatever influ- 
ence they could exert over their fellow-subjects in the mother 
country would, of course, be used to forward their aims in this 
respect. Accordingly we find they had so far succeeded, that 
tn April, 1746, orders were sent from England to all the colo- 
nies North of Carolina, that each province should raise as 
many companies of 100 men as they could well spare, who 
were to be clothed, armed and paid by the British government. 
Under the order, Virginia raised two companies, Maryland 
three, Pennsylvania four, the Jerseys five, and New York 
iffteen, making 29 companies, who were to rendezvous at 
Saratoga, under Brigadier Gooch, the lieutenant governor of 
Virginia, and who were to be employed to conquer Crown- 
point and Montreal. Massachusetts enlisted twenty compa- 
nies, Connecticut ten, Rhode island three and New Hampshire 
two, being 35 in all, who were to be joined by a squadron and 
land forces from England, to undertake the reduction of 
Quebec. Thus the colonial troops amounted to 6400 men. 
After the orders had been sent, many transport ships were 
engaged, and several regiments of British infantry were sent 
to Portsmouth, to embark, as was supposed, for America, under 
general St. Clair, and to be convoyed by a strong squadron, 
commanded by admiral Lestock. These troops were once or 
twice embarked and relanded, and at last, instead of going to 
America, as planned, they were sent on an expedition to port 
U Orient, in France, which proved fruitless. As the posses- 
sion of Louisbourg afforded the means of reuniting the English 
forces with the colonial — of refreshing and resting their peo- 
ple on the direct way to the place they were to attack, and as 
the French had not been able to get supplies of arms, ammu- 
nition or stores to Canada of any great magnitude, especially 



1746. History of Nova-Scotia. 87 

after they lost Louisbourg, the facihties for the conquest of 
Quebec appeared to be greater than they had ever been. The 
men enHsted in the colonies were not disbanded, and the 
impression was general that the project of 1746 was only post- 
poned until 1747. Time passed on, and no further step was 
taken until October, 1747, when orders were sent to America 
to discharge all these colonial companies. The duke of New- 
castle, in his letter to admiral Knowles of 30 May, 1747, says 
that rear admiral Warren, upon his arrival in England in 
December, 1746, had stated that in his opinion, and that of 
general Shirley, a great force would be requisite to attack 
Canada, on which the design was laid aside, and the force 
under lieut. general St. Clair would not be sent out. He 
directs Philipps', Shirley's and Pepperell's regiments to be 
completed from the enlisted American companies. Philipps 
is too old and infirm to go out to his regiment and govern- 
ment, Warren gave him a paper, expressing his opinion in 
relation to the fortifying Chebucto, and other places on that 
coast. He had transmitted it to Shirley, " though that " 
" design must be suspended for the present." 

In May, 1746, Warren and Pepperell visited Boston, for the 
purpose of holding a general consultation as to future warlike 
measures. On the 24 June, the general court (house of assem- 
bly) of Massachusetts, being tiien sitting, invited Warren, 
Pepperell and Waldo into the council chamber, and honored 
them with a gratulatory address. June 28, at the close of this 
session, Shirley used the phrase " Canada est delenda'' — 
" Canada is to be destroyed." 

In July, Mascarene issued an order, that in case of soldiers 
deserting, three guns should be fired from the bastion. The 
inhabitants were ordered, in such cases, to collect, and guard 
the roads, and to arrest any soldier unless he was with an 
oflficer or with a serjeant, holding a passport signed by the 
governor. He sent the schooner Tame, Abram Morse, com- 
mander, with despatches to Louisbourg. In August he sent 
the Ordnance packet up the bay. Mr. How, It. Jos. Goreham, 
and a party of soldiers, were on board. The object was to 
obtain intelligence as to the movements of the French. In 



88 History of Nova-Scotia. ' 1746. 

September he sent the same vessel out to cruise in the bay of 
Fundy, towards St. John's river or Grand Manan, to capture 
and destroy the enemy's vessels, and convoy any English 
vessel running to Annapolis, He gave him a Serjeant and 
ten men to assist, and directions as to signals by firing. 

Meanwhile the French and Canadians were not idle. Stim- 
ulated by the loss of cape Breton, and by fears for the safety 
of Canada, they were active in every direction. On May 30, 
the Abenaquis Indians, including those of Acadia and those 
who were domiciliated, numbering about three hundred, having 
been equipped, and having repaired to St, Michel, near Que- 
bec, took their departure in bark canoes, under the command 
of lieutenant St. Pierre. They were to go by the way of St. 
John's river to Beaubassin, (now Cumberland), to wait there 
for the detachment of Frenchmen. They arrived at Beau- 
bassin on 21 June. M. Marin arrived at bale Verte with the 
Micmacs on 17 June, n. s. [10 A^cza York Documents, 45, 51.] 
The French frigate V Aiirore, commander du Vigna?i, and 
le Castor, commander de Saillics, left Brest on the 9 April, 
with orders to await the fleet then in preparation. On the 
12 June, VAicrore arrived at Chibouctou, M. de Loutrewas 
with them. On their voyage the Aurore captured six small 
craft, three having cattle on board, and the others provisions, 
part of which he gave to M. le Loutre, who asked them for his 
Indians. The Castor entered Chibouctou 9 July, with two 
prizes laden with cattle and codfish, and left it on 29 July to 
cruise, and then to return to France. However, the Castor 
captured an English snow, commanded by a lieutenant of the 
navy, carrying 10 guns, 12 swivels, and 75 men, and returned 
with her prize to Chibouctou on the ist August. Three Eng- 
lish ships, of 44, 20, and 10 guns, respectively, had at this 
time anchored dX port la yoie, in the island of St. John, (now 
Charlottetown), 2 June, 1746. M. de Ramezay, who had been 
sent to Beaubassin in command of 600 Canadians, wrote in 
July that he had just received a letter from M. de Loutre, who 
proposed to him, on the part of M. du Vignan, who command- 
ed the two frigates at Chibouctou, to lay siege to Port Royal 
in case the fleet did not arrive in the course of this month, 



1746. History of Nova-Scotia. 89 

(July.) But de Ramezay having orders to divide his detach- 
ment into two parts ; on his arrival at Beaubassin, he called 
his officers together to confer with them as to* the course 
that was best, to accept M. du Vignan's proposal, or to march 
half the detachment towards Canso. They decided to march 
the entire party, including French and Indians, to Port Royal. 
De Ramezay set to work at once sending munitions and pro- 
visions to Beaubassin, in order to transfer them thence to 
Minas, and he sent to Quebec to ask for a mortar and some 
shells for the proposed siege. The information of the arrival 
of the frigates in June was sent in a letter from father Ger- 
main. 26 July, du Vignan wrote from Chibouctou to de 
Ramezay, that his object, in speaking to M. de Loutre about 
Port Royal, was merely to learn the state of that Fort, &c., 
and that neither his orders nor his condition would allow him 
to attempt the siege. 

A party of Micmacs set out in boats from bale Verte 2 1 July 
for port la yoie, under command of ensign M. Croisille de 
Montesson. They were 200 in number. There they encoun- 
tered 40 or 50 men, thirty of whom were soldiers, who had 
gone on shore. A few of the English escaped by swimming, 
but the most were taken prisoners, and sent afterwards to 
Quebec ; one, if not more, killed. At this time there were in 
the port one English frigate of 24 guns, and a transport of 700 
tons burthen, in which remained about 200 men. As the 
English officers and soldiers were about to land to place a 
guard there, the French officer deemed the occasion favor- 
able to master the two vessels, but the Indians were beyond 
his control, and would not remain. They jjiad killed a quan- 
tity of oxen and other cattle that the English kept in a park 
on shore for their supply of provisions. Meanwhile apprehen- 
sions began to be felt in Canada that the English might invade 
that country, and, i August, an order was sent to recall part 
of the Canadians and Indians, the number of whom, at first, 
united, is stated by Mascarene, as reported, to be 2000 men, 
with 30 or 40 officers ; and by Douglas, as about 1600 men, 
when they went to Mines. The order stated " that M. de " 
** Ramezay might leave at most in Acadie 200 or 300 French- '' 



90 History of Nova-Scotia. 1746. 

" men, and the Micmac Indians for the protection of the " 
" Acadians, and return here either by sea or by the river " 
" St. John, with the remainder of our Frenchmen and all our " 
" domiciliated Indians, including those of the river St. John " 
" and Panaouamske." Letters to this effect were sent to father 
Germain, then at Beaubassin, and to the commandant of the 
expected French fleet. On further intelligence received, a 
second express was sent to Acadie, with similar orders, and 
even it was suggested that, if possible to spare them, all the 
detachments should return. On the 9 August, a brigantine 
called La petite Margj-ierite, commanded by the sictir Cery, was 
dispatched Irom Canada to baie Vcrte with arms, ammunition 
and provisions for the French troops, and letters, one to the 
commander of the French fleet to dispose of the forces in 
Acadie, the other to de Ramezay, that he is in no condition to 
besiege Port Royal with the help of the two frigates, and that 
they cannot spare him the mortar he asked for. The vessel 
brought 250 quintal of biscuit, 100 bbls. flour, 200 quintals 

vegetables, &c., 30 bbls. pork. 1000 lbs. powder, 2000 lbs. 

ball, 200 Liege muskets, and other small stores. 1 1 August, 
M. du Vignan being at the end of his provisions, resolved to 
carry the Aurore and the Castor back to France, and to leave 
his provisions in charge of de Ramezay. 14 August, de Ram- 
ezay writes to Canada that sieur de Gay, a lieutenant of the 
frigate Aurore, had come to Minas some days before M. du 
Vignan's departure, to request him to take charge of 168 pri- 
soners, who were to be sent to Quebec. He resolved, on this, 
to send M. Repentigny, with 150 Indians, to Chibouctou, to 
guard the prisoners, and du Vignan sailed from Chibouc- 
tou with the two frigates on the 12 August. Three Irish 
soldiers deserted from Port Royal to de Ramezay on 9 August. 
They said there were 30 other Irish who wished to do the 
same. They reported the garrison to be 300 men and 12 or 
15 officers ; that there was one year's provisions in the Fort — 
but very little firewood, and that there was a frigate of 40 guns 
stationed off Goat island. Major de la Naudi^re left Minas 
2 1st August, and arrived in Canada 5 Sept'r. He brought 
a letter from de Ramezay, who was then about removing to 



-I746* History of Nova-Scotia, 91 

Beaubassin, and sending for the prisoners from Chibouctou» 
being in want of cash and provisions, and the inhabitants refu- 
sing to take notes. It was intended that Coulon, with 300 
Canadians, should winter in Acadie. 21 Aug't. De Ramezay 
wrote that all his detachment had gone to Minas. 27 Aug't., 
de Ramezay received 16 prisoners from Chibouctou. Four 
pilots and four other inhabitants of Annapolis river went off 
to the enemy at Mines. They were reported, and such of 
them as had property were declared to have forfeited it. 
Among them was Nicolas Gautier, who owned a vessel, cattle, 
&c., which were seized. (Much of the preceding information 
respecting the Canadians' and Indians' movements in Acadie 
is from 10 N. York Colonial Documents, p. 54 to 62.) 

We will now turn our attention to the fleet from France, 
which was not only intended to recapture Louisbourg, but also 
Nova Scotia, and to carry destruction to all the settlements 
and towns of New England. This fleet was under the com- 
mand of M. de Rochefoucauld, due d Anville, who was born in 
the first or second year of the century, and therefore about 45 
years of age. It consisted of eleven ships of the line, twenty 
frigates, and thirty-four other vessels being transports, fire 
ships, &c. The soldiers on board this fleet were 3150 in num- 
ber, and a great abundance of arms, ammunition and provi- 
sions were sent with them. The instructions to the duke 
were to proceed to Louisbourg and recapture it, and then to 
dismantle it. He was next to go to Annapolis, take it, and 
leave a garrison in it ; thence he was to go to Boston, which 
he was to burn, and afterwards to annoy and distress the Eng- 
lish on the American coast ; and finally to pay a visit to the 
English susrar islands in the West Indies. ' 



92 History of Nova-Scotia. 1746. 

List of the squadron under the duke dAnville, lieutenant gene- 
ral of the Fre7ich naval forces, which sailed from Rochelle the 
I2d of June, n. s. 



Ships. 


Guns. 


Men. 


Northumberland, 


60 


600 


Le Trident, 


64 


500 


L'Ardent, 


64 * 


500 


Le Mars, 


64 


500 


L'Alcide, 


64 


500 


Le Carillon, 


60 


500 


Le Diamant, 


50 


400 


Le Boree, 


50 


400 


Le Tigre, 


60 


550 


Le Leopard, 


60 


500 


La Renomm^e, 


60 


400 


La Megere, 


30 


270 


L'Argonaute, 


26 


270 


La Parfaite, 


8 


100 ) |- ^T5 


La Perle, 


8 


100 j ^"5' 


La Palme, 


10 


70 


Le petit Mercure, 


10 


70 


Le Mercure, 


10 


70 


Le Girous, 


16 


140 


Le prince d'Orange, 


26 


200 


(Another of) 


24 


150 



Besides twenty other frigates and privateers, from ten to 
twenty-four guns, and several transport ships, having on board 
the regiment of Ponthieus, 

2 battalion, • Men, 1350 

The battalion, militia of Saumur, 600 

" " " " Fontenay le Comte, 600 

" " marines, 600 



3150 
The land forces are commanded by M. Pommeril, brigadier 
general. — American Magazine for 1746,/. 430. — Frot7i the 
London Gazette, yune 24. 



1746. History of Nova-Scotia. 93 

This expedition sailed from Rochelle 22 June, 1746, n. s. 
They met with contrary \\ inds and storms, particularly a storm 
September 2d, near the isle of Sable, when four ships of the 
line and a transport were left in distress, and not afterwards 
heard from, and the squadron scattered and dispersed. The 
Mars and Alcide, 64-gun ships, bore off for the West Indies ; 
and the Ardent, 64, put back on the 1 5 Sept'r. for Brest. The 
Ardent was burnt and the Mars captured on the French coast 
by the English ships Nottingham and Exeter. One of the 
French fleet a'rrived at Beaver harbour about the beginning of 
September. On the 10 September, the duke d'Anville arrived 
at Chibouctou, in Acadie, in the Northumberland with the 
Renommee, and three or four transports. Here he found only 
one of his fleet, which had got in three days before him. (He 
had some time before detached M. Conflans with three ships 
of the line and one frigate, to convoy the trade to Hispaniola, 
and then rejoin the fleet. They called at Chibouctou, as 
ordered, but eventually sailed for France, without meeting 
with the rest of the fleet.) Sept'r. 16, three transports arrived 
at Chibouctou, and on that day the duke D'anville died, whe- 
ther of apoplexy, sickness or poison, different statements 
existed. He was buried on a small island at the entrance of 
the harbor next day, said to be George's island. In the after- 
noon of the same day the vice admiral d'Estournelle, with 
three ships of the line, come in to Chibouctou. Mons'r. de la 
Jonqui^re, the governor of Canada, was on board of the Nor- 
thumberland, and had been declared a Chef d Escadre after 
the fleet left France, and was then next in command to the 
vice admiral d'Estournelle. 

In a council of war, held on board the Trident, 18 Septem- 
ber, the vice admiral proposed that they should return to 
France. They were deprived of four of their ships of the line, 
viz't., the Ardent, Caribou, Mars, and Alcide, and the Argo- 
naute, fire-ship. They had no new§ of Conflans and his ships ; 
so that only seven ships of importance remained. Many of 
the land forces were in the missing ships, and those in the 
harbor were in a sickly state. From 1200 to 1300 of the 
French are said to have died at sea, and 11 30 at Chibouctou. 



94 History of Nova-Scotia, ^746. 

They suffered under scorbutic fever and dysentery, and the 
Indians caught the disease from them and died in numbers. 
d'Estournelle's proposition was debated for seven or eight 
hours. Jonquiere and all the land and sea officers were oppo- 
sed to it, thinking themselves bound in honor to make some 
attack upon the English, and supposing they could at least 
conquer Annapolis and recover Nova Scotia, and then winter 
at Casco bay or return to France. The sick, by the supply of 
fresh provisions from the Acadians, were recpvering. The 
vice admiral not prevailing in his motion, became agitated, 
fevered and delirious, and was next morning found in his 
apartment fallen on his sword, and died within twenty-four 
hours afterwards. Some of the soldiers who had just arrived, 
now landed, and encamped on shore. The command de- 
volved on M. la Jonquiere. Sept'r. 23, nineteen of the Micmacs 
who were at the affair at port la Joie, got to Quebec, with one 
prisoner and some scalps. Sept'r. 24, M. St. Pierre got to 
Quebec, with 150 Indians, Abenaquis, &c., On 3 October, 
the Renomm^e sailed for Quebec, with four vessels laden 
with stores, and a light brigantine was sent to France with 
despatches. On the 9 and 10, troops were embarked. On 
the nth, a flag of truce from Louisbourg brought in forty- 
French prisoners — a council of war was held, and that night 
all the rest of the troops and all the tents were embarked. 
On the 1 2th, the wind was too fresh for sailing. This day, la 
Parfaite, a prize snow from Carolina — the Antigua prize, and 
some fishing schooners, were burned. On the morning of the 
13th, the whole squadron, consisting of 30 ships, 2 snows, 
2 brigs, I dogger, 4 schooners and 3 sloops, sailed from Chi- 
bouctou. Fifty people from Menis were said to be on board, 
intended as pilots to Annapolis. On the 14th, several small 
vessels left the squadron for France. There were but seven 
vessels of the line remaining, and five of the ships were used 
as hospitals, there being now not above 1000 men of the army 
in an efficient condition. The squadron bore for cape Sable, 
with the design of attacking Annapolis ; but when near the 
cape, meeting severe storms, they consulted on their position, 
abandoned the enterprize, and landed the French pilots. Two 



1746. History of Nova-Scotia. 95 

of the ships are said to have gone as far as Annapolis 
bason, but to have withdrawn on finding men-of-war there. 
On 27 October there had been got ready at Quebec 7 vessels, 
with 6000 quintals flour, and quantities of codfish, oats and 
iron, to be sent to the fleet at Chibouctou ; and ensign Beaujeu 
de Villemonde was sent by the way of the river St. John with 
advice to the commander of the fleet. The chevalier de Beau- 
harnois left Chibouctou 2nd October, and got to Quebec 4th 
November. 

To. return to de Ramezay and his Canadians. They were 
on their return to Canada, when d'Anville's fleet arrived at 
Chibouctou, and an express was sent to recal them. M. Bigot, 
intendant of the fleet, wrote to de Loutre from Chibouctou 
20 Sept'r. to come there. About four hundred French return- 
ed with de Ramezay, Coulon and LaCorne, three captains of 
the marine, and chevaliers of St. Louis. About the end of 
September de Ramezay came before Annapolis with a party 
of about 700 men. He made no assault on the place, but 
encamped at some distance. At that time Mascarene had a 
reinforcement of 250 men, which Shirley had sent him. He 
had also the Chester man-of-war, of fifty guns — the Shirley 
frigate, of 20 guns, and the Ordnance schooner, in the bason 
of Annapolis. In October, de Ramezay having advice of the 
withdrawal of the French squadron from this country, broke 
up his camp and removed to Mines, proposing to pass the 
winter there. It does not seem, however, that they remained 
there long, but withdrew to Chignecto. The presence of this 
formidable fleet was calculated to agitate and alarm all the 
English colonies, especially those of New England. Boston 
was reinforced in consequence by 6400 militia from the inte- 
rior of the province of Massachusetts ; and when the fact was 
known that this mighty armament, intended to destroy the 
British power in these^ regions, had been dispersed and over- 
whelmed by storms, sickness, and multiplied disasters, so that 
it not only failed to accomplish any part of the designs enter- 
tained by the French, but that hardly a ship returned to 
Europe, the joy and gratitude to God felt and expressed in 
New England was almost unbounded. Sermons were preach- 



96 History of Nova-Scotia. 1746. 

ed and printed on this subject, and troops were voted to pro- 
tect Nova Scotia. 

We will turn our attention to the affairs of Louisbourg in 
this year, 1746. On the 21 April, the two regular regiments 
(12 19 men) arrived from Virginia to relieve the garrison, under 
convoy of the Fowey, Dover and Torrington ; and on 8 May, 
admiral Townsend, with three ships of war, the Kingston, 
Pembroke and Kinsale, and two store ships from England, 
On the 19 May, Warren addressed the American troops drawn 
up on parade, in a speech, (see appendix to this chapter.) On 
23 May, admiral Knowles, his successor in the government, 
arrived with the Norwich and Canterbury. 2 June. Warren 
tells the duke that " the American officers are a good deal " 
" chagrined, and indeed so I hear are the colonies in general * 
" to which they belong, because they have not been consider- " 
" ed in the promotion of officers made to the two American " 
" regiments." He says it has lessened the influence of him- 
self and Pepperell with them. He says also " We have " 
" buried near 2000 men since we have been in possession of" 
" this place." Admiral Knowles was, from the first, dissatis- 
fied with Louisbourg. He says " he cannot think it will " 
" answer the expence that must be laid out, if we keep it. " 
" The fortifications are badly designed, and worse executed. " 
" Unless the climate could be changed, it is impossible to " 
" make works durable. The frosts begin to cease about the " 
" middle of May, which are succeeded by fogs. These last " 
" to the end of July or beginning of August, with the inter- " 
" mission, perhaps, of one or two fair days in a fortnight. " 
" The cost of fuel last year was ;i^6ooo, notwithstanding the " 
" number of houses that was pulled down and burnt." He 
had granted the inhabitants of the island of St. John leave to 
remain for the present. It would cost ;^6ooo to ;!^8ooo to 
remove them, " as they are poor, miserable, inoffensive peo- " 
" pie ; and as I have hostages in my possession, there is no " 
" danger to be apprehended from them." But two fishermen 
are settled there as yet, " and those rather out of restraint " 
" than choice. I having forbid them to sell rum, so that this " 
" place is not likely to be inhabited soon by any other than " 



1746. History of Nova-Scotia. 97 

'•' the king's troops, (unless rum sellers.) Indeed the land " 
" can never be an encouragement, it is so miserably barren, " 
" the whole island being rocks, swamps, morasse or lakes, so " 
" that it never can produce herbage for the support of cattle, " 
" much less grain," &c. Speaks of a ration of rum and spruce 
beer. " The water is bad, and causes fluxes." In July he 
says, " They have scarce two months in the year for the " 
cement to dry in," and reasons thence against fortifying. He 
depreciates everything and everybody. Careening cannot be 
done only in six weeks of the year. " As to the island being " 
" ever planted by settlers in it, 'tis impossible it should, for it " 
" is but here and there in the compass of many leagues that " 
" an acre of tolerable ground is to be found ; nor can I " 
" believe the New England people will be brought to come " 
" here, but for their present gains, for every one I found " 
" here, from the generals down to the corporals, were sellers " 
" of rum." He calls the New England soldiers lazy, dirty 
and obstinate — rejoices at getting rid of them, and pities 
Warren, who had to deal with them. The Indian fur trade he 
calls chimerical. There is a great deal more in his letters to 
shew a prejudice against the place, and a manifest desire to 
underrate the value of its conquest. There had been anger 
between him and Warren on a point of duty. Warren says 
their friendship was a little interrupted by Knowles resenting 
too warmly his taking the Superbe from him, upon the loss of 
the Weymouth at Antigua. It seems also that the weather of 
our Northern region had impaired his health, and the doctors- 
gave him no hope of recovery, unless he went to a warm 
cHmate, and he asked to be sent to capture St. Lucie, with a. 
squadron and one regiment taken from Louisbourg ; and his 
dislike to the Boston people seems to have brought on; a 
serious riot there in 1748, on occasion of impressment for sea- 
men. In reading his correspondence, we feel as if we had got 
to the fountain head of ail the dismal misrepresentations of 
Nova Scotia and Cape Breton, that were so reiterated and: 
beHeved in during the latter part of the i8th century and the 
first part of the 19th, when our year was> said to consist of 
9 months of winter and 3 months of fbg;.. It is. surprising, to» 
B7 



98 History of Nova-Scotia. 1746. 

read a picture of climate so opposite to that given by the 
French governors and adventurers at an earlier date. But 
when we consider ihat Mr. Knowles arrived at Louisbourg in 
the last week of May, and without passing beyond its harbor, 
undertook, in June and July, already to certify to the seasons 
all the year round, the whole lands and character of the island, 
&c., and find his disparaging remarks increasing in intensity 
in 1746 and 1747, founded only on his personal feelings and 
views in the little port of Louisbourg, we can hardly adopt hia 
conclusions as well founded. On the 20 Jan'y. 1746-7, he tells 
the duke of Newcastle that many of the troops have been frozen 
to death, " and the sentries, though relieved every half hour, " 
" frequently lose their toes and fingers. Some have lost " 
" their limbs by mortification in a few hours. There is no " 
" such thing as using any kind of exercise to keep themselves " 
"warm, the snow in many places laying 10, 12 and 16 feet" 
" deep, and when it ceases snowing the whole island is cover- " 
" ed with a sheet of ice. Nothing is more common than for " 
" one guard to dig the other out of the guard-room before " 
" they can relieve them, and so by the rest of the officers " 
" and soldiers out of their several quarters, the drift snow " 
" sometimes covering the houses entirely." — " There is not " 
" a single person yet come to settle and fish here." — Our " 
" miseries and distresses, occasioned by the severity of the " 
" weather, I really want words to describe. Nature seems " 
" never to have designed this a place of residence for man, " 
" for with the poet we may justly say :" 

" Here elements have lost their uses." 
" Air ripens not, nor earth produces." 

" The severity of the winters, and the want and misery I " 
" foresee people in these parts must be exposed to, makes " 
" me despair of any enterprize succeeding in Acadia or Nova " 
" Scotia ; and certain I am, that were we in quiet possession " 
" of the town of Quebec, to-morrow, it would be impossible " 
" to keep it, had we no other enemy than the weather to * 
** encounter ; but I heartily hope that expedition is over. I " 
" persuade myself, now admiral Warren has got from amongst * 



1746. History of Nova-Scotia. 99 

" those enterprising genius's at New England, he will think " 
" otherwise, and see more dififtculties to surmount in conquer- " 
" ing Canada than they would let appear to his view whilst " 
" he was amongst them. He has most honorably acquired " 
" reputation and riches, and I wish him happily to enjoy " 
*' them in old England ; and next to the good he did his " 
" country by taking this place, I hope I shall add some by " 
" destroying it." It is probable that the unfavorable descrip- 
tion Knowles gave of Cape Breton, contributed to its being 
restored to France by the treaty of 1748. Time and events 
have shewn how mistaken were his views on many points ; 
but it cannot be doubted that both Nova Scotia and Cape 
Breton have been long retarded in their progress, owing to 
prejudiced and distorted views of climate, soil and capability, 
originating with uninformed, impatient and peevish persons, 
who have taken a slight view of some portion of our coast. 
Admiral Knowles, in a letter to the duke of Newcastle, dated 
8 November, 1746, says : " Should his majesty judge it neces- " 
*' sary to put the French inhabitants out of Nova Scotia and " 
** Accadie after this violation of their neutrality, I hope he'l " 
" do me the honor to let me have the command of the expe- " 
" dition." This letter does not specify what violation of 
neutrality it refers to. 



APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VII. 

(I.) 

N. de la Rochefoucauld, duo 'Anville, was born in the beginning of the iSth 
century, and entered early in the French navy. He preserved in that severe ser- 
vice a taste for letters and an elegance of manners, which characterize his illus- 
trious family. He was sent in 1746 with a fleet of 14 ships of the line to recover 
Louisbourg, but a violent tempest dispersed his squadron, and he died over- 
whelmed with grief, 16 September, 1746, at Chibouctou, where the English have 
«ince built the city of Halifax. [10 AVw York Colonial Documents, /. 73 — note 0/ 
Dr. O' Calla^han-I 



lOO History of Nova-Scotia. 



(2.) 

Jacques Pierre de Taflfiinell, marquis de la Jonquiere, was born in 1686, at la 
Jonqui^re, a little property in the bishopric of Alby, in Languedoc, of a family 
originally from Catalonia, little favored by the gifts of fortune. An uncle of hi» 
was an inspector of the navy, which led to his entering that service in 1698. He 
was on some expeditions in favor of Philip 5, king of Spain, and was detached 
under the celebrated Claude Forbin, chef cTescadre. He served on land as aide 
major, in 1703, against the Protestants of the Cevennes. He was at the siege of 
Toulon in 1707 — at Rio Janeiro and Chili, with Duguay Trouin, in 171 1. He 
was made a chevalier of St. Louis and captain of a free company in 1731 — 
capitaine de vaisseau in 1736 — inspector of the navy in 1741. In February, 1744, 
he was flag captain to vice admiral La Bruyere de Court, in his engagement with 
admiral Matthews. He was with the expedition of M. the duke D'Anville in 
May, 1746, to recapture Louisbourg, &c. &c. He was sent out as governor gen- 
eral of Canada, and captured by the English on his outward voyage 3 May, 1747. 
He returned and took possession of his government 2 Sept'r., 1749, and died at 
Quebec 17 May, 1752, at the age of 67 years, and was buried at the church of the 
Recollets. By his marriage with mademoiselle de la Valette, he left one daugh- 
ter only, who was married to the baron de Noe, of an illustrious family in Guy- 
enne. M. de la Jonquiere was well made, but low in stature, and had an impo- 
sing air. He was exceedingly brave, but uneducated, and very penurious and 
avaricious. 

(3) 

{From the American Magazine for 1746,/. 271.) 

The speech of his Excellency Peter Warren, Esq., to the American troops drawn 
upon the Parade at Louisbourg, May 19, 1746 : — 

Gentlemen : It is with very great pleasure I have called you together at this 
time, because I have it now in my power to gratify you in what you have so long 
and earnestly wished for and desired ; I mean to return to your Families and 
Settlements after the great fatigues you have gone through both in the Reduction 
and Protection of this valuable Acquisition. 

Your signal services upon this Occasion shall never be forgot by me ; and yon 
may be assured I will (as indeed Sir William Pepperell and I have already done 
by letters from hence) in person, whenever I return to Great Britain, represent 
your Services, and the Importance of this Conquest to his Majesty and the Min- 
istry in the truest Light. 

By the early care taken in sending Troops, Ships of War, and Stores of all 
kinds, for the Protection of the Garrison, it appears that our Mother Country is 
thoroughly apprized of its value ; and the consequence of it to the colonies you 
are all well acquainted with. 

In your return, Governour Shirley has strongly recommended your landing in 
the Eastern frontier of New England, which have been annoyed by some small 
parties of the enemy Indians. This will give such a countenance to the Out 
Settlements as cannot fail of having a very good Effect ; and as I am informed, 



History of Nova-Scotia. loi 

many of you have Settlements and Families upon the Frontiers, I flatter myself 
this will be very agreeable to you, especially as it will lay your Posterity to latest 
Generations under the greatest Obligations to you. Brigadier Waldo will go 
with you, and proper Provision of all kinds will be made for you. 

I have seen with great Concern how much the Officers and Men have been 
Crowded in their Houses since the Arrival of the Troops to relieve them, to pre- 
vent which, as much as possible, we have kept one of the Regiments on board 
the Transports till we can prepare Quarters for them in the Hospital, which we 
are under the necessity of converting into a Barrack ; when that is done, and new 
Barracks built, (the Materials for which are hourly expected), I hope there will 
be Room to give Houses to all such People as shall chuse to settle in this Place, 
and to allow to such of the Troops as are married proper conveniences out of the 
Barracks. 

Any Persons who have an Inclination to remain here as Inhabitants, or to 
enlist into his Majesty's service, may depend on my Protection, and the former 
shall always be at free Liberty to leave this Place whenever they please. And as 
nothing can contribute more to the Welfare of any Government and People than 
a religious Discharge of their Duty, and a benevolent and brotherly Behaviour to 
each other, I, in the most earnest Manner, recommend this, Gentlemen, to you 
all, that as we are one People, under the best of Kings and happiest of Govern- 
ments, we continue in one Mind, doing all the good Offices in our Power for each 
other. 

On Wednesday next we shall be able to land some more of the Gibraltar 
Troops, who, with those that are inlisted into the American Regiments, will 
mount all the Guards, and give you an Opportunity to get yourselves ready to 
embark on board the Vessels now preparing for you. 

I take this Opportunity to acquaint you that though I have received my Com- 
mission as Governour of this Garrison, and the Territories thereupon depending, 
and Colonel Warburton hath his as Lieutenant Governor, and as such we are both 
to be obey'd ; but no Instructions are yet come to our Hands, but we may daily 
expect them, which I hope will enable us to grant the Houses and Lands of 
this Conquest to his Majesty's Subjects ; in the Distribution of which you may 
depend, Gentlemen, that the greatest Regard shall be shewn to you who con- 
quered them. 

I sincerely wish you all an happy Meeting with your Families and Friends, and 
shall ever think it the greatest Happiness that can attend me, to have Power, 
equal to my Inclination, to serve every Officer and Soldier that has been in the 
least Degree Instrumental in the Reduction of this Garrison to his Majesty's 
Obedience ; the securing which during the Course of a long and severe Winter, 
in which you suffered the greatest Hardships, and many brave Men perished, till 
the arrival of his Majesty's Troops, highly merits the Favour of your King and 
Country, which I hope will always be shewn you. 

You are very happy, Gentlemen, in the Governours and Legislatures of your 
different Provinces, who, in all their Letters to Sir William Pepperell and myself, 
express the greatest Concern at the Mortality that raged among you last Winter, 
and that they had it not in their Power to keep their Faith with you, by relieving you 
so soon as they expected after the Reduction of this Place ; and such indeed was 
their care for you, that had not the two Regiments from Gibraltar happily arrived, 
nor the Levies gone on as well as they have done for the American Regiments 



I02 History of Nova-Scotia. 

both here and in the Colonies, yet they were determined, at any Expcncc, to 
raise Men this Spring to relieve you. 

When the two American Regiments arc compleat, which I hope will be soon, 
I think, with those from Gibraltar, who have l>een long used to Garrison Duty, 
and while we have so strong a Sea Force as those already arrived and daily 
expected, under the chief command of Admiral Townsend, (for while he remains 
I have only the Second at Sea), who has in many Instances distinguished himself 
in his Country's Service as a good and experienced Officer, we need not fear the 
Power of France ; but should their Vanity lead them to make any Attack upon 
us, I am perswaded the same Spirit that induced you to make this Conquest will 
prompt you to protect it. 

P. Warren. 

Louisbourg, May 19th, 1746. 

(4-) 

(American Magazine far 1746, /. 287.) 
Extract of a Letter from Louisbourg, dated June 3, 1746 : — 
" Colonel Choat is returned from St. John's. The French are all ready to 
embark for France, and in order thereto. Ships are going from hence to receive 
them ; they wanted to continue there on the terms granted to the Annapolis 
Royal French, but it was rejected. 

Ships n<nv at this Place and cruising: — Kingston, 60 guns ; Pembroke, 60 guns ; 
Chester, 50 guns ; Vigilant, 64 guns ; Norwich, 50 guns ; Canterbury, 60 guns ; 
Fowey, 40 guns ; Dover, 40 guns ; Torrington, 40 guns ; Kinsale, 40 guns ; 
Shirley, 20 guns ; Albany, sloop, 12 guns. 

Boston, Wednesday, 25. — Yesterday arrived here, in 15 days from Louisbourg, 
his Majesty's ship Chester, of 50 guns, capt. Spry, commander, with a blue flag 
at her Mizen topmast head, in which came the Honourable Admiral Warren and 
Sir William Pepperell, Bart. At the ship's entrance into the Harbour, they 
were saluted by the guns of his Majesty's shij)s the Bienaime and the Fireship 
Louisbourg, lying in Nantasket Harbour, and came to an anchor in King Road ; 
from thence, in the afternoon, upon notice being given 'em from Castle William, 
by firing some guns and hoisting the Flag that His Excellency our Governour 
was arrived at the Castle to receive them, they proceeded thither in the Admiral's 
Barge, and made his Excellency a visit, being saluted in their passage thither by 
the Guns of the Massachusetts Frigate and Boston Packet, and upon their land- 
ing at the Castle by the artillery there ; and from thence about five o'clock they 
proceeded to Town with his Excellency in the Castle barge, being saluted again 
at their putting off, with the discharge of the Castle Guns. Upoi* their approach 
to the Town, they were, by his Excellency's order, saluted by the Town batteries, 
which had their colours displayed, as they were also by several vessels in the 
harbour. Upon their landing at the Long wharf, they were received and con- 
gratulated by the Honourable Gentlemen of his Majesty's Council and House 
of Representatives, and a great number of Gentlemen and Officers, and being 
attended by his Excellency's company of Cadets, under arms, made a hand- 
some procession to the Council Chamber ; and it being a training day for the 
Regiment of Militia in this town, the Regiment was drawn up under arms in King 
street by his Excellency's order, and the officers paid the standing salute, as he, 



History of Nova-Scotia. 103 

the Admiral and General, passed by thro' a great concourse of Spectators in the 
•treet, and at the windows and balconies, and afterwards the Regiment fired 
three vollies, and gave as many huzzas, and a general joy appear'd at their safe 
arrival here. 

The same day the speaker and representatives waited on the Admiral and Pep- 
perell, with congratulations, &c" 



I04 History of Nova-Scotia. I747« 



CHAPTER VIII. 



1747. De Ramezay's intention was to winter in this province, 
so as to be ready to unite with the land and sea forces expect- 
ed in the spring from France, with a view to the reduction of 
Annapolis. He withdrew from Mines to Chignecto. Masca- 
rene considered that beyond the usual garrison of regulars at 
Annapolis, and the three companies of auxiliaries, volunteers 
from New England, he should have an additional force of one 
thousand men in the province, to repel the French — dislodge 
them from the country, and, by consuming provisions, deprive 
them of the facility of subsistence here. Their influence over 
the inhabitants would thus be lessened, and that of the Eng- 
lish increased. The whole number he required was voted 
accordingly by the New England colonies, but by various 
accidents the Massachusetts quota of 500 was the only part 
that came over. They set out, the first division under captain 
Morris, (the ancestor of the family of that name), which arriv- 
ed at Mines 13 December, 1746. When all were arrived, they 
did not exceed 470 men, besides officers. Having landed on 
the sea shore, at a distance West of Grand Pre, and no water 
carriage being to be had in the winter season, they marched 
by land thirty leagues in eight days, every man with fourteen 
days' provisions on his back. Major Erasmus J. Philipps and 
Edward How were sent to Mines to take charge of all civil 
affairs there, by an order dated 19 Jan'y., 1747. All salt held 
in Annapolis was embargoed from removal or sale. Colonel 
Arthur Noble came with the troops from Boston as comman- 
der, and colonel John Gorham is called commander of the 



1747" History of Nova-Scotia. 105 

expedition. Mascarene gave written instructions to Mr. How, 
in which he says : " The most material points are — to keep " 
"troops at that place" (Mines) " till the navigation is freely" 
" open — to make them subsist of the produce of the country, " 
"without burthening the inhabitants — to keep an exact" 
" account of what is expended that way, for w^h Col. Noble " 
" to vouch for ; what relates to Col. Waldo is to be repaid " 
" from New England in salt, English goods or Indian corn. " 
" The less of the last the better for the publick service ; and " 
" for the company of Rangers by Col. Gorham, which last is " 
"to be made out of the stores here — to use all possible" 
" means to gett a true intelligence of the number, strength, " 
" dispositions and designs of the enemy at Chickanecto, in " 
" which service some of the delinquents might be employ'd, " 
" and hopes given them, if they give a just and faithfull " 
" report, to regain the favor of the Gov't." The resources of 
the Mines district had been considered in the council, who 
concluded that one-tenth of the corn and cattle in that region 
would be sufficient to feed the troops stationed there for three 
months, without injury to the inhabitants. On the 29 Janu- 
ary, 0. s., (9 February, n. s.), colonel Gorham and major E. J. 
Philipps left Mines with a small escort, to go by land to 
Annapolis Royal. Colonel Noble and his 470 New England 
soldiers were quartered among the people of Grand Pre, being 
much scattered, and not apprehending any attack. We must 
now advert to the movements of the French party stationed 
at Beaubassin, (Cumberland.) 

On the 8 Jan'y- n. s., an inhabitant who arrived at Chignecto 
from Mines, reported to M. de Ramezay, who then commanded 
at Beaubassin, that the English, about 250 in number, had 
arrived at Grand Pre on the 24 December, (13 Dec'r., o. s.) 
Ramezay held a council of his officers, and they were all of 
opinion that they should move as soon as possible, to drive 
out the enemy before they should have time to establish them- 
selves there. It was known that the English were lodged in 
the houses of the inhabitants, intending to fortify themselves 
in the spring, and believing that no attack would be made in 
the winter. De Ramezay was then suffering from a severe 



io6 History of Nova-Scotia, I747» 

bruise on the knee, received in his journey to Mines, [lo New 
York Col. Docs., p. 91], and gave the command of the detach- 
ment to M. de Coulon de Villiers, who had 240 Canadians, 
and 60 Indians, Malecites and Micmacs, with twelve officers. 
Wicker-work sleighs had to be made to carry provisions and 
accoutrements — snow shoes collected for the whole party, and 
the Indians brought in, as they were all absent. These pre- 
parations were not accomplished until the 23 January, n. s., 
(12 Jan'y., o. s.), at noon, when the expedition set forth from 
Chignecto, (Cumberland.) After seventeen days march thro' 
snow and frost, and over the ice of rivers and streams, they 
reached Piziguit (now Windsor) on the 9 February, n. s., (29 
Jan'y., o. s., distant about 5 leagues from Grand Pre. The 
English accounts of this expedition raise the number of the 
French and their auxiliaries to 600 or 700. There the party 
passed the night in the dwellings of the inhabitants, having 
placed guards on all the roads to prevent their progress being 
made known to the English. On the 10 February, (30 Jan'y,, 
o. s.), they learned from several inhabitants who had come 
from Grand Pre, (now Horton), that there were about 600 
English, there, under command of colonel Noble, dispersed 
among the houses of the settlers, having no other lodgings to 
obtain — that the inhabitants had abandoned their dwellings 
to them, for fear of an attack by the French. They, the peo- 
ple of Mines, had assured the English that the French would 
come and attack them, but the English were incredulous, rely- 
ing on the severity of the winter to prevent such an attempt. 
The French moved on about noon, and after marching about 
three leagues, (7 1-2 miles), halted. 

Coulon divided his troops into ten detachments. He took 
with himself messieurs de Beaujeu, Delignerie, Lemercier, 
Lery, four cadets and seventy-five men ; and the other 
nine divisions were each of an officer and twenty-eight 
men — (total 346 men.) These were designed to assail ten 
houses only. The English were posted in twenty-four houses, 
and the French had not men enough to attack them all, but 
they moved against the strongest houses, where the officers 
lodged. At 9, p. M., the French got to the river Gaspereaux, 



1747' History of Nova-Scotia. 107 

half a league from Grand Pr6. There they passed part of the 
night ; and having placed the officers at the head of each 
detachment, they began their march at 2, a. m., on the 1 1 Feb- 
ruary, (3 1 Jan'y., o. s.), with the guides to conduct each party 
to the house it was appointed to break into. There were 
twenty-five Acadians with them, who had joined them at Pes- 
seguit and the other places they had passed through, and who 
had offered of their own accord to take up arms. 

They arrived at Grand Pre about 3 1-2, a. m., much incom- 
moded by the cold and by the snow. (A snow storm was then 
raging, which had lasted 30 hours, and covered the ground 
about four feet deep.) The houses were well guarded, but 
owing to the great darkness that prevailed, the sentries did 
not discover them until they got within musket range. They 
attacked briskly in spite of the enemy's fire, killing the cen- 
tinels — rushing into the houses, and forcing their way, when 
necessary, by the blows of their axes — surprised the English in 
their beds, (Col. Noble was slain fighting in his shirt, early in 
the engagement), and in a very little time obtained possession 
of the premises they occupied, and also of a boat and of a 
schooner of 80 tons, that had been used to bring the effects of 
the English. The officers and cadets distinguished themselves 
in this action, and the Canadians displayed much bravery. 
Of the English, were killed, colonel Arthur Noble, — his 
brother, ensign Noble, and three other officers — lieutenants 
Lechmere, Jones and Pickering, (Lechmere was nephew to 
lord Lechmere), and 70 non-commissioned officers and pri- 
vates, according to the English account ; but the French 
stated that 140 English were killed. The English wounded 
were stated by the French as 38, but by the English account 
at 60. The French claim to have taken 54 prisoners ; the 
English say that 69 were taken. Among the prisoners were 
captain Doane, lieutenant Gerrish, ensign Newton, and Mr. 
How, who was also wounded. The French acknowledge the 
loss of seven of their people killed on this occasion, two of 
whom were Indians ; and fourteen French were wounded, 
among whom were messieurs de Coulon and Lusignant. Cou- 
lon's left arm was pierced by a ball, and Lusignant had his 



io8 History of Nova-Scotia. I747- 

thigh broken, and received a wound in his shoulder. They 
were both carried to Gaspereaux, where the surgeon had been 
left. 

The English who were in the houses not attacked, collected 
to the number of 350 in a stone building, where they had can- 
non. This place it was intended that Coulon and his party 
should attempt, but his guide led him to another house. When 
they had gathered in this stone house, and daylight came, they 
made a sortie, to the number of 200 men, with a view, as the 
French commander La Corne thought, to take him, who was 
in the next house, in which, he says, he had killed colonel 
Noble and his brother, but they were repulsed by the French 
detachment. The French and English continued to fight 
from house to house until 11, a. m. By one of the English 
accounts, the sortie was made because the stone building was 
very small, and unfitted for defence, and they wished to regain 
their vessels and stores, but their want of snow shoes defeated 
their exertions. The residue of the English got together, but 
had only 8 rounds of ammunition left, and provisions enough 
for one day only, and no fuel, and were much disheartened. 
About noon, flags of truce passed, and a suspension of arms 
until 9 A. M. on the next day was agreed upon. Both parties 
were exhausted. 

Coulon being then at Gaspereaux, where he had caused 
himself to be carried, severely wounded and having lost much 
blood, the command had devolved on M. La Corne ; and the 
officer at the head of the English was captain Goldthwaite, who 
had been a captain in Waldo's regiment at Louisbourg. The 
English officers wishing to enter into terms of capitulation, 
La Corne wrote to Coulon, who was lodged at three quarters 
of a league from the French camp, informing him of the pro- 
posal, and asking his intentions. He replied verbally by M. 
Montigni, that he should approve of whatev^er Coulon and the 
officers with him should decide upon. La Corne assembled 
the officers. They all agreed to grant terms to the English, 
still much more numerous than the French, who had been 
now abandoned by the greater part of their Indian allies. 

The terms of capitulation were, in efiect, that the English 



1747' History of Nova-Scotia. 109 

troops at Grand Pre should leave within twice 24 hours for 
Annapolis Royal, with the honors of war. That the English 
previously taken, should remain prisoners of war. That the 
boat and the schooner, and what the Indians had pillaged, 
should not be restored. That the sick and wounded English 
might stay, till they recovered, at the river an Canard. That 
the troops of his Britannic Majesty, then at Grand Pri, should 
not carry arms at the river an Canard, the Gra?id Pr^, Pesse- 
giiit, Copeguet, or Beanbassin, for six months. (See capitulation 
in Appendix to this chapter.) These articles were signed by 
all the officers, English and French, who were on the spot, 
and taken by aide-major de Lignerie to Coulon, at Gaspereaux, 
who signed the next day. The weather being extremely bad 
on the 13 Feb'y-, (n. s.,) La Corne allowed the English the 
next day for burying their dead, with a safeguard of two Ser- 
jeants and twelve soldiers. The English officers passed the 
day with the French, and La Corne says that they were sur- 
prised that the Canadians, whom they previously looked on as 
savages, with scarcely any sentiment of humanity, should treat 
them so politely and with so much mildness after the action, 
especially the prisoners, to whom they tried to soften, as far as 
it was possible, the pain of their lot. Among these last was 
Mr. How, a member of the council of Annapolis Royal, who 
had come after the detachment as commissary general. He 
had a very dangerous wound in the left arm. La Corne had 
taken him with arms in his hands, in the house where colonel 
Noble and his brother were killed, and he was released on 
parole, on condition that the sieur La Croix, who had been 
taken carrying relief to Louisbourg during the siege, and now 
remained prisoner at Boston, should be sent back in exchange 
for him, which was faithfully done. The missionaries, Mijiiac 
and de la Goudalie, requested and obtained the liberation also 
of a young English officer from La Corne. 

On the 14th, the English being ready to leave, they marched 
out by pairs, with their arms and colors, powder and ball, 
through a lane formed by the French, (6 officers and 60 men), 
detached for the purpose. The English who came out were 
14 officers, 330 soldiers, besides a commissary, a clerk, a doc- 



no History of Nova-Scotia. i747 

tor and a surgeon, in all 348. They were escorted as far as 
the last houses of the settlers, being a distance of three leagues, 
where provisions were given them for the journey, and twenty 
Acadians went with them to the nearest houses of Port Royal. 

The deputies of Mines represented to the Canadian officers 
that they were sadly destitute of provisions, many not having 
means of subsisting their families or of sowing their fields, 
owing to the frequent visits of the French and English detach- 
ments, who had consumed almost every thing. The officers 
decided to return to Beaubassin, (Cumberland), where they 
had left de Ramezay with a small party, and were more 
likely to obtain supplies, having a vessel and three boats 
that had wintered in bale Verte. To take advantage of the 
hard snow and the ice for marching, they concluded to start 
with as little delay as possible. They had some small cannon 
with them, two were six-pounders, and three two-pounders. 
As they could not take them on, they broke them. They 
burned the gun carriages and the boat taken from the Eng- 
lish. The prize schooner belonged to an inhabitant named 

G , who had always helped the French since the war 

began, and his vessel was given back to him by order of de 
Ramezay. They left Grand Pr^ 23 February, n. s., taking 
with them their prisoners and four captured flags, and they 
arrived at Beaubassin 8 March, n. s. La Corne, major de 
Beaujeu, and messieurs LeMercier and Marin, met there an 
order from marquis de Beauharnois to go at once to Quebec ; 
and on the i June, de Ramezay, with most of his detachment, 
took the same route, leaving Le Gardeur de Repentigny at 
the post with 30 Canadians and about 40 Indians. At the end 
of two months they were also withdrawn from Chignecto, by 
order from Beauharnois. The removal of the French from 
Chignecto was supposed to have followed their learning the 
destruction of la Jonqui^re's squadron. 

A large fleet had left Rochelle in the spring, comprising 
seven men of war, commanded by M. de St. George, a knight 
of Malta, having six outward bound Indiamen under his con- 
voy, and five other ships of war commanded by la Jonqui^re, 
transports and merchant vessels destined for Canada, with 



1747- History of Nova-Scotia. iii 

soldiers, stores and goods on board, designed for Nova Scotia 
and Canada. The English admirals, Anson and Warren, 
with sixteen ships of war, (thirteen being of the line), met this 
expedition on 3 May, in North Latitude 43° 46'. The English 
captured six French men-of-war, six French Indiamen, and 
many transports. The French loss in killed and wounded 
amounted to 700 men. Jonqui^re was made prisoner, and 
four thousand or five thousand French also were taken. The 
booty was also large, in ships, specie, arms, &c. Among 
other things found in the transports were 7000 suits of clothes 
and 1000 stand of arms, &c., designed for the use of the Aca- 
dians and Indians. The English lost capt. Grenville, of the 
Defiance, killed, and about 500 others killed and wounded. 
Anson was made a peer, and Warren a knight of the bath, 
an honor then but rarely bestowed. The duke of Newcastle 
states that Jonqui^re's fleet had on board ammunition and war- 
like stores, and 10,000 stand of arms, and that they intended 
to arm Canadians and Indians, and land a force at Bay Verte, 
to attack Nova Scotia. {^Letter 30 May, 17^7, to Knozvles.'] 
(The authorities I have relied on for the particulars of the 
engagement at Mines, in Feb'y. 1747, are the History of the 
British empire in America, 1 86-191 ; 2 Williamson's Maine, 
249-254; Douglass, 324-326; La Corne's narrative, and the 
London magazine for 1747.) 

On the 8 February, (19th, new style), president Mascarene 
writes a letter to Mr. How, in French, that he might shew it 
to the commander of the French party. To him and all his 
officers he sends his compliments, and thanks them for the 
civility they have shewn to our people after the action. He 
says : " I do not think he can count you among the number " 
" of the prisoners of war, as you have no commission from " 
" the king in our regiments here nor in the garrison, and " 
" that you have been at Mines only in quality of a member " 
" of council, to secure the inhabitants from the oppression or " 
" ravage that troops cause generally in their quarters." Sug- 
gests that if the prisoners are released, he will get governor 
Shirley to send back an equal number of French. — 12 Feb'y., 
o. s., Mascarene issues an order, directing the cutting and 



112 History of Nova-Scotia. i747' 

bringing in firewood for the garrison, and offers to pay 22 shil- 
lings, 13 liards, 4 sols, per cord. Each inhabitant is to furnish 
8 cords. — The governor and council united in writing to gov- 
ernor Shirley, at Boston, praying his aid to get the exchange 
effected for Mr. How, whose personal worth and many ser- 
vices they mention. They state that he was sent to Mines as 
a civil officer, " and that at his own expences," to assist in 
providing the troops there with provisions, and to prevent dis- 
orders. Mr. Newton was also sent to Boston, to forward the 
exchange. Mascarene, in a letter of 14 March, o. s., to the 
French commander, repudiates, with some indignation, a sug- 
gestion of the French officer, that his remark as to How's not 
being fairly to be considered a prisoner of war, was intended 
to lead to his breaking his parole. I think Mascarene's argu- 
ment was sound, and that Mr. How was really a non-comba- 
tant. Taking up weapons to defend his life, or that of his 
friend, on a sudden nocturnal attack, could hardly vary his 
position as a civilian. M. La Croix, who had been taken 
24 July, 1745, at the mouth of little Brador, returned to Canada 
with five other Frenchmen, who were sent back from Boston 
to M. de Ramezay, in exchange for Mr. How. La Croix left 
Boston 8 April, with a pass from Shirley, and got to Quebec 
28 May. \\o N. York Col. Docts., p. 100] On the 12 April, 
capt. Rous came to Mines in a 24-gun brig, with two armed 
schooners and 300 men. They landed 150 men, hoisted their 
flag at the stone house, and, after four days' sojourn, retired. 
At this time the French appear to have kept up a look- 
out party of some kind at Chibouctou, as de Ramezay sends 
news from that place, of the 28th March, that only one 
English vessel had made her appearance there — that she 
had fired on four Acadians, who had abandoned a pirogue,, 
which the English subsequently carried off. Same date, two 
large ships seen sailing in the direction of Isle Royale, (that is 
Eastward.) 12 May, only two English vessels appeared at 
Chibouctou, but did not land. The French continued to have 
scouts and pilots there. — 10 July, o. s. Firewood being scarce 
with the garrison of Annapolis, an order was issued to forbid 
its exportation. — In August, letters were received at Quebec 



1 747, History of Nova-Scotia. 1 1 3 

from father Germain, who offers a project for the capture of 
Port Royal, which he represented as actually devoid of any 
garrison, the soldiers there dying daily. \\o N. V. Doc's., 121.] 
The frontier wars of the French and Indians on the borders 
of New England, still carried on upon a petty scale, no doubt 
were very harrassing. At Quebec they had, this year, 361 
English prisoners. In August, 171 of them returned to Bos- 
ton, exchanged or ransomed-— 90 were scattered — 30 too sick 
to be removed, and 70 had died in captivity. [2 IVillidinson, 

254] 

Captain Cobb, afterwards an active commander of a govern- 
ment vessel, had pursued Gautier, the younger, as far as 
Mines. Mascarene tells the deputies on this occasion that 
" those who oppose the government, and think themselves " 
" in safety at Mines, are not as strong as they think." He 
promises, but postpones payment for supplies to the troops 
who had been there under Noble, probably supposing they 
would be less inclined to act hostilely by the debt remaining 
over. On the 3 Sept'r. president Mascarene issued a commis- 
sion as a letter of marque, to William Knox, master of the 
sloop Marigold, about 80 tons burthen ; Mr. Shirreff counter- 
signs it as secretary, and Mr. How, as judge of vice admirajlty^ 
certifies that Knox has given bond, with two sufficient sure- 
ties in ;^I500, for obeying rules, &c. — Sept'r. 17, father Ger^ 
main, being at Quebec, got 400 lb. powder, 1000 lb. lead and 
ball, 30 blankets, &c., for his Malecites, and 50 bHs. flour to 
be sent to Miramichi for them. [Paris documents, N. Y. Docs., 
V. 10, p. 126.] In the course of this year, a dang^erous mutiny 
arose in the garrison of Loaisbourg. Knowles, in obedience 
to orders he had received from England, ordered a stoppage 
out of the soldiers' pay to be made, " and in a few " 
" hours after the whole garrison were in a general mutiny, " 
" and the troops ran and returned their provisions into " 
" store in a tumultuous manner, and swore they were no " 
" longer soldiers. It was impossible to discover any lead- " 
" ers, for in an instant there were more than a thousand " 
'* assembled together" Knowles ordered them under arms, 
and met them upon the parade — told them it was the king's 
b8 



114 History of Nova-Scotia. I747' 

order, &c. They remonstrated with him, regiment by regi- 
ment, stating that they were ready to risk their hves for the 
king ; but they must perish, if, in so dear a place for provi- 
sions, their pay was retrenched, and that if they had not their 
full pay they could be no longer soldiers. He says : " All " 
" reasoning proving ineffectual, and perceiving many to be " 
" heated with drink, I found myself obliged to order their pay " 
"and provisions to be continued to them till his majesty's" 
" further pleasure should be known ; when they huzzaed, and " 
" said they would serve faithfully." \Loiusbourg, 28 June, 
1 747-] 



APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VHI. 

(From the lo vol. Ne7v York Documents, /. 78.^ 

CAPITULATION GRANTED BY HIS MOST CHRISTIAN MAJESTY'S TROOPS TO 
THOSE OF HIS BRITANNIC MAJESTY AT GRAND PRE'. 

(I.) 

A detachment of his most Christian majesty's troops will form themselves into 
two lines in front of the stone house occupied by his Britannic Majesty's troops, 
who will take their departure for Annapolis Royal within twice 24 hours, with 
the honors of war, six days' provisions, haversack, one pound of powder and one 
pound of ball per man 

(2.) 

The English prisoners in the hands of the French will remain prisoners of war. 

(3-) 

The shipping seized by the troops of his most Christian Majesty, cannot be 
restored to his Britannic Majesty's troops. 

(4-) 
As pillage was committed only by the Indians, the booty cannot be restored. 

(5) 

The sick and wounded belonging to the English, actually in his Britannic 
Majesty's hands, will be conveyed to the river Aux Canards, where they shall be 



History of Nova-Scotia. 115 

lodged by order of the French commandant, and supported at his Britannic 
Majesty's expense, until they be in a condition to be removed to Annapolis 
Royal ; and the French commandant shall furnish them with letters of protec- 
tion, and they shall be at liberty to retain one of their surgeons until they be 
restored to health. 

(6.) 

His Britannic Majesty's troops actually at Grand Pre will not be at liberty to 
bear arms at the head of the bay of Fundy, that is to say, at Mines, Cobequitte, 
and Beaubassin, during the term of six months from the date hereof. 

On the acceptance and signing of these conditions on the one side and the 
other, his Britannic Majesty's troops will bring with them a flag, and march to-day 
from their guard-house, of which his most Christian Majesty's troops will take 
possession, as well as of Grand Pre and all the munitions of war, provisions and 
artillery, which his Britannic Majesty's troops now have. 

Done at Grand Pre, the 12th of February, 1747. 

(Signed) Coulon de Villier, 

Commanding the French party. 
Benja>iin Goldthwaite, 

Commanding the English, who has 
signed with thirteen others. 



1 1 6 History of Nova-Scotia, 1 748^ 



CHAPTER IX. 



J 748. We now approach the close of the war between 
England and France, which began in the spring of 1744, and 
terminated in this year, 1748. This peace, it will be found, 
did not put an end to the difficulties and sufferings of the 
English in our part of the world, as the Indians were encour- 
aged and employed to do damage, while the French professed 
to keep the peace, but yet acted on unfounded claims, and 
pushed their troops into territories to which their right was 
purely imaginary, so as to restrict and hamper the progress of 
English settlement. The events of the year 1748, in Nova 
Scotia, are not of great magnitude, but they may possess an 
interest, as indicative of the temper and manners of the age, 
and throw some light upon the actual condition of the country 
and its inhabitants. We find that in May, 1747, the duke of 
Newcastle had commanded Shirley, the governor of Massa- 
chusetts, and Knowles, governor of Louisbourg, that the 
American troops should be discharged, except such number 
as they should deem requisite for the defence of Annapolis 
and Louisbourg. They decided to retain seven auxiliary com- 
panies for that service. By commission, dated Boston, New 
England, i November, 1747, they appointed William Clapham 
captain of one of these seven companies, and on the ist Janu- 
ary, 1747-8, he took the oaths, &c., before governor Shirley. 
Hopson, who was lieut. colonel of Fuller's regiment, had suc- 
ceeded Knowles in the government of Louisbourg. He wrote 
1 2 April, 1748, to the duke of Newcastle. He was then appre- 
hensive of an attack on the colliery or the coal vessels. A 



1748. History of Nova-Scotia. 117 

block-house had been sent there from Boston, which he inten- 
ded to have set up at the colHery at the mouth of the river 
Indienne, (Indian bay, now called Lingan), which, he says, is 
" a small river 14 or 15 leagues N. E." (of Louisbourg), " or" 
■'near it, and an officer's •command with it, to protect the " 
"' colliery there." 

A proclamation of governor Shirley, dated 21 October, 
1747, was received at Annapolis Royal 12 April, 1748. It 
promised the king's protection to the loyal inhabitants of Nova 
Scotia, but it proscribed by name, as guilty of treason and 
outlaws, Louis Gautier ; Joseph and Pierre Gautier, two of his 
sons ; Amand Bugeau ; Joseph Le Blanc, dit le Maigre, (lean) ; 
Charles and Francis Raymond ; Charles LeRoy, a native of 
this province ; and his brother Philips LeRoy ; Joseph Bros- 
sard, dit Beausoleil ; Pierre Guidry, dit -Grivois ; (jovial) and 
Louis Hebert, formerly servant of captain Handfield ; — in all 
twelve persons. ;^50 sterling is offered for each, if delivered 
up within six months ; also a pardon to such of the guilty as 
deliver up an outlaw besides the reward of ^50. It seems 
singular that this proclamation should emanate from the gov- 
ernor of Massachusetts, while the accused belong to Nova 
Scotia, and their crimes were committed in this province. 
But the secretary of State had directed Shirley to assist Mas- 
carene in protecting this province, which he did effectively on 
many occasions, and there was no revenue in Nova Scotia, so 
that the hands of our governors at Annapolis were tied up, 
and they could effect little, unless when aided from New Eng- 
land. It is to be presumed that the twelve persons proscribed 
had been notorious, in aiding the French and Indians in the 
subsisting war. Mascarene wrote about this time to the depu- 
ties of Mines and Chicanecto, informing them that Shirley had 
been authorized by the English government to use all requi- 
site means to keep this province in safety — that a vessel of 
20 guns had arrived in consequence of this, and that another 
ship of war, transports and troops, were expected. So unset- 
tled was the state of affairs, that persons going from one part 
of the province to another were often obliged to obtain special 
passports ; as where disaffection prevailed and invasions were 



ii8 ' History of N" ova-Scotia. 1748. 

frequent, the government was necessarily apprehensive of all 
unusual movements of individuals. As an example of this, we 
find, 23 April, 1748, a passport was granted by Mascarene, for 
the shallop Mary Joseph, Charles Boudrot, master — Charles 
Ambroise Melanson, and Honore Bourg, mariners, and Mar- 
garet Pommicoup and Margaret La Montague, passengers, 
giving them leave to go to cape Sables, viz., Pommicoup river, 
Baccareaux passage and Tibogue, but not beyond cape Sables. 
The Pommicoup here spoken of is the Poubomcou in earlier 
documents, now called Pubnico. Margaret Pommicoup, we 
may conclude, belonged to the Mius family, connected with 
the Latours. {See the pedigree, p. 264, vol. ist, of this work.) 
On the 23 April, two vessels with goods on board, but equip- 
ped with arms for war, were sent to Mines. Captain Morris 
and Mr. Marston went with them to support them by their 
presence and to inspect that neighborhood, and the govern- 
ment sloop Ordnance-packet went with them. 

The European powers who had been at war having sent 
plenipotentiaries to Aix la Chapelle to make peace, prelim- 
inary articles for a treaty were agreed on, and signed on the 
19-30 April. All hostilities on land were thereby to cease 
within six weeks, and at sea " in the time mentioned in the " 
" treaty of suspension of arms between Great Britain and " 
" France, signed at Paris August 19, 1712," that is six weeks 
North of the Equator and six months beyond it. All con- 
quests were to be restored. Thus cape Breton became again 
a French dominion. The cessation of arms was declared by 
proclamation at the Royal Exchange, London, on the 9 May, 
(o. s.) Meantime, to do what was right and fair, the English 
parliament this year made a grant of money to indemnify the 
colonists for their expences in the conquest of Louisbourg. 
The sums voted were : 



/. s. 


^. 


183649 2 


7h 


16355 13 


4 


28863 19 


I 


6332 12 


10 


547 15 





235749 2 


loV 



1 748. History of Nova-Scoiia. 1 1 9 



To Massachusetts colony, 

To New Hampshire, 

To Connecticut, 

To Rhode Island, 

To James Gibson, Esq,, 

Sum total, 

The lords of Trade, in their letter to president Mascarene 
of 24 May, say that his particular accounts of the expeditions 
of the enemy by land and sea gave them great satisfaction, 
and they highly commend the prudent measures he had taken, 
and they attribute the preserving of the province to his atten- 
tion and the aid given by the neighboring colonies ; and they 
have referred his request for salary and allowance to the duke 
of Bedford, one of the secretaries of State. Mascarene, in his 
letter of 15 June to the secretary of State, says, that the 
repeated attempts of the enemy on Nova Scotia have not had 
the success they expected ; " and notwithstanding the means " 
" they have used to entice or force into open rebellion the " 
" inhabitants, who are all of French extraction and Tapists, " 
"they have not been able to prevail, except upon a few of" 
" them ; and after having entered this province three differ- " 
" ent times, and as often blocked up this fort, with forces far " 
" superior to what could be opposed to them, they were at " 
" last, about a twelvemonth ago, obliged to retire to Quebec. " 
" This fort, the only place of strength in this province, and " 
'' the only one where the English have now a footing, and " 
" which, at the beginning of the war, was in a very ruinous " 
" condition, has, during the intervals the recess of the enemy " 
" allowed, been repaired in the best manner the situalion and " 
" circumstances would allow, in which the French inhabitants " 
" have been made to assist with materials and their labor, on " 
" moderate encouragement of pay. H. M. ship Port Mahon " 
" arrived here a fortnight ago ; and Mr. Shirley, pursuant to " 
"the order he had from home, has sent already upwards of" 
" 200 men from the Massachusetts bay, and intends to send " 



I20 History of Nova-Scotia. '74^- 

" more. By the last intelligence I had, I am informed the " 

" Canadians are projecting some new attempt on this pro- " 

" vince, expecting, as they give out, shipping from France, to " 

" assist them." 

ft 
Father Germain had reported at Quebec that certani French 

refugees in the vicinity of Tatimigouche, who had come from 
the island of cape Breton, designed to go to that island to 
make some devastation there. In consequence of this infor- 
mation, it was resolved in Canada to send a party to Beaubas- 
sin, under command of ensign Marin, to consist of lOO Indians 
from the different villages, and 40 more men. This detach- 
ment was to be employed not only in preventing the English 
from forming any new settlements in Acadie, but also in 
annoying and harrassing them, either at Port Royal or in Isle 
Royale, (cape Breton), as far as the environs of Louisbourg, 
or in the different harbors where they cut firewood, should 
they find opportunity to go there, so as to disgust the enemy 
more and more with their conquest. On the ist July, ensign 
Marin sailed with forty Frenchmen, in three Biscaycnnes, for 
bale Verte and Beaubassin, where he was to join the sieur 
Baillcul, who is to wait for him there with his detachment. 
\N. York Colonial documents, v. 10, pp. 166-169.] On the 8th 
July, the king's batemi, the St. Joseph, from cape Chat, brought 
to Canada twenty-four men and women, inhabitants of Isle 
Royale, who had remained since the war at the harbor 
called L'Indienne, who had been forced to come to Quebec 
by a detachment of 40 Isle Royale settlers, under the com- 
mand of one Jacques Coste, who also captured two small 
English vessels at the same harbor. These 24 persons 
came to cape Chat along with 20 prisoners taken by the 
same detachment ; but provisions having failed, Dugard, 
the commander, had been forced to pay a ransom, and the 
prisoners returned to Louisbourg. On the 29 July, Coste 
arrived in Canada, in command of a schooner taken at Indi- 
enne, (Lingan), with a batemi by his detachment of French 
and Indian refugees of Acadie. Cost6 brought off an English 
infantry officer and a soldier, whom he took at Little Brador, 
also the master of the schooner. This detachment burnt all 



1748. History of Nova-Scotia. 121 

the houses of the French who were at Indian harbor and 
Little Brad or, and who were working for the EngHsh since 
the capture of Louisbourg. It likewise burnt more than 2000 
cords of firewood, that were along the coast, and which the 
English got the French to cut for their use. Governor Hop- 
son says that there was a very good officer, lieut. Rhodes, of 
Sir Wm. Pepperell's regiment, in command at the colliery, 
which was about 4 miles from L'Indienne bay, who was then 
erecting the block-house for its protection. The capture of 
the shallops stopped the supply of coal for a month. He had 
to employ an armed vessel to protect the intercourse with the 
coal mine. All the French left on the island retired to Louis- 
bourg, after about 40 settlers were carried off from the colliery, 
and Hopson had to find food for most of them, they not daring 
to return to their homes. In August, a quantity of goods 
were sent round to Mines, in a sloop, convoyed by two armed 
schooners and H. M. S. Port Mahon, in payment for the pro- 
visions furnished in 1746 by the inhabitants to colonel Noble 
and his party. The value per invoice was over 10,000 livres, 
being near ;^3200, Old Tenor, Massachusetts Currency. (See 
particulars in appendix.) A letter was addressed to Masca- 
rene (15 April) by colonel W. Hore, and captains Benjamin 
Goldthwaite, Jedediah Prebble and William Clapham, of the 
independant companies lately raised in New England for 
assisting in the defence of Annapolis, requesting a change in 
the lood of their men, who wished to have more meat in lieu 
of rum and molasses. Mascarene explains to them that his 
garrison are victualled by a contract made in P^ngland, — the 
others by a contract made by Shirley. He is willing to do all 
he can, but he refers them to governor Shirley. 

On 26 August, M. Bigot, the intendant, arrives at Quebec. 
The count de la Galissoniere was there as governor since 
January. Mascarene, in an official letter, taxes the inhabi- 
tants of Mines with disobedience, divisions among themselves, 
screening the proscribed, stopping his packet with a procla- 
mation enclosed for Chignecto and throwing the address into 
the fire, harboring rebels, and yielding " obedience to that " 
" banditti who are surely seeking your ruin as well as their " 



122 History of Nova-Scotia, 1748 

" own, by involving you thus insensibly in their guilt," — with 
employing Alexander Bourg as notary after he was dismissed, 
and with aiding deserters, and giving clothing, arras, powder 
and ball, to both deserters and Indians. He tells the secre- 
tary of State, the duke of Bedford, (8 Scpt'r.), that there was 
at Mines a faction composed of those inhabitants, who, by 
having appeared too openly in the enemy's interest, were ex- 
empted from the benefit of " a declaration of gov'r. Shirley, " 
" drawn up pursuant to orders received from him, and sent " 
"to be dispersed among the French inhabitants of this pro-" 
" vince." They were encouraged from Canada — they shel- 
tered deserters, and, backed up by the Indians, induced others 
to disobedience. " It will require time and good care to" 
" bring these French inhabitants to be good subjects, and to " 
" wean them of that inclination they naturally have for the " 
" French interest from their ties of consanguinity and religion." 
He had been now some time aware of the preliminary treaty 
of peace having been signed. Besides the Port Mahon, sent 
to reinforce the province, there was the schooner Anson, of 
70 tons, John Beare, commander, and Daniel Dimmock, lieu- 
tenant, and the schooner Warren, of 70 tons, Jonathan Davis, 
captain, and Benjamin My rick, lieutenant. These vessels being 
under control of Mascarene, tended to produce obedience and 
peace in the province, as they could easily visit the settle- 
ments up the bay, and, by armed parties on board, check any 
mischief contemplated. During this autumn several French 
from Canada, cape Breton, and other dominions of France, 
applied to the government at Annapolis, desiring to take the 
oath of allegiance and become settlers in Nova Scotia. This 
request was refused by the council 28 Sept'r., as they did not 
think themselves justified in allowing French Roman Catholics 
to settle in the province without further instructions from the 
crown, and the applicants were directed to retire from the pro- 
vince when opportunity served. An exception was made in 
favor of Peter Bonner, Francois Rui6, and Peter Outremer, 
who had respectively been resident here 19, 16, and 20 years — 
had married in this province, and behaved themselves well, 
and they were not to be molested. Colonel Gorham, captain 



1748. History of Nova-Scolia. 123 

Morris, and other officers, were at this time at Mines, endea- 
voring to put out the embers of rebelHon and disaffection. 

Marin, who had left Canada in July, as a partizan chief to 
annoy and distress the English, went to the neighborhood of 
Louisbourg, where he captured a captain, a lieutenant, an 
ensign, two sergeants and four soldiers, belonging to that gar- 
rison — two officers of an English ship of war, and four ladies. 
The prisoners having apprized him that hostilities had ceased, 
he sent the ladies back to the governor of Louisbourg, giving 
him notice that he could not surrender the other prisoners 
until he was notified of the cessation of war, of which he was 
ignorant. The governor wrote to him at once, and all the 
prisoners were sent back, except one named Mayer, a Swiss, 
formerly the orderly of the French garrison at Louisbourg, 
who deserted a few days before the surrender of the place, and 
was accused of treason. Marin got to Quebec on the i Octo- 
ber, and the Swiss and his wife were brought there as prison- 
ers. [10 N. York Col. Docs., p. 179.] On the 18 October, o. s., 
the old and new deputies of Grand Pre presented themselves, 
before the governor and council at Annapolis. They had divi- 
ded Grand Pre into districts, which was approved of ; but as 
they had elected Martin au Coin, whose brother Paul was a 
known opponent of the government, and he suspected, the 
choice was annulled, and they were ordered to elect another 
in his place. 

On the 7-18 October, 1748, the general and definitive treaty 
of peace was concluded and signed at Aix la Chapelle. By 
the 9th article, " His Britannick Majesty likewise engages 
" on his side to send to the most Christian king, immediately 
" after the ratifications of the present treaty, two persons of 
" rank and condition, to continue in France as hostages, till 
" such time as they have certain and authentick advice of 
" the restitution of the Royal island," (Isle Royale), " called 
" cape Breton," &c., " Provided nevertheless that the Royal 
'■ island of cape Breton shall be restored, with all the artil- 
" lery and ammunition found therein on the day of its sur- 
" render." 

On 19 October, o. s,, (30th, n. s.), the Anson and Warren 



124 History of Nova-Scotia. 174^- 

were ordered to take Gorham and his company, and a detach- 
ment of the auxiliaries, all to be under Gorham's command. 
He was ordered to go to St. John, and to call on the French 
inhabitants settled on that river to send two deputies to Anna- 
polis, to give an account of their conduct during the war. If 
the Indians propose to make peace, he is to refer them to 
Annapolis, and he is directed to chide them for their breach 
of faith. He may call at Mines if the weather is favorable, 
but is to avoid landing any of his people at St. John's river or 
elsewhere, and keep strictly on his guard, and to be watchful 
against any surprise. There is an order of the same date to 
the " captain commanding the detachment of the Six auxili- " 
" ary companies raised in New England for the security of" 
" this garrison and province," by which Mascarene directs him 
to obey colonel Gorham. Meanwhile the Port Mahon was 
recalled to Louisbourg, and several vessel loads of warlike and 
other stores had arrived at Annapolis from Louisbourg, and 
more were expected. Several persons from Mines were order- 
ed to appear at Annapolis on the 5 Nov'r. : Eticnne le Blanc, 
Honore Gotro, who resides with Francois le Blanc, Guillaume 
Hebert, Abraham Dugas, Pierre Landry, (son of Antoine), 
Jean Gotros, widower, and his daughter Nannette, Bion6 
le Blanc, son of Francois le Blanc, Philippe Roy, at Pisaguid, 
and Germain Hebert. The above persons were recfuired as 
witnesses for the crown against certain prisoners. About the 
end of November the two row gallics, the Anson and Warren, 
returned to Boston, taking home the men of the auxiliaries 
whose term of enlistment had expired. 

An anonymous writer in the London magazine for Sept'r., , 
1748, p. 409, computes the e.xpence Great Britain had met in 
taking and keeping Louisbourg, viz't. : 

Paid to the colonies, .^^-35.747 2 \o\ 

" Garrison, &c. for 3 years, 180,000 o o 

" Navy expense, in capture } ^ * 

■^ ^ ' . ^ \ 150,000 o o 

and protection, ) 

^565,747 2 10-^ 



1748. History of Nova-Scotia. 125 

Transports and incidental expenses he calculates will make 
the whole charge exceed ^600,000. He says " this is three " 
" times as much as Dunkirk was sold for to France, by king " 
" Charles 2nd ; and since that prince is blamed for making " 
" a bad market, what must be said of those who give such " 
" an extravagant present." 

At the close of this year, Mascarene and the council were 
worried by the complaints of a captain of artillery, who had 
foolishly got into a quarrel on Christmas evening with a per- 
son of inferior position, but as the captain, on investigation, 
seemed to have been himself the aggressor, and refused to 
accept of any apology, the affair terminated. 



APPENDIX TO CHAPTER IX. 

An account of merchandize delivered to the deputies and elders of the three 
districts of Menis, viz't, Grand Pree, Pisaguid, and River Canard, on acco't. of 
their payment for provisions, &c., they supplied the N. Eng. Troops, from on 
board the sloop Diligence, Aug't. 20, 1748, viz't. : — 

The items are all given and charged in livrcs, sous, &c. 2 hhds. molasses, at 
4. 1. us. per gallon ; 66 hhds. salt aiiarged at 51 livres II 1-2 per hhd. of 7 1-2 
bushels ; linen at 3 livres a yard ; 3 bbls. sugar, at 93 1. i s. per cwt. ; wood axes 
at 132 liv. per dozen ; scythes, do. ; doth was 13 1. 8s. per yard ; striped calim- 
anco at 76 1. for 28 yards. The whole invoice is — livres 10,551. 8 1-4 s. 

Being calculated with an addition of 20 per cent, on each article from the prime 

cost in Boston, — "On board the sloop Diligence, in the basin of Minas, Aug't. 24, 

1748." 

Joseph Gorham. 

Bartholomew LeMercier. 

Acco't, Curr't. 
Dr. 

Minas, 1746. To what maj'r. Philipps paid by direction of widow Allen'a 
acco't., Minas money, 79 9 7 ' 

To. do. on acco't of the I j; ,. _ 
King's quit rents, j '* ' 5 



) Armand Buieau's ) _ _ . 
Estate, [12 7 " 



Liv. Sols. Old Tenor. 

J207 4 .^362 3 23-S 



"''iuftfmef ■■• "°^ ^'^^ '^"""^ } =899 7 i-S 819 16 9 -S 



126 



History of Nova-Scotia. 



Minas, Aug. 28. To merchan- 
dize del'd. as per Invoyce to 
the deputys and ciders of the 
three districts of Minas, for 
the payment of the inhabi- 
tants, Grand Pree, Pizzaquid 
and River Canard, as per re- 
ceipt, 



10551 8 1-4 3165 8 8 i-s 



Liv. 14657 19 ii-i6;^4347 7 11 1-5 
From all the deputys and elders took a joint receipt for the whole. 
N. B. — Old Tenor is worth about one-sixth of Stg. money. 



Cr. 

districts of Minas furnished, | 
vizt. : Grand Pree, Pisaquid, [ 
and River Canard, J 

By sundry articles, viz't., Poul- 
try, Garden stuff, journeys 
and firewood, not included in 
maj'r. Philipp's acco't., which, 
havinc; not time to examine, 
past them. 

By sundrys supplyed, as per 
contra, — sums which maj'r. 
Philipps and capt. How paid, 

By Ren^ Le Blanc's House al- 
lowed, 

By Baptist Babin, do., 



Errors excepted. 



Liv. Sols. Old Tenor. 

5791 6 1-16 1737 8 I 2-5 



3160 2 



4016 II 

1000 o 
600 o 



948 7 



1181 19 3 3-5 

300 o . o 
180 o o 



L. 14657 19 11-16 ;^4347 7 II 1-2 
Joseph Gorham. 



Sir. The above account being to obviate and prove th.it the acco't. agrees with 
the directions received from your Honor, and hope it may meet with your concur- 
rence. 

We are, sir, your very humble servants, 



To the Hon. Paul Mascarene, lieut. go'r., &c. 



Joseph Gorham. 
Bart. Lemercier. 



A very particular receipt in full, drawn in French, is attached, dated 19 Aoust,, 
1748, signed thus : — 

AntJents of Minas — Deputies of Pisaquid — 

Ren^ Le Blanc his 

Abr. X Landry. 
Jac. Terriot. mark. 

his 
Fras. Le Blanc. Jean X Chienne. 

mark. 
— Dougas. 



History of Nova-Scotia. 



127 



Deputies of \f inas — 

Bern. Daigre. 

his 
Fras. X Boudrot. 
mark, 
his 
Mich'l. X Le Blanc, 
mark, 
his 
Pawl X Oquine. 
mark. 



Deputies of River Canard- 
his 
John X Tcrriot. 
mark, 
his 
Oliver x Deglass. 
mark, 
his 
Jean x Granger, 
mark, 
his 
Michael X Richard, 
mark. 



Witnesses — 



Chas. Morris. 
Jos. Gorham. 
Geo. Gerrish. 



128 History of Nova-Scotia. I749- 



CHAPTER X. 



1749. In January, several claims were made on the govern- 
ment at Annapolis, for the damage sustained by the proprie- 
tors of buildings pulled down during the siege as a measure 
of precaution and defence. Mr. Skene, major Philipps, Mr. 
Shirreff, John Hamilton, and others, made demands of this 
nature. The church belonging to the inhabitants was burnt 
down through a mistake of orders, and other buildings were 
burnt or destroyed by the soldiers, under similar circum- 
stances. It was resolved in council that every person con- 
cerned should swear to his estimate of loss, and that the 
papers should be " signed by the governor, in order for the " 
" sufferers to solicit proper compensation in England." — 
Captain John Gorham, of the independant company of Ran- 
gers, offered the government a proposition for settling a town- 
.ship on the Eastern coast, on certain conditions. This pro- 
ject was to be also sent home by the president, with his 
observations thereon. Mascarene sent all these papers to the 
lords of Trade, with his letter of 14 February, in which he 
recommends compensation for the buildings destroyed, and 
says that Gorham's plan for settling families from New Eng- 
land " according to the measures to be taken at home for " 
" settling and strengthening this province, may there best " 
" be considered." 

Governor Shirley wrote at great length to the duke of Bed- 
ford, secretary of State, (Boston, 18 Feb'y.) on colonial inter- 
ests. Complains of French encroachments in building fort 
St. Frederick at Crown point — in claiming the Northern part 



1749* History of Nova-Scotia. 129 

of Nova Scotia, Canso island, &c. He suggests that the quota 
of each colony in war should be settled by an act passed in 
each assembly, but prepared and recommended by the crown, 
as the proportions settled by king William 3, in council, had 
long lost their efficacy. He proposes to intersperse protestant 
settlements among the French in Nova Scotia, taking part of 
the marsh lands from them for the new settlers : the French 
to be indemnified with woodland and upland ; also to fortify 
Chebucto, Chignecto, and minor points. He refers to an 
accompanying report and plan of a survey, made by captain 
Morris, who commanded 'one of the six New England compa- 
nies of auxiliaries, " an officer who has distinguished himself " 
" by his behaviour at Minas against the enemy." (This gen- 
tleman was afterwards chief surveyor in Nova Scotia, and the 
ancestor of a highly respected family in Halifax.) He recom- 
mends his being employed in further surveys in Nova Scotia. 
He also favors the bringing settlers here from New England or 
the North of Ireland. Mr. Morris, in his report, suggested 
a settlement of about one hundred families on the South shore 
of Annapolis bason — a settlement of forty families, protected 
by a battery at the Scotch fort, " a place of consequence " 
" where the river of Annapolis is not above 600 yards over, " 
" and the depth of the channel within 100 yards of it," dis- 
tance from the Fort five miles. Another settlement of forty 
families between the last and the fort — eighty settlers from 
Moose river to the fort — two settlements of thirty families 
each, six miles up the river. In all he proposes to place about 
300 families in the country around Annapolis. The fishery — 
brick-making, for which, he says, there is excellent clay in all 
these districts — labor at the fort — supplying the fort and gar- 
rison with lumber and firewood, are mentioned as offering 
advantages to them. In Mines, he proposes to settle 100 
families at River Canard^ 150 at Grand Pr^ and Gaspereaux,. 
and 60 at Pisiquid. He recommends the little island in Grand 
Pre as a site for a fort. It is 1300 paces long and 400 wide, 
At Advocate harbor and cape Dor^ he would place 30 femilies.. 
It has 300 acres salt marsh, and excellent upland. There are 
no French proprietors there. It is^ said to have been granted 

B9 



130 History of Nova-Scotia. i749- 

to the duke of Chandos. (I have not found a record of such a 
grant.) Copper is found in the crevices of the rocks for two 
miles together. Cobequid would admit of several settlements. 
Shubenacadie is said to be fertile. Chignecto is surrounded 
with marshes, — one, the northernmost, is eight miles long and 
I 1-2 wide — contains 7000 acres ; another of 3000 acres. Five 
hundred families might settle there ; Minudie, 50 families ; and 
at Chipody, Memramcook and Petitcodiac, 150. From Chi- 
pody to St. John the shore is rocky and mountainous. At 
I 1-4 mile from Chignecto basin is a hill or island 60 feet high, 
a quarter of a mile long, and one-eighth of a mile wide, on 
which, he says, a noble fortress might be erected, 

Shirley wished that Canso should have a fort and small gar- 
rison, and a ship of war stationed there to protect the fishery 
and vindicate the title, as the French constantly claimed it by 
inserting it by name in the commissions of their governors at 
Louisbourg. They carry on fishery at Gaspe and cut timber 
in Nova Scotia within five leagues north of the gut of Canso, 
where a party was even then at work. They also had settled 
near 300 Canadian families at Gasp6, who repudiate all depen- 
dence on England. He says it is absolutely necessary that 
the line between Canada and the English provinces should be 
settled by commissioners. He thinks if English protestants 
settled among the French, they would intermarry. By captain 
Morris's scheme, 1420 English families could be settled, which 
Shirley says would exceed the number of the French. On the 
plan of compact settlements, half an acre to each house lot, 
they could picquet in their towns, and their usual log houses 
would be defensible against musketry, the only arms the 
Indians could bring against them. He proposes a fort at 
Mines, with a garrison of 300 men ; another at Chignecto, 
capable of holding 1200 men ; to have in peace a garrison of 
500 soldiers and two companies of Rangers. He thinks 250 
soldiers and 75 rangers would be sufficient for the fort of 
Annapolis. One ship of war and two armed schooners should 
be employed, to cruise on the coast from Canso to bay Verte, 
and complete the survey of Nova Scotia. To remove the 
French inhabitants " would be attended with very hazardous " 



I74C« History of Nova-Scotia. 131 

** consequences, and should be avoided, if possible." If not 
intermixed with Protestant English, they will remain a sepa- 
rate body until they grow strong enough to subvert the king's 
government. He recommends bringing French protestant 
ministers here, and banishing all theirpresent priests, but pro- 
viding Catholic priests for them, who are not bigotted to the 
French interest ; also to grant " small privileges and immu- " 
*' nities for the encouragement of such as should come over " 
" to the Protestant communion and send their children to " 
" learn English." (This suggestion of offering worldly advan- 
tages in a change of profession can hardly be commended in 
our days.) He favors the establishment of truck-houses for 
the trade with the Indians, and the granting proper presents 
to them. He prefers New England settlers, as familiar with 
cultivating new lands, — as of well rooted allegiance, — and 
fondness for the Protestant religion. On the same principle 
he prefers New England troops to be posted in Nova Scotia, 
and would give each man, after three years' service, fifty acres 
of land to settle on, or 100 acres if he has a family, and he 
thinks that within ten years at least two thousand New Eng- 
land families could be got to settle there. The principal gar- 
rison should be at Cliibu<to, and the troops in the province 
consist of 1250 regulars and 475 Rangers. In time of war he 
thinks there should be 2000 regulars. He recommends sta- 
tioning a 40-gun ship at Canso, a 50-gun ship at Chibucto, a 
20-gun ship at Annapolis or Chignecto, besides a 20-gun ship 
and two small schooners to cruise from Canso to the river St. 
Lawrence, and concludes that if Nova Scotia, &c. fall into the 
hands of the French king, he will have great resources for 
establishing a general dominion by sea. 

Shirley was ordered by the king to prepare a plan of a civil 
government* for Nova Scotia, and he sent his project to the 
secretary of State, in a letter of 27 February, 1748. He pro- 
poses a charter, based on that of Massachusetts, (granted 1692 
by William and Mary :) i. The grant of Nova Scotia to Mas- 
sachusetts to be vacated or annulled. 2. The assembly to be 
triennial. 3. The governor to have power to suspend the 
lieutenant governor and the members of the council Thjs 



132 History of Nova-Scotia, ^749- 

governor and council to have power to remove judges, justices 
of peace, sheriffs, &c. 4. The number of representatives to 
be fixed and limited. 5. Liberty of conscience to be extended 
to papists for a definite term, after which they are to be dis- 
qualified, as in England. 6. The power of incorporating 
towns to be reserved to the crown. 7. The king to reserve 
to himself the appointment of governor, lieutenant governor, 
secretary, chief justice and attorney general. 8. The supreme 
court to have equity jurisdiction as well as common law. 
9. Governor and council to have cognizance of marriage and 
divorce controversies. 10. Appeals to the king in council 
allowed in cases over ^^300 stg. 1 1. Trees 24 inch diameter 
at one foot from the ground reserved for the use of the navy, 
12. Until sufficient English population, which, he supposes, 
ten years will bring round, the governor and council are to 
make laws, erect courts, &c. ; and the chief justice to go on 
circuits, and determine, without a jury. 

The proposal for a charter government was not adopted. 
The new government was therefore modelled more on the 
pattern of that of Virginia, the oldest Royal province, than on 
the Massachusetts charter. 

The peace of Aix la Ckapelle, of October, 1748, is said to 
have been proclaimed in London in the beginning of Febru- 
ary, and at Boston, Massachusetts, 10 May, 1749, and it was 
proclaimed at Annapolis Royal 20 May, o. s. M. de la Galis- 
soni^re, the governor of Canada, wrote to Mascarene, dating 
Quebec, 15 January, 1749. He complains of a missionary 
having been driven out of Mines — of the houses of Amand 
Bugeaud and Le Maigre, at the same place, having been burn- 
ed. If Mines should prove to be French territory, the Eng- 
lish must rebuild them, as they were aware at the time of the 
cessation of arms. Exacting submission from thfi people of 
Beaubassin and bay Verte, he calls premature and useless 
until the right to these places is determined. He complains 
still more of Gorham's exacting submission from the inhabi- 
tants of the river St. John, " a river situated in the continent " 
'* of Canada, and much on this side of the Quenibec, where, " 
" by common consent, the bounds of New England have " 



1749' History of Nova-Scotia. 133 

" been placed ;" also that Gorham told the Abenaquis they 
must make their submission at Annapolis, if they wished to be 
included in the peace, and Gorham kept two of them who had 
gone on board his vessel to look for their missionary. He says 
it is very doubtful whether it was by the Abenaquis that the 
Englishmen of Gorham's vessel were killed ; but it it were so, 
these two Indians had gone on board on the public faith given 
by Gorham, and ought not to have been arrested. He de- 
mands — I. The release of the two Indians. 2. That nothing 
shall be changed in the state of religion and its ministers in 
Acadie. 3. That Gorham and all others shall be forbidden to 
solicit or to threaten the inhabitants of the river St. John, or 
of any other dependancy of the government of Canada, to 
engage them to submissions which are contrary to the alle- 
giance which they owe to the king of France, who is their 
master as well as mine, and has not ceded this territory by 
any treaty. 4. I beg you to let me know if you conceive the 
Abenaquis are included in the peace, and if so, that you will 
induce M. Shirley to let them rebuild their village and to leave 
their missionaries in tranquillity, as they were before the war. 
He says they entered the war only as allies of France, and it 
ought to close for them as for the French, who are bound to 
protect them. He dwells on the difficulty he has to restrain 
the Indians, and the damage they may do to the Enghsh bor- 
derers. To this letter both Mascarene and Shirley replied 

at considerable length, claiming for Great Britain the territo- 
ries referred to by Galissionere — defending the course pur- 
sued with regard to sending Gorham to St. John, and in dis- 
missing the priest at Mines and punishing traitors. The 
French of St. John, many years ago, had taken the oath of 
allegiance. .Gorham and some of his men, who went ashore, 
were fired upon, and he took two of the Indians in order to 
induce the others to clear themselves of any share in this out- 
rage, and to bring the offenders to light. They were well 
treated, and so little guarded that they got away — one of them 
got home, the other was retaken and sent to Boston. Shirley 
tells him that the Abenaquis, when the war was impending, 
sent a deputation to governor Mascarene, professing to wish 



154 History of Nova-Scotia. I749- 

to remain in peace, although waj* should arise between the two 
crowns. This was conceded, and they were honorably treated 
and dismissed ; but their real mission was to act as spies, and 
they " returned in three weeks after, among others of their " 
"' tribe, with the missionary de Loutre at their head, surpri- " 
" sed and killed as many of the English at Annapolis Royal " 
" as they caught without the fort," &c. " For this perfidious " 
" behaviour I caused war to be declared in H. M. name '^ 
" against these Indians in Boston, in November, 1744 ; and " 
" so far as it depends on me, they shall not be admitted, sir, " 
'• to terms of peace, till they have made a proper submission " 
" for their treachery, unless they should be already compre- "" 
" hended in the definitive treaty of peace." There are many 
excellent arguments and statements in the letters of both the 
English governors to the governor of Canada. They chiefly 
refer to the territorial rights of each crown, and to the deter- 
mination of the English to check treason within their own 
bounds, without regarding either the priests, the inhabitants, 
dr the Indians, who dwelt on British ground, as privileged to 
carry on open or clandestine hostility to the government or to 
the English of the adjoining co-lonies. I should have been 
glad to give this correspondence in full ; but in this instance, 
and in several others, I believe it better to abridge, as what 
might provie interesting in an historical collection, would tend 
to swell a work like the present beyond all reasonable bounds. 
On the 8 May, an order of the governor and council was 
signified to M. Brossard, a French priest, who had come irre- 
gularly into the province, to depart without delay. S June,, 
1749, the president and council re-established an ordinance of 
1730 against riding other folks' horses, and another concern- 
ing overseers of sheep ; and appointed Denis Petitq;,t and Tuck 
Landry, overseers. Granger's schooner, which had been de- 
tained during the war, was allowed to leave AnnajX)lis ; but 
Mines vessels were still forbidden to leave Minas basin 14 June. 
June 21, Lieut. Brown, with a p>arty of Gorham's rangers, was 
sent up the bay after deserters, in the Warren row galley. 
During the spring of this year, Mascarene was informed that 
two officers and twenty or thirty men from Canada, together 



1749- History of Nova-Scotia. 135 

with a number of Indians, had come to erect a fort and make 
a settlement at the mouth of the river St. John, and that two 
vessels with stores and materials were coming to them from 
Quebec, down the gulf of St. Lawrence and round cape Sables. 
He notified the English government of this in a letter of 
2 June, in which he says also, " Thirty leagues up that river ' 
'^ are seated about twenty families of French inhabitants, ' 
" sprung originally from this side of the bay, most of them '' 
" since my memory, who, many years ago, came here, and " 
" took the oath of fidelity, and have been reckoned as the ' 
" rest of the French inhabitants of the other settlements of ' 
" this province, and the whole river up to its head, with all ' 
" the Northern coast of the bay of Fundy, and in general all ' 
" the parts of the said bay, were always reckoned dependant ' 
*' on this government, and, I presume, included in the com- * 
* mission of the French governor who commanded here when ' 
" this place was surrendered to the arms of Great Britain." 



136 History of Nova-Scotia. 1749- 



CHAPTER XL 



Whether the restoration of cape Breton to France in the 
treaty oi Aix la Chapelle was an act of prudence or folly on the 
part of the rulers of England, is a question that can only be 
determined on a full and accurate investigation of the state of 
the two crowns at the time of the negociation, as respects their 
forces, both military and naval, and their prospective means of 
continuing the war to advantage. To resolve it, therefore, 
lies beyond the scope of the present work. There can be no 
doubt, however, that if the surrender of Louisbourg to its for- 
mer owners could have been avoided, the British influence in 
America would have been essentially benefitted. The course 
adopted of founding a place of strength at Chibouctou, on the 
Eastern coast of this province, and making a settlement there 
of settlers of British origin, was, in these circumstances, a mea- 
sure of wisdom and forethought. Not only did it strengthen 
the power of government within the province itself, but it 
afforded a place suited in every way for fleets and armies to 
be afterwards employed in the reduction of Canada. Nova 
Scotia no longer was to depend for military support and relief 
upon New England, but on the contrary could aj all times 
supply assistance to the older English colonies in case of 
attack. A plan for sending out a body of settlers was adopted, 
and the lords of Trade, by the king's command, published a 
notification in March, 1749, offering to all officers and private 
men discharged from the army and navy, and to artificers 
necessary in building and husbandry, free passages — provi- 
sions for the voyage, and subsistance for a year after landing 



1749- History of Nova-Scoiia. 137 

— arms, ammunition, and utensils of industry — free grants of 
land in the province, and a civil government, with all the pri- 
vileges enjoyed in the other English colonies. Parliament 
voted ;^40,ooo sterling for the expense of this undertaking, 
and in a short time 11 76 settlers, with their families, volun- 
teered to go. Colonel the honorable Edward Cornwallis was 
gazetted as governor of Nova Scotia 9 May, 1749. Mr. Corn- 
wallis sailed in the Sphinx, sloop of war, on the 14 May, o. s., 
and the settlers embarked in thirteen transports, and left Eng- 
land some time afterwards. 

The Sphinx made the coast of Acadie on the 14 June, o. s., 
but having no pilot on board, cruised off the land until the 
20th, when they met a sloop on her way from Boston to Louis- 
bourg, having two pilots. Cornwallis decided to go to Che- 
bucto, for which he had a fair wind. Before he went there he 
had visited Merliguiche bay, where there was then a small 
French settlement, (Malagash, now called Lunenburg.) He 
arrived at Chebucto, (now Halifax harbor), on the 21 June, o. s., 
being the 2 July, n. s. The next day he wrote a despatch to 
the duke of Bedford, secretary of State, and sent a duplicate 
to the lords of Trade, and wrote also to president Mascarene, 
by the sloop he had met and detained, and sent a French- 
man overland by the way of Mines to Annapolis, a journey of 
3 or 4 days. It was 25 leagues from Chebucto to Mines, over 
which the French had made a path to drive cattle. (See ap- 
pendix.) On the 27 June, o. s., the transports appeared off 
the harbor, and by the i July, o. s., they had all got in safely. 
The number of persons who came as passengers in the trans- 
ports amounted to 2532, and there are said to have been some 
few who came with the governor and his suite in the Sphinx. 
The whole number of settlers is stated in an old ms. book to 
have been 2576 souls. 

Cornwallis says, (22 June, o. s.,) that the coasts are as rich 
as ever they have been represented. " We caught fish every " 
" day since we came within forty leagues of the coast. The " 
" harbour itself is full of fish of all kinds. All the officers " 
" agree the harbour is the finest they have ever seen. The " 
" country is one continued wood. No clear spot is to be " 



138 History of Nova-Scotia. I749- 

" seen or heard of. The underwood is only young trees, " 
" so that with difficulty one might walk thro' any of them. " 
(make his way anywhere, Duplicate of letter.) " D'Anville's " 
" fleet have only cut wood for present use, but cleared no " 
" ground. They encamped their men upon the beach. I " 
" have seen but few brooks, nor have as yet found the navi- " 
" gable river that has been talked of." (The N. W. Arm was 
called Sandwich river on early maps, and is most likely the one 
referred to.) " There are a few French families on each side 
" of the bay, about three leagues off. Some have been on 
" board." " We came to anchor in Merliguiche Bay, where, 
" I was told, there was a French settlement. 1 wciu ashore 
" to see the houses and manner of living of the inhabitants. 
" There are but a few families with tolerable wooden houses, 
" covered with bark — a good many cattle, and clear ground 
" more than serves themselves. They seem to be very peace- 
" able ; say they always looked upon themselves as English 
" subjects ; have their grants from colonel Mascarene, the 
" governor of Annapolis, and shewed an unfeigned joy to 
" hear of the new settlement. They assure us the Indians 
" are quite peaceable, and not to be feared. There are none 
" hereabouts." 

As the evacuation of Louisbourg was now in proj^ress, Corn- 
wallis sent off one of the transports to Louisbourg on the i of 
July, and four more, th" largest of the fleet, on the 5th. These 
had all got into Louisbourg on the 13th ; and as colonel 
Hopson, who had been the English governor, had engaged to 
deliver up the place to M. des Herbier, the French comman- 
dant, by the 12th, Hopson, and the two regiments he had 
there, embarked at once for Chebucto, where they shortly after 
arrived. 

Early in July, the settlers were, many of them landed, some 
on George's island, bu*- more on the peninsula, where the city 
of Halifax now stands. The ground was everywhere covered 
with wood — no dwellings or clearings appear to have been 
previously made. On the 12 July, o. s., colonel Mascarene, the 
late president, arrived at Chebucto, accompanied, as Mr. Corn- 
wallis had requested, by five of the council, (a quorum.) The 



1749' History of Nova-Scotia. 139 

next day the new governor exhibited his commission to them, 
and took the oaths of office ; and on Friday, the 14 July, 
o. s., (25 July, n. 8.,) he appointed a new council, who that day 
met with him on board the Beaufort, transport, in the harbor, 
and took the oaths. They were : 

Paul Mascarene, 

John Gorham, Benjamin Green, 

John Salisbury, Hugh Davidson. 
A general salute from the ships in the harbor announced the 
proceeding to the people, and the day was devoted to festivity 
and amusement. 

Some progress was made by the settlers. Before 23 July, o.s., 
twelve acres of the site of the intended town had been cleared, 
and Cornwallis expected to begin to erect his own house in 
two days thence, having a small frame and planks ready. It 
is a tradition that this first governor's house in Halifax was a 
small building erected where the Province building now stands, 
and was defended by cannon mounted on casks or hogsheads, 
filled with gravel. The first impression led them to think 
Sandwich point, now well known as Point Pleasant, would be 
the best situation for their town. It was a spot easily defen- 
sible, and it had the advantage of Sandwich river, (the name 
then given to the North West Arm), which was navigable 
some distance up. Under this opinion they began to clear 
the ground at the point the first day that they worked on 
shore ; but, upon examination, the strongest objections against 
this site appeared. The shoal that runs off from the point 
would make it very convenient for a fort, but was extremely 
dangerous so near to a town. It was so shallow that at a 
cable's length from the shore small boats would strike upon 
the rocks, and it was evident besides, from the beach, that a 
prodigious sea must come in there, and as the great storms 
here come from the South-east, they would act directly on the 
point. The soil also was thought too stony and hard near 
the shore, and swampy behind. Cornwallis, after this, fixed 
on a place for the town on the West side of the harbor. It 
was on the side of a hill which commanded the whole of that 
peninsula, and sheltered the town from the North-west winds. 



140 History of Nova-Scotia. I749« 

The distance from the shore to the top of the hill is about half 
a mile, the ascent very gentle and the soil good. (Citadel hill 
referred to rises about 250 feet above the level of the water.) 
There is convenient landing for boats (he says) all along the 
beach, and good anchorage for the largest ships within gun 
shot of the shore. (The ease with which the Great Eastern 
moved about in this harbor when she was here in the summer 
of i860, fully justifies his opinion.) He proceeds to observe, 
that in Durell's plan, the two points (at the Narrows) that 
make the entrance to Bedford bay (now called Bedford basin), 
are marked as the places proper to fortify, which is likewise 
taken notice of by Mr. Knowles. Their view must have been 
to have the settlement within that bay, (that is on the Basin.) 
This, he thinks, would be too far up for the fishermen, being 
five leagues from the entrance of the harbor, (at the outer 
cape.) The beach of the harbor being excellent for curing 
fish, no one would think of going up above, and no ship would, 
by choice, go so far, " as no finer harbour can be than that " 
" of Chebucto, which reaches from these points" at the Nar- 
row.s) •' to Sandwich river," (mouth of the N. W. Arm ;) so 
that notwithstanding of any forts upon these points, i. e. at the 
Narrows, an enemy's fleet might be secure, and block up all 
ships within the bay, (basin.) He goes on to say that the 
proper places to fortify for the defence of the harbor seem to 
be Sandwich point, (point Pleasant), and the bank opposite to 
it. (Q. McNab's island, or the hill above Ferguson's cove.) 
George's island, he says, lies likewise very convenient for a 
battery to defend both the harbor and the town. It contains 
about 10 or 12 acres. It was there he landed the settlers from 
on board the ships sent to Louisbourg. He had now a guard 
there, (23 July, 1749, o. s.,) and stores, and proposes to build a 
magazine upon it for powder. He says ' the situation I have ' 
' chosen has all the conveniences I could wish, except a ' 
' Fresh water river. Nothing is easier than to build wharfs. ' 
' One is already finished for ships of 200 tons. I have con- ' 
' stantly employed all the carpenters I could get from Anna- ' 
' polls or the ships here to build log houses for stores.' He 
also offered the French at Mines large wages to work at Hali- 



1749- History of Nova-Scotia. 141 

fax, and they promised to send him 50 men in a few days, who 
would stay till October, In his letter to the board of trade of 
24 July, he states the total number of settlers, men, women 
and children, at 1400, (more than 1000 below the official 
returns, so it is likely to be a miscopy instead of 2400.) He 
says also that of these but 100 soldiers and 200 seamen are 
able and willing to work, and he speaks in the harshest and 
coarsest terms of the rest. 

On 14 July, o. s., a proclamation issued in both the French 
and English languages, signed by the governor, Cornwallis, 
and countersigned by the secretary, Mr. Davidson. It refers 
to the new settlement in progress — calls on the French inha- 
bitants to countenance, assist and encourage the settlers — 
reminds them of the indulgence they had enjoyed in the free 
exercise of their religion, and the quiet and peaceable posses- 
sion of their lands, and reminds them of their ungrateful con- 
duct in return, in openly and covertly aiding his majesty's 
enemies, by furnishing them with quarters, provisions, and 
intelligence, and hiding their designs, so that more than once 
they appeared under the walls of Annapolis Royal before the 
garrison had any notice of their being in the province. It 
then goes on to say that notwithstanding all that had passed, 
the king will continue to protect them in the free e.xercise of 
their religion, (as far as the laws of Great Britain do allow the 
same), and the peaceable possession of their cultivated lands, 
provided they take the oaths of allegiance within three months 
— obey the rules and laws of the government, and give assis- 
tance to the new settlers. The proclamation also forbids any 
one taking possession of uncultivated land without a grant 
from the crown, under the province seal ; and forbids corn, 
cattle or provisions being exported to any foreign settlement 
without special leave from the governor. — Another meeting of 
the governor and council took place on board the Beaufort, on 
monday, 17 July, 1749, o. s. On this occasion William Steele, 
esq'r., whom the governor had appointed to a seat in council, 
was sworn in. His Excellency read a proclamation by which 
all settlers were forbidden to leave the province without his 
permission, under pain of forfeiting all the allowances and pri- 



142 History of Nova-Scotia. i749' 

vileges promised them ; and two days' absence from the settle- 
ment was to be accounted as leaving. Another, by which any 
one who should sell liquors without a license, should forfeit his 
stock of liquors, and be punished otherwise, as the council 
might direct. These were approved of by the council, and 
published in the camp. And a third, by which all masters of 
ships and vessels were required to wait on the governor at 
their arrival and before their departure, was issued of same 
date. — Governor Cornwallis, soon after his arrival, had received 
from colonel Hopson copies of letters from Shirley and Masca- 
rene, giving an account of the French having begun a fort and 
settlement at the mouth of the river St. John. He sent the 
Albany, capt. Rous, with a small sloop to attend him, with 
orders to the officers in command at Annapolis to furnish him 
with soldiers, if requisite. Shirley had sent a vessel, the Bos- 
ton, to Annapolis, on the same errand. It appears that the 
French had put in at port Mouton, on their way to St. John, 
He tells the duke of Bedford (24 July, o. s.,) in regard to the 
encroachment of the French at St. John's river, that he wishes 
he had been lucky enough to have reached Annapolis. (This 
was prevented by his desire not to be absent when the settlers 
and the garrison from Louisbourg should get to Chebucto.) 
He would have gone himself to St. John. A work at the 
commencement is easily crushed ; and he wishes colonel Mas- 
carene, instead of sending to acquaint Mr. Shirley, had gone 
himself, or sent a force to have asserted H. M. right, and stop- 
ped it. Monsieur Ramsay, (de Ramezay), who, he hears, is 
the person employed, had passed Merlegoch but a few days 
before Cornwallis put in there ; and it was owing to a sloop 
with him, and some other French on board putting in at port 
Mouton, that a rumor prevailed of the French intending to 
make a settlement at that place. 

At the first meeting of governor Cornwallis with the new 
council he had nominated, (14 July, o. s.,) the oath of alle- 
giance which the French inhabitants had hitherto taken, was 
read by Mascarene, who informed them that the French pre- 
tended that when they took this oath it was upon condition 
understood that they should be exempted from bearing arms. 



1749' History of Nova-Scotia. 143 

It was then moved to add this clause, " et ce serment j'c pre?is " 
" sans reserve" (and this oath I take without reservation) ; but 
this was not approved, as the oath was considered strong 
enough. It was suggested, however, that the French should 
be informed that in taking it they must do so without condi- 
tion or reservation. This oath is the same to which the lords 
of trade objected long before. Three French deputies, who 
had come to wait on his excellency, viz., Jean Melan^on, from 
Canard river, Claude le Blanc, from le Grand Pr^, and Philippe 
Melan^on, from Piziquid, were called in, and after reading 
'his majesty's declaration' to them, and the oath, his Excel- 
lency assured them of all manner of protection and encourage- 
ment, but informed them he expected the inhabitants would 
take the oath of allegiance to his majesty in the same manner 
as all P2nglish subjects do. Being asked if they had anything 
to offer from their several departments, the deputies answered 
that they were only sent to pay their respects to his Excel- 
lency, and to know what was to be their condition henceforth, 
and particularly whether they should still be allowed their 
priests. His Excellency assured them that they should always 
have them, provided that no priest should officiate in the pro- 
vince without license first obtained of his Excellency. Copies 
of H. M. declaration, (of which I regret I have not found a 
copy), and of the oath, were given to them to issue to the 
inhabitants, and they were recommended to return within a 
fortnight, and to report the resolutions of their several depart- 
ments. They were also ordered to send to the other French 
settlements, to let them know his Excellency desired to see 
their deputies as soon as possible. 

Cornwallis says, (23 July, o. s.) : " The Indians are hitherto " 
" very peaceable ; many of them have been here with some " 
" chiefs." He made them small presents, and proposed that 
they should assemble their tribes and return authorized to 
enter into a treaty, assuring them of the friendship and protec- 
tion of the king in that case, and of presents. He says he 
told the French deputies that the inhabitants must swear alle- 
giance unconditionally. They pretended their sole difficulty 
arose from fear of the Indians in case of a French war. He 



144 History of Nova-Scotia. i^749« 

thinks it necessary to exhibit strength, and designs to send^ 
as soon as possible, two companies to Minas, with orders to 
build a barrack, and stay there through the winter. He should 
also send an armed sloop into the bay of Minas, to prevent all 
correspondence with the French by sea. Another company 
to the head of the Bay, (Basin), where the road to Mines 
begins. He also proposed to have a block-house half way, for 
the convenience of travellers, and then to set all the men he 
could collect, both soldiers and inhabitants, to open the road 
to Minas. At this date, (23 July, o. s.,) the garrison of Louis- 
bourg had not arrived, and he had only one company of Hop- 
son's regiment, one of Warburton's, and sixty men of Gorham's 
Indians, (Rangers .-') Cornwallis says that nothing is wanting 
but industry and assiduity to make this colony, in time, as it 
appears to him, " the most flourishing of all the Northern " 
*' colonies." As to fishery, it most certainly has the advantage 
of them all, and, as far as he can perceive, is not inferior in 
other particulars. The soil is good ; the climate esteemed 
healthy ; the " harbour the finest perhaps in the world." It 
wants a proper civil government, " for as yet there has hardly " 
" been the appearance of one." 

The governor and council assembled again on board the 
Beaufort, on the 18 July, o. s., the councillors attending being 
messrs. Mascarene, Green, Salisbury, Davidson and Steele. — 
The governor appointed John Brewse, Robert Ewer, John 
Collier and John Duport, esquires, justices of the peace for the 
township of Halifax, (a name given to the town in compliment 
to the earl of Halifax, then presiding in the board of trade), 
and these gentlemen were sworn in accordingly. ' Ordered a 
' proclamation, that all the settlers should assemble to-morrow 
' morning in separate companys, with their respective over- 
' seers, and each company chuse a constable.' Cornwallis says, 
(24 July), * many come over of the better sort, who, tho' they ' 
* do not work themselves, are very useful in managing the ' 
' rest. I have appointed two or three of these overseers to ' 
' each ship's company.' At another council on board the 
Beaufort, Wednesday, 19 July, o. s., Erasmus Philipps, esquire, 
resigned his commission as king's advocate in the Vice Admi- 



1749- History of Nova-Scotia. 145 

ralty court, which bore date London, 23 February, 1729. — 
Thursday, 27 July. At a council on board the Beaufort, 
Peregrine Thomas Hopson, esq'r., late governor in chief of 
Cape Breton, and colonel of a regiment of foot, was named by 
his Excellency a member of the council, and sworn in accord- 
ingly. (The garrison from Louisbourg had probably arrived 
at this time.) The next day, 28th, lieutenant colonels Robert 
Ellison and James Francis Mercer were added to the council, 
and on monday, 31 July, o. s., lieutenant colonel John Horse- 
man, and Charles Lawrence, major, were also sworn in as 
members of council. This meeting was on board the Beaufort, 
transport, as were all the meetings of council to the i October,, 
inclusive. There were present, 3 r July, governor Cornwallis,. 
and in the order as minuted, messrs. Hopson, Mascarer^,. 
Ellison, Mercer, Goreham, Green, Salisbury, Davidson, Steele ;; 
also Horseman and Lawrence, then just sworn in. Mr. Haw 
appears to have been absent. The full number of twelve- 
members was thus completed. 

All the governor's despatches to England to 1 1 September,, 
inclusive, are dated Chebucto ; but in that of 17 October he. 
begins to date Halifax. He seems to have only begun; to Ibdge 
on shore in October, on the 14th of which month the council, 
met in his ' apartment' at Halifax. As this date corresponds, 
with the 25 October of our modern calendar, it was pretty far 
advanced autumn weather, when we firid fires very comfortable; 
It may be inferred that the process of building small wooden^ 
houses to shelter the people, must have been slow at this time. 
Small frames of buildings, and plank, and shingles, were,, to 
some extent, supplied from Massachusetts ; but the tradition 
is, that many dwellings were put up of pickets — that is, small 
trees cleared of branches, and set up vertically in rows close 
together, and then fastened with strips of board nailed op, 
afterwards roofed and covered in, thus forming small wooden 
cottages. This has been confirmed in several instances, on 
the repair or pulling down houses where the pickets with the 
bark on have been found. 

Halifax in the summer and autumn of 1749 must have pre- 
sented a busy and singular scene. The ship of war,, and her 
D 10 



146 History of Nova-Scoiia. I749' 

strict discipline — the transp>orts swarming with passengers, 
who had not yet got shelter on the land — the wide extent of 
wood in every direction, except a little spot hastily and par- 
tially cleared, on which men might be seen trying to make 
walls out of the spruce trees that grew on their house lots — 
the boats perpetually rowing to and from the shipping, and as 
the work advanced a little, the groups gathered around — the 
Englishman in the costume of the day, cocked hat, wig, knee 
breeches, shoes with large glittering buckles, his lady with her 
hoop and brocades — the soldiers and sailors of the late war, 
now in civilian dress, as settlers — the shrewd, keen, commer- 
cial Bostonian, tall, thin, wiry, supple in body, bold and perse- 
vering in mind, calculating on land grants, sawmills, shipments 
of lumber, fishing profits — the unlucky habitant from Grand 
Pr^ or Piziquid, in homespun garb, looking with dismay at the 
numbers, discipline and earnestness of the new settlers and their 
large military force, — large to him who had only known the little 
garrison of Annapolis — the half wild Indian, made wilder and 
more intractable by bad advisers, who professed to be his 
firmest friends — the men-of-war's men — the sailors of the trans- 
ports, and perhaps some hardy fishermen, seeking supplies, or 
led thither by curiosity. Of such various elements was the 
bustling crowd composed, not to mention the different nation- 
alities of the British isles themselves. How interesting to us 
of this province would now be a picture that could realize the 
appearance our city then must have presented. 



History of Nova-Scotia. 147 



APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XI. 

[Advertisement from the London Gazette.] 

Whitehall, March 7, 1748-9. 

A proposal having been presented unto his Majesty, for establishing a civil 
government in the province of Nova Scotia, in North America, as also for the 
better peopling and settling the said Province, and extending and improving the 
fishery thereof, by granting lands within the same, and giving other encourage- 
ment to such of the officers and private men lately dismissed his Majesty's land 
and sea service, as shall be willing to settle in the said province ; and his Majesty 
having signified his Royal approbation of the purport of the said proposals, the 
Right Flon. the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, by his Majesty's 
command, give notice, that proper encouragement will be given to such of the 
officers and private men lately dismissed his Majesty's land and sea service, ,and 
to artificers necessary in building or husbandry, as are willing to accept of grants 
of land, and to settle with or without families in the province of Nova Scotia. 

To the settlers qualified as above : 

1. Will be granted passage, and subsistance during their passage, as also for 
the space of twelve months after their arrival. 

2. Arms and ammunition, as far as will be judged necessary, for their defence, 
with proper utensils for husbandry, fishery, erecting habitations, and other neces- 
sary purposes. 

3. A civil government to be established, with all the privileges of his Majes- 
ty's other colonies or governments in America, and proper measures will be taken 
for their security and protection. 

The lands granted shall be in fee simple, free from the payment of any quk 
rents or taxes, for the term of ten years ; at the expiration whereof, no person to 
pay more than one shilling sterling per annum for every fifty acres so granted. 
The lands are to be granted with the following qualifications and proportions : — 

50 acres to every private soldier or seaman, and 10 acres over and above to 
every person (including women and children) of which his family shall consist, 
and further grants to be made to them as their families shall increase. 

80 acres to every officer under the rank of an Ensign in the land service, and 
that of a Lieutenant in the sea service ; and 15 acres to every person belonging 
to the family. 

200 acres to every Ensign, 300 to a Lieutenant, 400 to a Captain, 600 to every 
officer above the rank of a captain, in the land service. In the sea service, 400 
acres to a Lieutenant, 600 acres to a Captain ; 30 acres to every person bolonging 
to such families. 

Reputed surgeons, whether they have been in his Majesty's service or not, shall 
be in the capacity of Ensigns. 

All persons desirous to engage, are to enter their names iu the month of April, 
1749, at the trade and plantations office, or with the commissioners of the navy 
residing at Portsmouth and Plymouth. 

[The foregoing is taken from Douglass' Summary. There is a copy, varying in 
several respects, but in substance similar, in Akinb' Settlement of Halifax, p. 41,] 



k4S 



History of Nova-Scotia. 



(2.) 



Master's 




Number of 


Name. 


Tonnage. 


Passengers. 


Richard Ladd, 


395 


213 


Thomas Cornish, 


559 


302 


Thomas Adams, 


63' 

378 


340 




ZIO 


Sam. Harris, 


320 


172 


Elias Brennan, 


S4-I 


270 


Sam'l. Williamson, 


232 


77 


Andrew Dewar. 


3+2 


19a 


S. Dutchman, 


35« 


184. 


John Barker, 


550 


313 

27 


Edward Cook, 


4U 


224 


Isaac Foster, 




10 



UST OF THE TRANSPORTS IN WHICH THE FIRST SETTLERS OF HALIFAX ARRI 

VED IN 1749. 



Name of 

vessel. 
Charlton frigate, 
Winchelsea, 
Wilmington, 
Merry Jacks, 
Alexander, 
Beaufort, 
Roehampton, 
Cannon frigate, 
Everly, 
London, 
Brotherhood, 
Baltimore, 
Snow 

Fair Lady, 



2532 
(See Akins' Settlement of Halifax, p. 5 &s., published in 1847.) 

There are said to have been some passengers in the Sphinx besides the governor 
and his suite. This may comport with a total of 2576 souls in all, stated anony 
Wiously in an old book of records. 

Of the whole number, 1545 were males, 500 of whom had been seamen in the 

Royal navy. 

The names of the more remarkable persons who came in the expedition, a» 
«Uted in a register of settlers, with their professions or designations : — 

2 Majors in the Army : 
Ezekiel Oilman, Leonard Lockman. 

I Fort Major and Commissary ; 
John Lemon. 

6 Captains in the Army : 

Otis Little, Edward Amhurst, Thomas Lewis, Benj. Ives, Frederick Albert 
Strasburger, Francis Bartelo. 

19 Lieutenants in the Army : 

David Lewis, George Berners, George Colly, Richard Partridge, Thomas 

Newton, John Collier, Robert Ewer, John Creighton, Thomas Vaughan, John 

Gailand, Richard Revcs, William Joice, Joseph Wakefield, Augustus Graham, 

Alwander Callendar David Haldane, Robert Campbell, William Bryan, T. 



History of Nova-Scotia. 149 

3 Ensigns in the Army : 
James Warren, Thomas Reynolds, Henry WendelL 

3 Lieutenants in the Navy : 
John Hamilton, Adam Cockburn, William Williams. 

5 Lieutenants of Privateers : 

John Steinfort, Dennis Clarke, William Neil, Gustavus Mugden, John Twine- 
hoc. 

23 Midshipmen of the Royal Navy : 

Charles Mason, Robert Beattie, Charles Covy, Samuel Budd, John Ferguson, 
Nich's. Puxley, William Watson, Joseph Thornwell, Henry Chambers, Nicholas 
Todd, Roger Lowden, Joseph Gunn, John Thompson, Robert Young, Thomas 
Burnside, Timothy Pearce, Richard Drake, Newbegin Harris, William Vickera. 
Richard Cooper, Richard Mannering, Thomas Dumster, Richard Cockburn. 

John Jenkins, cadet ; Rene Gillet, artificer. 

5 Volunteers : 
John Grant, John Henderson, Edward Gibson, William Hamilton, William 
Smith. 

Lewis Hayes, purser ; John Bruce, engineer. 

15 Surgeons : 

William Grant, Robert White, Patrick Hay, Matthew Jones, Thomas Wilson, 
M. Rush, James Handeside, H. Pitt, Geo. Philip Bruscowitz, Cochran Dickson, 
Joshua .Sacheveral, Thos. Inman, John Wildman, David Carnegie, John Willis. 

John Steele, lieutenant and surgeon. 

10 Surgeons, mates and assistants : 

William Lascelles, Augustus Cassar Harbin, Arch'd. Campbell, John Wallis, 
John Grant, Daniel Brown, Timothy Griffith, Henry Martin, Robert Grant> 
Alexander Hay. 

Robert Throckmorton, surgeon's pupil. 

Mr. Anwell, clergyman. 

Jean Baptiste Moreau, gentleman and schoolmaster. 

William Jeffery, commissary. 

William Steele, brewer and merchant. 

Daniel Wood, attorney. 

Thomas Cannon, esquire. 

John Duport, \ Gentlemen. 

Lewis Piers. ) 

1 



Governor's clerks. 



Lewis Piers, 
Archibald Hinshelwood, 
John Kerr, : 

William Nisbett, j 

Thomas Gray, j 

David Floyd, clerk of the stores. 

Other names on this list, whose descendants exist in the Province, (Akins' 
Settlement of Halifax, p. 50) : Richard Wenman, Thos. Keys, John Edes, John 
Gosbee, Ralph Coulston, Edward Orpen, John Christopher Laurilliard, Philip 
Knaut, Peter Burgman, Otto Wm. Schwartz, John Jacob Preper, John Woodin, 
Andrew Wellner, Christopher Preper, Simon Thoroughgood. 



150 History of Nova-Scotia, 



(4.) 

George Dunk Montagu, earl of Halifax, succeeded to his father's title in 1739- 
In 174.5 he raised a regiment of foot for government on the Scotch rebellion break- 
ing out. In 1748 he was made first lord of trade. He was subsequently lord 
lieutenant of Ireland — in 1762, a lord of admiralty — in 1763, secretary of State, 
but dismissed in 1765 — again secretary of State in 1769. Lord North was his 
nephew. The earl died without issue male in 1772, and the earldom expired with 
him. (See 7 New York Colonial Documents, p. 745, Dr. O'Callaghan's note.) 

(5-) 

The honorable Edward Cornwallis, son of Charles the 3rd baron Cornwallis» 
was born in 1712 — was colonel of 24th foot — appointed governor of Nova Scotia, 
with ;i{['iooo a year salary — was M. P. for Eye in 1749, and for Westminster in 
1753 — made a governor of the Bedchamber, and afterwards governor of Gibraltar. 
He nxarried, but left no family. His twin brother, Frederick, was archbishop of 
Canterbury. (See Millan's Universal Register for 1759. Akins' Halifax, p. 45.) 

(6.) 

{From HaywartTs Autobiography of Mrs. Piozzi, /. 16S.) 

" Lord Halifax was now, or soon after, head of the Board of Trade, and wished 
to immortalize his name — -he had no sons — by colonizing Nova Scotia. Corn- 
wallis and my father, whom he patronized, were sent out, th& first persons in every 
sense of the word." 

P. 165, she states that her mother, a miss Salusbury Cotton, had ;^io,ooo for- 
tune, and married for love her " rakish cousin, John Salusbury, of Bachygraig," 
(in Wales.) " He unchecked by care of a father, who died during the infancy of 
his sons ; ran out the estate completely to nothing, — ^so completely that the 
;^ro,ooo would scarcely pay debts and furnish them out a cottage in Caernarvon- 
shire." 

P. 170, she mentions her father's brother, " Doctor Thomas Salusbury, of the 
Commons." " My father had meanwhile, I fear, behaved perversely — quarrelling 
and fighting duels, and fretting his friends at home. My mother and my uncle, 
taking advantage of his last gloomy letter, begged him to return and share the 
gayeties of Offley place." 

P. 172. "Lord Halifax was becorr^e lieutenant of Ireland, (Ld. Halifax was 
lord lieutenant of Ireland in 1761 — October), and my father made one of his 
numerous escort, delighting to attend his patron through his own country, and 
shew him the wonders of Wales." Mamma and I remained at Offley, doing th« 
honors. 

P. 173. Mr. John Salusbury, died near Offley, in England, in December, 
1762, leaving a widow and one daughter, Hester Salusbury, afterwards Mrs. 
Thrale, the friend of Dr. Johnson ; and by a second marriage in 1784, Mrs- 
Pi ozzi. 

Offley was the seat of Sir Thomas Salusbury, in Hertfordshire. 



£749- History of Nova-Scotta. 151 



CHAPTER XII. 



On the 29th Juiy, o. s., (9 August, n. s.,) the following deputies 
from the French districts arrived at Halifax, viz't. : 

Alexandre Hebert. j p^om Annapolis. 
Joseph Dugas, \ ^ 

Claude LeBlanc, from Grand Pr^. 
Jean Melangon, from Riviere des Canards. 

Bapti^te Gaillard, j ^^^^ Y.zxc^uxA. 
rierre Landry, \ ^ 

Pierre Gotrot, from Cobequid. 

Pierre Doucet. ) tt /-u- ^ 

T^ . T, \ From Chignecto. 

rrangois bourg, ) ^ 

Alexandre Brossart, Chipodie. 

The council having taken a letter they offered into consider- 
ation, decided that the French inhabitants must take the oaths 
of allegiance unconditionally, and that their priests must have 
the governor's sanction before they officiated. On the ist of 
August, (12 Aug't., n. s.,) at a council held on board the Beau- 
fort, the ' declaration ' was read to the deputies, and they asked 
" Whether, if they had e. mind to evacuate their land, they " 
" would have leave to sell their lands and effects ?" His 
Excellency answered them : that by the treaty of Utrecht 
there was one year allowed them from the surrender of the 
province, wherein the French inhabitants might have sold 
their effects : but that at present, those that should chuse to 
retire, rather than be true subjects to the king, could not be 
allowed to sell or carry off anything. — The deputies then beg- 
ged leave to return to their departments, and consult with the 



152 Histcry of Nova-Scotia. I749- 

inhabitants ; upon which they were warned, that whoever 
should not have taken the oath of allegiance before the 1 5-26 
October, would forfeit all their possessions and rights in this 
province. They then asked leave to go to the French gover- 
nors, and see what conditions might be offered to them. H,is 
Excellency's answer was, that whoever should leave this pro- 
vince without taking the oath of allegiance, should immediately 
forfeit all their rights. — The council proposed to his Excel- 
lency to order all the priests to come to Chebucto as soon as 
possible. Accordingly, the secretary was directed to write to 
messieurs d'Enclaves, ( Desenclaves) Chevreuil, ( Chauvreatdx ) 
and Girard, to repair hither. On the 1-12 August, a procla- 
mation v/as issued, requiring all the French inhabitants to 
take the oath of allegiance by the 15-26 October, which was 
issued in the French language. 

Mr. John Bruce, (or Brewse), engineer, was employed by the 
governor to prepare a plan of the intended town of Halifax ; 
and this having been done, — on the 7 August, o. s., (18 Aug't., 
n. s.,) a proclamation was issued by Mr. Cornwallis, in the fol- 
lowing terms : " Whereas 'tis proposed to give out the allot- " 
" ments of ground in the town of Halifax to-morrow morn- " 
" ing, being tewsday, the eight of August, all heads of familys " 
" that are settlers, are hereby required to Assemble by seven " 
" in the morning, with their overseers ; and single men are " 
" desired to form themselves into familys, — four to a family ; " 
" and every family to chuse one to draw for them. And Mr. " 
" Brewse, the engineer, will be present, with assistance, to " 
" distribute the lots according to such directions as he has " 
" received from me." Mr. Brewse's plan was sent to the duke 
of Bedford. 

Licenses to sell liquors were issued by the government, on 
each of which a tax was paid of one guinea a month for the 
use of the poor. The number granted from July to December, 
inclusive, was eighteen. 

13-24 August, Mr. Edward How was sworn in as a member 
of the council, — and the settlers were ordered to cast up a line 
of defence round the town, and the pay for their work to be 
I s. 6d. a day. 



1749- History of Nova-Scotia. 153 

The Albany, captain Rous, had been sent, 9-20 July, to look 
after the reported movement of the French to restore and 
occupy the old fortress at the mouth of the river St. John ; and 
Mr. How, whose intimacy and reputation among the French 
inhabitants and the Indians was very great, was sent with 
Rous to assist in negociating. When they got to the harbor 
of St. John's they found no one at the old forts, and for some 
time saw no inhabitants at all, either French or Indians. At 
last a French schooner came there, laden with provisions. 
Capt. Rous took her, but offered to release her, provided the 
master would go up the river and bring down the French 
officers. Accordingly, the master went up stream in his canoe, 
and the next day a French officer, with 30 men and 150 St. 
John's Indians, with French colors flying, c:;ine directly oppo- 
site to the Albany, and planted their colors on the shore, 
within musket shot. Capt. Rous sent Mr. How to order them 
to strike their colors. The officer made great difficulties and 
many apologies. Capt. How answered, that he did not come 
to reason the matter, but to order it to be done — that he could 
not answer for the consequence if it was not done immediately. 
The officer begged him to propose to captain Rous, to allow 
him to march back ^ith the colors flying, and he would return 
next day without them. Mr. How carried the message to 
captain Rous. Capt. Rous repeated the order that the colors 
should be struck that instant, which was accordingly done. 
The French officers were then invited on board the Albany, 
and Cornwallis's letter was delivered to them. To justify 
themselves, they shewed their instructions from the governor 
of Canada. There were two letters from M. de la Galissonihe. 
In the first, he ordered them to begin a settlement — in the 
second, he countermands this till further orders, but requires 
them to prevent the English from settling there. Capt. How, 
after this, held several interviews with the Indian chiefs, and 
proposed that they should send deputies to wait upon Corn- 
wallis, and to renew their submission to the king of England. 
This, after deliberation, they unanimously agreed to, and thir- 
teen Indians were appointed to go with him to Chebucto, to 
renew the treaties and make submission, viz't. : three deputies 



154 History of Nova-Scotia. I749' 

from the St. John river tribes, the chief of the Chlgnecto 
Indians, and nine other Indians selected for the purpose. 
These were ordered to go thither entirely without arms, not 
even having a hatchet, — in token of their amity and full confi- 
dence in the English rulers ; and having got to Chebucto with 
Mr. How, on Saturday, 12-23 August, on Monday following, 
the 14-25 August, they appeared before the governor and 
council on board the Beaufort. 

The governor bid them welcome to Chebucto, and asked 
them what vns their view in coming from St. John Indians : 
Captain How told us your Excellency ordered us to co^ne, and 
we came in obedience to your orders. Governor : I have in- 
structions from his majesty to maintain amity and friendship 
with the Indians, and to grant to those in these provinces all 
manner of protection, Indians : We have seen the last treaty 
with France, and are glad of it. Governor : I am willing to 
enter into treaty with the Indian chiefs, and with those of the 
St. John's Indians in particular. Have you authority for that 
purpose .'' Lidians : We reckon ourselves included in the 
peace made by the kings of Great Britain and France. Gov- 
ernor: I ask if you are impowered from your chiefs to make a 
particular treaty with me.'' Indians: Yes, we come y>\\ pur- 
pose. Governor: From what tribes and from what chiefs are 
you delegates ? Indians : I from Octpagh, the chief Fi^.igois 

de Salle ; from Medoctig, the chief Noellobig ; 

from Passamaquoddy, chief Neptune Abbadouallette ; 

from the Chinecto tribe, Jean Pedousaghtigh, for himself and 
tribe. Governor: Do you remember the treaty made with your 
tribes in 1726 } (1725.) Indians: Yes ; some of us were pre- 
sent when it was made. Governor : Will you have it read to 
you } Indians : We have a copy of it ourselves, and we are 
come to rcne.v it. Governor : Have you inslructions from 
your tribes to renew the same treaty '*. Indians : Yes. Gov- 
ernor : Then 'tis necessary that the treaty be read. (Accord- 
ingly, it was read in French, and interpreted from French into" 
their language by Martin, the Indian, and Andre, the inter- 
preter from Minas.) Do you agree to renew every article of 
the treaty now read to you .-^ Indians : Yes. Governor : 



1749- History of Nova-Scotia. 155 

Then I shall order a parchment to be ready for you to sign, 
to-morrow, and captain How shall carry it to St. John's to be 
ratify'd. Indians : Agreed. Governor : Do you know what 
became of five of capt. Gorham's Indians, that were taken at 
Goat island } Indians : Marin carried them to Quebec. Gov- 
ernor : Do you know where Chesis is, capt. Sam's brother.^ 
Indians : At the Trots rivihres, near Quebec. Governor : Do 
you know who killed captain Gorham's men at the river St. 
John's .'' Indians : Three of Passamaquaddy and one of the 
Penobscot Indians, who knew nothing of the cessation of arms. 
On the following day, tuesday, 15-26 August, the governor 
and all the council (except colonel Horseman) being met on 
board the Beaufort, the Indian delegates were also present, 
and the treaty being prepared, was read and signed, (see it in 
appendix ;) and on the 20-31 August they returned by sea to 
St. John's, with Mr. How, who carried presents for the chiefs 
and the tribes, and was to bring back the treaty ratified. 

An immense quantity of stores had been brought from 
Louisbourg when it was restored to the French. It became 
necessary to detain many of the vessels at Chebucto in con- 
sequence, until storehouses could be erected to receive them. 
Besides regimental stores, there was a vast quantity of provi- 
sions, and endless ship loads of ordnance stores. This cmbar- 
ras dcs richesses proved a positive hindrance to the work they 
had on hand. One ship, with ordnance stores, was sent to 
Annapolis, By the 20-3 1 August, the town was laid out, and 
every man knew where to build his house. Cornwallis wished 
the settlers to work a few days to throw up a line of defence 
round the town, but he could not persuade them to do it. 
They, no doubt, thought it more essential to have a roof to 
cover them from the severities they looked for in a Northern 
winter, than to spend their time in a period of peace to make 
warlike lines of defence. I cannot approve of their judgment 
in this, surrounded as they were by Indians who were then, as 
the Canadian governors said, irreconcileable enemies to the 
Knglish ; but the course they pursued was natural enough 
under their circumstances. Governor Cornwallis contracted 
for the frames and materials to erect wooden buildings for bar- 



156 History of Nova-Scotia, 1 I749' 

racks and officers' quarters, to be brought by sea from Boston. 
Boards, he says, he cannot procure under j[^\ per 1000 feet, 
the price being raised by a dry season, unfavorable to the 
work of saw mills. He was obliged to obtain a large quan- 
tity to help the people to get under cover. He had sent an 
officer to Boston, on purpose to get lumber at fair prices. 
20-3 1 August. Many houses were begun, and huts, log houses, 
&c., already up for more than half a mile on each side of the 
town. (The original limits of the town extended South to 
Salter street, and North to Buckingham street, being about 
half a mile on the shore and about one quarter mile inland. 
This plan, however, was soon after extended both North and 
South.) A good many people from Louisbourg settled at 
Halifax at this time, and several from New England, 

On 16 August, n. s., M. de Boishebert, who commanded the 
French party from Canada at St. John river, wrote to gover- 
nor Cornwallis, disavowing any intention of fortifying or build- 
ing at St. John, but stating that his orders from the marquis 
de la Galissoniere were not to allow any one else to build there, 
till the right of possession should be settled between the two 
crowns. 

The first instance at Halifax of a regul^ trial for a capital 
offence, occurred this season. One Peter Carteel had killed 
Abr. Goodside, the boatswain's mate of the Beaufort, by stab- 
bing him, and had also wounded two other men. The gover- 
nor and council sat as a general court to try him. 3 1 August, 
o. s., (11 Sept., n. s.,) a grand jury found the bill against him — 
a petit jury found him guilty of murder, and he was hanged 
under a warrant from the governor 2-13 Sept'r., 1749- There 
was a tradition that a large tree was used instead of a gallows 
in the earliest years of Halifax. This unhappy child of the 
forest stood near the market square. 

Mr. Mascarene having spent about six weeks with the new 
governor at Chebucto, returned to his command of the garri- 
son at Annapolis, where he arrived 24 Aug., o. s., (4 Sept., n. s.) 
He was instructed, on his arrival there, to detach one captain, 
three subalterns and one hundred men, to Grand Pre, where 
they were to be quartered in three or four of the most contig- 



1749- History of Nova-Scotia. , 157 

uous houses, to be rented for the purpose. The block-house 
at Annapolis was to be taken down and transported to Mines, 
and to be re-erected in the centre of the houses hired as bar- 
racks, and the whole to be enclosed with palissades. The 
position of this block-house at Annapolis was probably on that 
part of Dauphin street where it is widest. — Lieut. Joseph 
Gorham was sent in the Wren, with a party to Canso, to bring 
hay from that place, and to watch the French. 

On the 6-17 September, deputies from the French districts 
appeared before the governor and council, and presented a 
letter or address from the French inhabitants, signed by 1000 
persons. In this, after some polite phrases, they assert that 
governor Philipps engaged to give them all their privileges, &c., 
on taking the oath of allegiance, with an exemption from bear- 
ing arms ; profess to think that if the king knew their conduct 
he would not propose an oath to them, which must put them 
in danger of their lives from the Indians. — If they were to 
swear unconditional allegiance, they would surely become vic- 
tims to their barbarous fitry. The most important part of this 
document is comprised in the following : " Monseigneur. Les " 
' Habitans en general de toute I'etendue de ce pais sont enti- " 

* erement resous de ne point prendre le serment que V. E. " 
' exige de nous, mais si V. E. veut nous accorder notre ancien " 
' serment qui a ete donn6 dans le Mines a M. Richard Phi- " 
' lips, avec une exemption d'armes a nous et a nos hoirs, " 

* nous I'accepterons. Mais si V. E. n'est point dans la reso- " 
' lution de nous accorder ce que nous prenons la liberte de " 
' demander, nous sommes tous en general dans la resolution " 
' de nous retirer du pais. M. S. nous prenons la liberte tous " 
' en general de supplier V. E, de nous dire si S. M, a annulM " 

* notre serment que nous avons donn^ a Gen. Philips. Ce " 
' qui fait peine 4 tout le monde c'estT d'apprendre que les " 
' Anglois veulent s'habituer parmi nous. Sentiment general " 
' de tous les Habitans sous sign^s." " My lord : The inha- " 
' bitants in general of the whole extent of this country are " 
' wholly resolved not to take the oath which your Excellency " 
' exacts of us ; but if your Excellency will accord us our " 

* ancient oath, which was taken at Mines to Mr. Richard " 



158 History of Nova-Scotia. i749' 

** Philips, with an exemption of arms to us and our heirs, we " 
" will accept it. But if your Excellency is not disposed to " 
" accord us what we take the liberty to ask, we are all in gen- ** 
" eral resolved to withdraw from the country. My lord, we " 
" all in general beg leave to pray your Excellency to tell us " 
" if his Majesty has annulled our oath which we took to gen- " 
" eral Philips. It gives everybody pain to learn that the ** 
" English wish to settle among us. This is the general sen- " 
*' timent of all the inhabitants undersigned." Cornwallis an- 
swered them (in French) in the following terms : " We have 
' reason to be much astonished at your conduct. This is the 

* third time you have come here from your districts, and you 

* only repeat the same things without the least alteration. 

* To-day you present us a letter, signed by a thousand persons, 

* wherein you openly declare that you will not be subjects of 

* his British majesty, but upon such and such conditions. 
' Apparently, you think yourselves independant of all govern- 

* ment, and you would wish to treat with the king upon that 
' footing. But you ought to know, that since the end of the 

* year stipulated in the treaty of Utrecht for the evacuation of 

* the country, those who chose to remain in the province be- 
' came at once subjects of the king of Great Britain. The 

* treaty declares them to be so. The king of France declares 

* in this treaty that all the French who should remain in these 

* provinces should be subjects of his majesty. Indeed it would 
' be contrary to common sense to suppose that one could 
' dwell in a province, and possess houses and lands there, with- 

* out being subjects of the Sovereign of the province. Thus, 

* gentlemen, you deceive yourselves if you think you are at 

* liberty to choose whether you would be the king's subjects or 
' not." He went on with similar reasoning, shewing them 
that their allegiance was equally binding without the oath. 
That if general Philips granted them conditions, he was wrong 
in so doing. That he reasons with them from pity, and sees 
they are led astray by interested advisers. They had better 
shew their good will and loyalty by sending hands to assist in 
the public works, instead of holding consultations and sending 
messages to the French governors. Tells them he has sent 



1749' History of Nova-Scotia. 159 

troops to Mines, and wishes them to give the soldiers assist- 
ance and provisions, for which they will be paid in ready 
money. Asks them to send fifty men here within ten days, 
" to help the poor in building their houses to shelter them " 
" from bad weather." They will be paid for their work in 
ready money, and receive the king's rations. 

A commission was now determined on to settle the bounda- 
ries and extent of Nova Scotia. On the part of England, 
governor William Shirley, and William Mildmay, Esq'r., were 
named, and France appointed messieurs Etienne de Silhouette 
aad the marquis de la Galissoniere. (Silhouette was born at 
Limoges, 5 July, 1709 — died 20 Jan'y,, 1767.) On 11 Sept'r., 
1749, Shirley embarked at Boston for Europe, to act in this 
commission. (Their conferences began in 1750, and broke oft 
in 1753.) The claims of both sides were so conflicting, invol- 
ving the title to a great territory, that there was no possible 
mode of reconciling them, and compromise was equally hop*- 
less. It was not merely Nova Scotia that caused Ihe difficulty, 
but the great and valuable regions now forming the Western 
states of the American republic were coveted by both nations, 
and France, by erecting forts in that wilderness, aimed at 
uniting Canada with Louisiana, and hemming in the English 
colonies, so as to leave them but narrow possessions on the 
Atlantic coast. The contest for power in India was also then 
earnest between the two crowns, who, in the treaty of Aix la 
Chapelle of 1748, had rather made a truce than a genuine 
peace. 

At Halifax^ the troops were employed in making a continu- 
ous barricade of logs and brush around the town. A square 
fort had been finished on the hill above. The soldiers also 
were clearing a space of thirty feet wide outside the line, and 
they threw up the trees they had removed to form the barri- 
cade. This work was intended to protect the town against 
the Indians. Cornwallis received information from all direc- 
tions that the Indians of Acadie and those in the island of St. 
John, under the direction of de Loutre, were designing to 
molest the new settlement in the coming winter, and that the 
French were exciting them. The settlers of Halifax did not 



i6b History of Nova-Scotia. ^749- 

seem at all alarmed on this account. The government, how- 
ever, very prudently took all possible precautions for their 
safety. Those who built houses outside the bounds of the 
town, in most instances made them of logs, which are musket 
proof, and arms were given to them for their protection. The 
governor says, 1 1-22 Sept'r., that there were victualled last 
week 1574 settlers. He also armed such of the settlers in the 
town as he could trust with the weapons, and sent an order to 
Boston for lamps to light the streets in the winter nights. 
Captain Gorham was stationed, with his company, at the head 
of the bay, (Bedford Basin), there to remain all the winter. 
He carried with him materials of all kinds for barracks, and 
an armed sloop was ordered to assist him. The detachment 
ordered from Annapolis to Mines in August had not got there 
by the second week of September. Colonel Cornwallis, on 
this, felt aggrieved, and he, referring to general Philipps' regi- 
ment and government, calls his conduct scandalous and shame- 
ful. Says the regiment is no better prepared for service, than 
if raised yesterday : " there never was such another in any ser- " 
" vice." Says Philipps allowed a reserve to the oath of alle- 
giance — received money for public works without disbursing 
one penny, particularly for Canso — never allowed the men 
half their clothing. He is told hot one of them ever had a 
knapsack or havresack. — It is but just to remind the reader 
that the assertion of the French of the reserve in the oath 
granted them by Philipps, does not appear to be well founded ; 
although ensign Wroth and Mr. Armstrong made concessions 
that were not justifiable. The charge of receiving money from 
the crown for works at Canso, Philipps had openly and boldly 
denied as wholly untrue when it was first circulated. The 
want of clothes suffered by the soldiers of his regiment for 
many years, is a fact that cannot be gainsaid. It may have 
originated in his avarice, which is called an otci gentlema7tly 
vice, or at his great age he may have been incapable of look- 
ing after his duties, and subordinate agents have been the 
guilty parties. Cornwallis says that the 'lieutenant colonel 
(Mascarene) was in fault to suffer so many abuses that he Him- 
self complains of, but that he is worn out, " and has been '' 



1749- History of Nova-Scotia. i6i 

" himself abused by every officer in the fort, from the captain " 
" to the ensign." The garrison of Annapolis seems to have 
been very unfortunate. In 1715, before Philipps being there, 
governor Caulfield complains of their not getting pay or pro- 
visions, and having had to live a considerable time upon half 
allowance. In the year 17 16 Caulfield says : " The garrison, " 
" in my opinion, deserves better treatment than it has hitherto " 
" met with, and I am very uneasy to find that no bedding nor " 
" cloathing is forwarded for the troops, whose miserable con- " 
*' dition are objects of pity, notwithstanding my frequent " 
" repetitions of their necessities." It is certainly sad to find 
the conquerors of Port Royal living in destitution there, as it 
is to observe those of Louisbourg perishing by thousands in 
discomfort so soon after their great achievement. But these 
reflections belong rather to the moralist than to the writer of 
annals. 

August 19-30. The Indians took twenty Englishmen pri- 
soners at Canso. Five of them were settlers, who went there 
to procure hay ; the others belonged to vessels from Boston. 
They also seized one of the English vessels. The Indians 
alleged that they did so, because one Ellingwood, a New Eng- 
land man, who had ransomed his craft from them for £,100, 
and left his son as hostage for the payment, did not fulfil his 
promises, although colonel Hopson had advanced him the 
money. When Cornwallis heard of this, he sent two armed- 
cruisers, with soldiers on board, in order to recover the prison- 
ers. However, they had been in the meanwhile carried to 
cape Breton, and the French governor, Desherbiers, sent six- 
teen of them to governor Cornwallis at Chebucto, and placed 
the remaining four on board of their own vessel, then at Louis- 
bourg. Cornwallis, at this time, says not one Indian has 
ai:>peared in this bay (Chebucto) for weeks past. 

On 30 August, o. s., (10 Sept., n. s.,) a ship arrived from 
Liverpool, (G. B.,) with 116 settlers. She had a passage of 
nine weeks ; all were in good health. Two streets were imme- 
diately added to the plan for their accommodation. Cornwallis 
now praises the settlers for their good behavior of late. He 
gives his opinion, that if the Indians begin war again, there 

B II 



1 62 History of Nova-Scotia. i749' 

should be no peace ever again made with them, as by an addi- 
tion to the forces by sea and land, it would be practicable to 
root them out entirely. 

In September, information was sent by capt. Handfield and 
lieutenant Glazier, stationed at Mines, to the governor, to the 
effect that two merchantmen, belonging to messrs. Donnel and 
VVinniett, had been attacked by the Indians at Chinecto, 
(Chignecto), and that three Englishmen were killed and seven 
Indians killed or desperately wounded. Eight had gone on 
board one of the English vessels, under pretence of traffic in 
furs, and endeavored to destroy the crew by surprise. As 
de Loutre was at this time among the Indians, the governor 
and council believed he was exciting them to war, and resolved 
that a letter should be sent to Desherbiers, the French gover- 
nor at Louisbourg, requiring him to recall de Loutre, and 
notifying him that if any French subjects enter this province 
without permission and join the Indians, it must be looked 
upon as a breach of faith and friendship, of which his Britannic 
Majesty should be informed. 

On Saturday, 30 Sept'r., o. s., (10 Oct'r., n. s.,) the Indians 
committed acts of hostility at a sawmill that had been erected 
in Chebucto bay. (Six men, without arms, were sent out by 
major Oilman, to cut wood for the mill. Of these six, four 
were killed and one made prisoner by a party of Indians who 
had lain in ambush. The sixth man made good his escape 
from them. The saw mill was near Dartmouth cove.) — 
Next day, Sunday, the governor and council met on board the 
Beaufort,, (1-12 Oct'r.,) messrs. Horseman, Lawrence, How, 
Gorham, Green and Salusbury, attending. They decided 
not to declare war against the Indians, as that would be 
"in some sort to own them a free people" — that they ought 
to be looked upon as rebels to H. M. government, or as bai^ 
ditti ruffians. — War, however, was to be made on them — a 
reward offered for prisoners and for scalps, — major Oilman to 
raise another independant company of 100 men, and captain 
Wm. Clapham a company of volunteers, to scour all the coun- 
try round the bay. — A further present of 1000 bushels of corn 
was voted to the St. John Indians. — On the monday, October 



1749' History of Nova-Scotia, 163 

2-13, a proclamation issued, reciting the Indian hostilities 
recently committed at Canso, Chinecto and Chebucto, and 
ordering all officers, civil and military, and all H. M. subjects, 
to take and destroy the Micmacs, and offering ten guineas for 
each Indian, living or dead, " or his scalp, as is the custom of" 
"America." Oct'r. 4-15. Major Oilman was now instructed 
to raise his company, and to get them hatchets, haversacks 
and snow shoes. (The snow shoe, called by the French 
raquetie, resembles the racket used by ball players. It is used 
to get over the deep snow without sinking.) — The Indian 
custom of taking off the scalp of a slain foe, does not seem to 
have had its origin in any desire to mutilate the corpse, 
but was used to preserve evidence of a warrior's merit, to be 
judged of by the number of scalps he could hang up in his 
wigwam, or wear at his belt, or as fringes to his war dress. 
How far the European settlers, French or English, were justi- 
fiable in offering to buy scalps, is a different question. That this 
practice was long pursued both in Canada and New England, is 
beyond doubt. Within three days after he was authorized, capt. 
Claphara raised 70 volunteers, out of whom he selected 50, 
and began to scour the woods around Halifax ; and Gorham 
sent out detachments all round the bay. Major Oilman went 
to Piscataqua to enlist his company of 100 men, engaging to 
return with them before December. 

By the 17-28 October, about 300 houses were covered in 
in the town, two forts finished, and the barricade around it 
completed. About thirty French inhabitants had come there 
at the governor's request, and were employed in the works in 
progress. Some of them likewise cut a road from the head of 
the bay (Basin) to the town. 

Desherbiers' letter to Cornwallis of 15 October disavows, on 
behalf of the king of France and of himself, any connection 
with the abb^ de Loutre's actions against the English rule, 
De Loutre was sent by the French government as missionary 
to the Indians, and came to Louisbourg on his way. As gov- 
ernor of cape Breton, Desherbiers has no power to recall him, 
as the mission is not in cape Breton. Denies sending any 
French into Nova Scotia to cause trouble, begs Cornwallis to 



164 History of Nova-Scotia. i749- 

arrest any such person, and if he should belong to Desherbiers' 
government, promises to punish him. Expresses horror and 
indignation at the cruelties and treacheries of the Indians,, 
who, he states, preserve their original ferocity, in spite of the 
attempts to inspire them with principles of religion. Disavows 
all connection with the hostile conduct of the Indians, and 
professes every desire to keep up union and good understand- 
ing between the French and English nations. — The French 
inhabitants repulsed by Cornvvallis in their demands to modify 
the oath of allegiance, which they had supported by 1000 sig- 
natures, prepared a petition to the king of France, .in which 
they specify their grievances and beg his inten^'ention. This 
was said to be written by de Loutre. — It appears by the letter 
book of the Annapolis government that in lieutenant governor 
Doucett's time (in 171 7) the French inhabitants, when called 
on to swear allegiance, protended fear of the Indians killing 
them if they did so ; but offered to take an oath, leaving them 
free from taking up arms. Doucett attributes their disloyalty 
to the teachings of the priests, who led them to believe the 
pretender would soon rule in England. — Cornwallis, who often 
used strong expressions, calls de Loutre " a good for nothing " 
" scoundrel as ever lived." 

October 22, o. s., Sunday, at a council held in the governor's 
apartment, the French deputies were admitted to make return 
of the election of new deputies, and next day the governor, at 
their desire, gave a written approval of the abbe Maillard as a 
cure in this province. 

Monday, Nov'r, 6-17, in council. Cutting down or barking 
trees within the forts or barricades was prohibited, in order 
to keep those that remain as ornament and shelter to the town. 
By proclamation of next day, £1 penalty and 48 hours impri- 
sonment were to be inflicted for each tree so destroyed, but 
this was not to hinder any one from cutting down trees on his 
own lot. 

In September or October of this year, 1749, M. la Come, 
an experienced French officer, was sent at the head of about 
70 regular troops and a party of Canadian irregulars, to take 
post on the isthmus of Chignecto. La Jonqui^re, the gover- 



1749' History of Nova-Scotta. 165 

nor general of Canada, wrote a long letter to Cornvvallis, dated 
Quebec, 25 Oct'r., 1749, acknowledging his letter of 15 Aug't., 
complimenting him personally, and speaking of the mutual 
friendship to be expected between the two nations since the 
peace was concluded. He approves of what de la Galissioncre 
has done, and blames Mascarene. Speaks of his own liberality 
in exchange of prisoners. He proceeds thus : " As to the " 
" river St. John, M. the marquis de la Galissioncre did per- " 
" fectly right in sending a good detachment thither. You " 
*' should not be ignorant that I have sent one to the settle- " 
" ments of Delkekoudiack, Memerancoucgs, and Chipudy. " 
*' The officers who command these posts are ordered to keep " 
" them, and not to allow of your forming any settlement there " 
" until the true limits of Accadie and New France shall be " 
" regulated by the two crowns." He declines interfering with 

the bishop. Henri Marie de Creil de Pontbriand, 

the bishop of Quebec, wrote 2Z Oct'r. to Mr. Cornwallis, claim- 
ing the right to send priests into the province, as religious free- 
dom had been promised the Acadians. He shews that the dis- 
tinction of allegiance to different powers does not conflict with 
the religious jurisdiction. He intimates a desire to visit the 
province. Governor Cornwallis replies to the bishop, (i Dec, 
o. s.,) and says he would be happy to see him here, but his 
majesty's orders would not allow the exercise of his episcopal 
functions here. He does not refuse the Acadians to have 
their priests ; — at their request he has just issued a passport 
for the abbe Maillard from Isle Royale, " Could you have 
■" sent de Loutre as missionary to the Micmacs } Is it for their 
*' good that this priest excites these wretches to exercise their 
" cruelties against those who have shewn them all sorts of 
■" friendship .■* Is it for their interest that he hinders them 
" from unison with a civilized and Christian people, and from 
"enjoying all the advantages of a mild government.^ If you 
" have given him this mission, I am certain you have not 
" ordered him to lead his Indians to their own ruin and against 
" the allies of their king." He tells him he has issued an 
ordonnance, forbidding any priest performing his functions 
without his, the governor's license, under pain of legal trial 



1 66 History of Nova-Scotia, '749* 

and punishment. Cornwallis replies, 1-12 Nov'r., to la Jon- 
quiere. He expresses his surprise at his sending troops to 
seize territory, the right to which is to be otherwise settled. 
States the rule that no change should be made under such 
circumstances. Father Germain writes to Cornwallis 18 Nov. 
He says the Indians of St, John river intend to help their 
brothers, the Micmacs, and that the latter have sent deputies 
to Canada to request assistance from the Canibas and Huron s. 

At a council held at the governor's, 20 Nov'r., o. s., it was 
resolved that the general court should be held twice in every 
year, viz. : on the last tuesday of April and the last tuesday of 
October. 22 Nov'r., o. s. Richard Bulkely is mentioned as 
the governor's aide de camp. 6 Dec'r., o. s. In order to form 
the settlers into a militia, the council resolved, that a procla- 
mation be issued, ordering all settlers from 16 to 60 years of 
age to assemble upon the parade on sunday after divine ser- 
vice, and to draw up in the order following : Those of the 
quarters of Ewer and Collier, to face the harbor ; those of the 
quarters of Galland and Foreman, to face the citadel ; those of 
Mr. Callender's division, at one end of the parade. 6-17 Dec. 
Capt. John Gorham was ordered to march his company to 
Pesiquid, to clear the road of any Indians who might be there 
to interrupt the communication. Governor Cornwallis writes 
7-18 Dec'r. to the duke of Bedford, complaining of French 
encroachments, and asking for additional forces. He says this 
country would be of more value to the French than the mines 
of Peru or Mexico. Wishes a fort erected at Chignecto. The 
French inhabitants have cleared a road 18 feet wide all the 
way from Mines to Halifax. 

On 27 Nov'r., o. s., (8 Dec'r., n. s.,) the Micmacs and St. 
John's Indians united, about 300 in number — suprized lieu- 
tenant Hamilton and 18 men, who had been detached by capt. 
Handfield from his fort in Mines, and made the whole party 
prisoners ; and after several attempts on the fort, they retired 
towards Chignecto 4-15 Dec'r. Cornwallis writes to the duke 
of Bedford 18-29 Dec'r. : " As for the Indians, I am positive, " 
" my lord, they can do us no great harm, and I am fully con- " 
" vinced that if the French had not set them upon it, and '* 



1749- History of Nova-Scotia. 167 

" supported them, they never would have thought of doing " 
'' anything. I cannot think the French will openly send " 
" troops or Canadians against any of the outforts, far less to " 
" attack this settlement ; but in all probability they will send " 
" officers with the Indians, and mix some Frenchmen disgui- " 
sed. All the Indians together cannot take one of these forts " 
"by themselves." On the 13-24 December, information on 
oath was given to the government at Halifax, that certain per- 
sons named were with the Indians when they attacked the fort 
at Mines, commanded by captain Handfield ; that they bore 
arms on the occasion, and assisted the Indians. The individu- 
als charged were : Joseph Clement, Charles Hebert, Frangois 
le Prince, Claude le Prince, Misqucess le Gerne, Charles le 
Gerne, Petit Jean le Gerne, Renauchon Aucoin, Joseph Vin- 
cent, Frangois le Vache, and Charles le Gerne, junior, eleven 
in number, all inhabitants of the river de Gembert, at Piziquid. 
On this, captain John Gorham, member of H. M. council, was 
ordered to march to Piziquid with his company — arrest these 
parties — search their houses for arms, and bring them to 
Halifax ; and as there was no officer at capt. Handfield's fort 
at Mines acquainted with the French language, captain Stras- 
burger was sent there. Gorham got there too late to do any- 
thing. The Indians had dispersed, carrying their prisoners 
with them. Although they had continued firing at Handfield's 
fort for seven days without intermission, they did not effect 
the least damage. From this fort above 20(X) shot were fired, 
but it does not appear that one Indian was killed. 



APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XII. 
(I.) 

I, Joannes Pedousaghtigh, chief of the tribe of Chignecto Indians, for myself 
& in behalf of my tribe, my heirs and their heirs, and their heirs for ever ; and 
we, Fran9ois Aurodowish, Simon Sactawino, & Jean Battiste Maddouanhook, 
deputies from the Chiefs of the St. Johns Indians, & invested by them with full 
powers for that purpose, do, in the most solemn manner, renew the above articles 
of agreement and submission, and every article thereof, with His Excellency 
Edward Cornwallis, Esq., Captain General and Governor in Chief in and over his 



Members of the Council 
for Nova Scotia. 



1 68 History of Nova-Scotia. 

Majesty's province of Nova Scotia or Accadie, Vice Admiral of the same, colonel 
in his Majesty's service, and one of his Bedchamber. In witness wrhereof, I, the 
said Joannes Pedousaghtigh, have subscribed this treaty, (and affixed my seal — 
copy of 1760) ; and we, Fran9ois Aurodowish, Simon Sactawino, and Jean Battiste 
Maddouanhook, in behalf of the Chiefs of the Indian tribes we represent, have 
subscribed and affixed our seals to the same, and engage that the said Chiefs 
shall ratify this treaty at St. Johns. 

Done in Chibucto Harbor, the fifteenth day of August, one thousand seven 
hundred and forty-nine. In the twenty-third year of his Majesty's Reign. 
In presence of : 

P. Hopson, 
P. Mascarene, 
Rob. Ellison, 
James F. Mercer, 
Cha. Laurence, 
Edw'd. How, 
John Gorham, 
Ben. Green, 
John Salusbury, 
Hugh Davidson, 
Wm. Steele, 

Joannes Pedousaghtigh. * 
Francois Aurodowish. * 
Simon Sactaivino. * 
Jean Battiste Maddouanhook. * 
N. B. — A copy of the Indian treaty, made at Boston in 1725, was prefixed to the 
above. 

1749. THE ratification OF THE ABOVE ARTICLES OR TREATY. 

The articles of peace on the other side, concluded at Chibucto the 15 August, 
1749, with his Excellency Edw'd. Cornwallis, esq., captain general and comman- 
der-in-chief of his Majesty's province of Nova Scotia or Accadie, and signed by 
our deputies, having been communicated to us by Edward How, esq., one of his 
Majesty's Council for said province, and faithfully interpreted to us by madame 
de Bellisle, inhabitant of this river, nominated by us for that purpose. We, the 
chiefs and captains of the river St. John's and places adjacent, do, for ourselves 
and our different tribes, confirm and ratify the same to all intents and purposes. 
Given under our hands, at the river St. John's, the fourth day of September, 
one thousand seven hundred and forty-nine. (Copy of 1760.) 
In presence of the undersigned witnesses : 

Edw'd. How, one of his Majesty's council, 

Nathan Donnall, John Wenn, 

John Beare, Rob't. McKoun, 

Matt. Winnet, 

Mich'l. t Narrasoni, (Narrajoni), chief, 

Fran9ois t de Xavier, Archibaco Marguille, 

Pierre t Alexander de Margille, 

Augustin I Meyawet, native chief river St. Jea:i, 

Franjois t M. ^ ^ 



History of Nova-Scotia, 169 

(2.) 

Extract of a letter from Nova Scotia, dated at Halifax, Attgitst 21, 1 749, taken 
from a London Magazine. \N. S. Gazette, May 27, 1758.] 
" As to this town, there is not its fellow in the world, for a man may catch as 
much fish in two hours as will serve 6 or 7 people for a whole week, such as cod, 
hallibut, turbot, salmon, skait, haddock, herrings, mackerel, smelts and lobsters, 
and they lye as thick as stones in Cheapside, so that Billingsgate is but a fish 
stall in comparison of it : and as to fruit, we have plenty of limes, peaches, apri- 
cots, rasberries and strawberries, all wild. We have got good rum at 3s. per 
gallon, and red and white port at a shilling a bottle ; but there is one thing want- 
ing, which is a pot of good London porter or purl." 

(3-) 
Lords of Trade to Gov'r. Cornwallis. 

Whitehall, 16 October, 1749. 
They acknowledge rec't. of his letters of 22 June, 24 July, 20 Aug't. & 1 1 Sept, 
Approve of his putting into Chebucto — his sending to Boston for transports — his 
detention of the transports, and most of his measures which they recapitulate in 
detail. They will endeavor to send out Foreign Protestants, as he suggests. 
They attribute the acts of the Indians at Canceaux, and the refusal of the French 
to take the oaths, to " the indirect practices and influence of the French of 
" Canada ; and we cannot but look on such measures, and especially the sending 
" presents to the Indians within H. M, territories, as very unjustifiable, and cal- 
" culated to disturb the peace of H. M. subjects and Government." — " Your con- 
" duct, however, in this as well as in all other points, gives us the greatest satis- 
" faction." — " The measures you have taken to secure the settlement from the 
" Indians, and your caution to our own people not to be aggressors, are much to 
" be commended ; but if the Indians should strike the first blow, it will certainly 
" be proper that they should severely feel your resentment. As to your opinion, 
" however, of never hereafter making peace with them, and of totally extirpating 
" them, we cannot but think that, as the prosecution of such design must be atten- 
" ded with acts of great severity, it may prove of dangerous consequences to the 
" safety of H. M. other colonies upon the continent, by filling the minds of the 
" bordering Indians with ideas of our cruelty, and instigating them to a danger- 
" ous spirit of resentment." 
This letter is signed : 

Dunk Halifax. 

Fran. Fane. 

J. Pitt. 

DUPPLIN. 

J. Grenville. 

(4-) 

Halifax, October 29th, 1749. 
Sir. You are to march early to-morrow morning from the Fort with your com- 
pany to Pisiquid. Observe as you go along in what manner the French carry on 
the road, and what progress they make. In case you find that they want a force 
to protect them from the Micmacs, or that they think such a force is wanted, you 



170 History of Nova-Scotia. 

will post your companys in several strong detachments on the road. If they do 
not desire a guard, or think it unnecessary, you will continue the march so far as 
the French settlements, and if you hear of any Micmacs thereabouts, you will goe 
against them, — if not, you will return by the common road to your post at the 
head of the Bay, and give me an acc't. of your proceedings. 

E. C. 
To Capt'n. John Gorham. 

To Lieut, Petishal. 
Halifax, Decera'r. 8th, 1749. 
Sir. 
Having ordered Capt'n, Gorham two days agoe to march, which he has not 
complyed with, if he does not march within 24 hours after you receive this, it is 
my orders that you put him forthwith in arrest, and order the Ensign to march 
with 50 men to Pesiquid, to clear that road of any Indians that may be that way. 
I am, sir, yours, &c., 

E, C, 

9 Dec'r. Capt. Clapham is ordered to send his lieutenant, with 25 men, to the 
fort at the head of the bay, to-morrow morning, at break of day, to join Lieut, 
Pattishal, 

(5.) 

At a Council, held at the Governour's, on Saturday afternoon, the i5 Dec'r., 

1749- 

Present : 

H, E. the Governor. 

Capt, Jo, Rous, John Horsman, John Salusbur}', 

Charles Laurence, Hugh Davidson, 

Ben, Green, Will'm, Steele, 

" His Excellency read to the Council a letter from Lieut. Governor Phipps, 

and one enclosed from major J, K, Lydius, at Albany, giving intelligence of the 

Governor of Canada's having sent two vessels to Baye Verte, with 600 men, under 

the command of Ms. Le Come & Lemmerie, with ammunition and stores of all 

kinds proper for a winter's expedition. That it was believed they were designed 

against Halifax. That they were likewise assembling as many Canada Indians 

as possible." 

It was decided the settlers should fell the trees outside the town lines as far as 

they could, and that they should be assembled to-morrow on the parade, after 

divine service. 

(6.) 

Dec'r. 16. John Saliisbury. Esq'r., the Register, is directed to register lot 
No. 25, north side of the town, 2d row of lots, to Capt'n. Alex. Murray, of War- 
burton's regiment. 

(7.) 

Dec'r- 27, (o. s.) All housekeepers were ordered to notify deaths within 24 
hours to one of the clergymen, under pain of fine and imprisonment. Persons 
refusing to attend a corpse to the grave, when ordered by a justice of the peace, 
to be sent to prison. Vernon, the carpenter, was ordered ' to mark the initial ' 
• letters of the deceased upon his coffin.' 



1750- History of Nova-Scotia. 171 



CHAPTER XIII. 



1750. We have seen a singular assemblage of gentlemen and 
merchants — officers and men of the army and navy, who had 
been employed in the last war — a few Swiss emigrants — a 
number of persons from Louisbourg, who had been trading 
there for the previous four years, since the conquest, together 
with such New England people as came to take part in the 
settlement. In a climate, to which most of them were stran- 
gers, they no doubt had much to suffer. During the summer 
and autumn, many either remained on board the transports 
which had brought them from England, or obtained shelter 
under canvas or tarpaulin tents on shore, in some instances 
the trunks, bales and boxes, containing their goods and bag- 
gage, serving as a temporary floor to protect them from the 
dampness of the ground. Such persons as could find means 
to purchase the frames and lumber from the New England 
traders, contrived to erect small framed wooden houses, pro- 
bably in no case exceeding one story in height. Cornwallis's 
house, at that time, is, by tradition, stated as one of but 
small dimensions. Provisions, however, were in plenty, and a 
brave and social spirit existed ; and it appears that however 
the cautious feeling of the governors of the place was excited, 
the people felt little apprehension. We may therefore justly 
conclude, that during this, the first winter of the new settle- 
ment, cheerful and convivial s^timents were generally preva- 
lent. However that may have been, the governor and his 
official advisers felt their position required the exercise of vigi- 
lance and caution. Capt. Gorham had made three young men 



172 History of Nova-Scotia. 1750. 

prisoners at Piziquid, and it was ascertained that some of the 
Indians from Penobscot had been with the party that attacked 
captain Handfield in his fort at Mines. On the 7-18 January, 
1750, being Sunday, a council assembled at the governors ; — 
messrs. Lawrence, Green, Salusbury, Davidson and Steele, 
councillors, attended, and so did captain John Rous, Some 
inhabitants had petitioned that martial law should be put in 
execution, but the council did not consider the danger so great 
or imminent as to make it necessary. However, they desired 
his Excellency to appoint officers of the militia, and to order 
guards. Anxiety was expressed as to a store ship, called 
the ' Duke of Bedford,' then lying in Dartmouth cove, par- 
ticularly if she should get frozen in. 10 January, o. s., the 
governor ordered all settlers between 16 and 60 to be formed 
into companies of militia, of 60 or 70 men each, in every quar- 
ter of the town. He appointed a captain and two lieutenants 
to each company. A militia guard of one officer and 30 men 
were to assemble every evening " at sunset, upon the gun " 
" firing," with arms, &c., and keep guard until sunrise. Every 
company was to exercise for one hour on sunday mornings 
before divine service. 

13 January, 0. s. Cornwallis hired the sloop York, Sylvanus 
Cobb, master, into his majesty's service, at p^22 los. od. per 
month, and agreed to insure ;!^350 stg. on the vessel. Cobb 
was to go to Boston, and deliver Cornwallis's letter there to 
lieutenant governor Phips, and with his countenance to arm 
and victual the sloop, taking 40 or 50 men on board there, not 
to exceed 100 men in all in his crew, and to obtain one or 
more whaleboats. He was then to proceed to Chignecto, and 
apprehend de Loutre, if possible, for whose capture capt Cobb 
should receive ;^50, and the crew of his sloop ^50 more. 
Deloutre is called " the author and adviser of all the distur- " 
" bances the Indians have made in this province, and that " 
" he, as their chief, excites, directs and instructs them, and " 
" provides them from Canada with arms, ammunition, &c." 
As the inhabitants of Chignecto have, at his instigation, assis- 
ted the Indians, Cobb is to seize as many of them as he can, 
or if they abscond, to take their wives and children as hosta- 



I750- History of Nova-Scotia. 173 

ges. He is also to search for arms everywhere in the vicinity. 
For every Indian scalp £,10 stg, will be paid as prize money. 
The schooner Dove, Wm, Orne, master, was also ordered to 
take directions of lieut. governor Phips, at Boston. 

2-13 Feb'y., the captain of the port reported that the Duke 
of Bedford, store ship, and the armed sloop lying at the cove 
by the saw mill, (Dartmouth cove) " were perfectly safe, " 
" and that the ice was cut all around them every night." 

A regulation was adopted by the governor and council for 
one year, prohibiting any suit being prosecuted here against 
any settler for debts contracted previously to his coming, in 
England or in the colonies. 

Oliver Noyes, master of the Neptune, bound hence to Caro- 
lina, old England, was refused leave to ship five settlers as 
part of his crew. 

13-24 Feb'y. The French workmen stated that 30 Indians 
had been all winter at Cobequid, and the government courier 
had not returned in more than a month. A party, consisting 
of captain Francis Bartelo, lieutenant Shaw, ensigns Murray 
and Cummins, and one hundred men, with 12 days' provisions 
and French guides, were ordered to take the direct road to 
Cobequid through the woods. They were to endeavor to 
surprise the party of Indians. They were also to apprehend 
Gerard, the priest of Cobequid, and the deputy of that district. 
Gerard and the deputy had been all along privy to and aiding 
in the motions and designs of the Indians, and had caused a 
courier, sent there by the governor with letters, to be stopped. 
They are, therefore, to be made prisoners, and their houses be 
searched for papers, arms and ammunition. Bartelo is to 
return to Halifax by what road he shall judge best. Gorham 
declared it impracticable to march to Cobequid in winter, 
whereupon Cornwallis says that Gorham is no officer at all. 
On the 23 Feb'y., o. s., a petition was received in council from 
the deputies of Canard, Grand Pr6 and Pisiquid, in favor of three 
young men, prisoners in Cornwallis fort at Halifax, but it was 
resolved to do nothing in the matter until the return of capt 
Bartelo ; but Cornwallis released them in March on account 
of their youth, and because their fathers were at Halifax work- 



174 History of Nova-Scotia. 1750. 

ing for government at the time. Serjeant Tate, of the militia, 
was sentenced to receive 20 lashes, for violence and insult to 
his captain, Mr. Callendar, proved by the captain and by the 
lieutenant, Mason. The next day it was agreed to grant per- 
mission to merchants to build wharves, reserving the right to 
remove them if the project of building a quay along the shore 
in front of the town should be adopted by the crown, Mr. 
Brewse, the engineer, and captain Morris, surveyor, having 
been consulted. In March, Gerard, the priest of Cobequid, 
(now Truro), and the four deputies of that district, viz't., Jean 
Hebert, Jean Bourg, Joseph Robichaux, and Pierre Gautrot, 
were examined by the governor and council, as to the stopping 
of the courier Pierre au Coin, who carried the governor's let- 
ters — as to de Loutre's having been there that winter, and 
the non-attendance of the deputies at Halifax, on which Bourg 
was liberated, but the rest detained. 

Some of the disaffected at Pisiquid, with help from the 
Indians, about this time carried off three Englishmen as pri- 
soners. Governor Cornwallis, in consequence, issued an order 
12-23 March to captain John Gorham, to proceed with his 
company to Pisiquid, (now Windsor), and establish himself to 
the best advantage there until he could erect a block-house. 
He was to seize the property of traitors who had absconded, 
and to investigate the aifair of the capture of the three Eng- 
lishmen. Proclamations and letters in French were sent to 
the deputies of Mines and Pisiquid on the subject. Monday, 
18 March, 0. s.. Gorham marched. He arrived at the first 
houses of the district at noon, on Wednesday, 20 March, 0. s., 
on this side (nearest Halifax) of the river St. Croix, and found . 
the dwellings deserted. His advanced party going to cross 
the river, saw an Indian canoe, and soon after observed a body 
of Indians lying on the other side of the river among the 
bushes. The party advanced to the water side, and gave them 
a full fire. The Indians ran up the river side to prevent their 
getting to some houses, but in doing so came opposite to 
Gorham, who gave them another fire. Gorham took posses-^ 
sion of a saw mill and two houses on the Halifax side of the 
river, and then remained on the defensive. He was himself 



1750. History of Nova-Scotia. 175 

wounded in the thigh. Two also of his men were wounded, 
but none were killed. On the 23 March, o. s., (3 April, n. s.,) 
the English and Indian parties remained within sight of each 
other. Cornwallis sent reinforcements. The first messenger 
from Gorham reached the head of the bay in eight hours. 
Captain Wm. Clapham was ordered 22 March, o. s., to join 
Gorham, at Piziquid. Cornwallis also sent a company of regu- 
lars, under captain St. Loe, and two wall pieces — left the 
management to the judgment of Gorham and the other officers, 
stating the necessity of passing the river and driving away the 
enemy, and expressing his satisfaction with the conduct of 
Gorham and his party. The gov'r. Cornwallis, writes 24 March 
to capt. John Gorham : " Your remaining where you are, on 
St. Croix river, would by no means answer. You could not 
possibly keep the inhabitants in subjection. You could not 
be supplied with provisions but at their pleasure. The Indians 
might return to the same station and harrass you, and, being 
on the other side of the river, they would command provisions 
and stop your communication with Handfield ; whereas when 
you are well posted at Piziquid, the Indians will not choose to 
come on this side of you, as there will be a difficulty to obtain 
provisions, and a risk of being cut off from hence. You have, 
with captains St. Loe and Clapham, force sufficient to hunt 
and attack the Indians wherever you hear of them. I would, 
therefore, have you to march directly to Piziquid, and post 
yourself at the Mass house, which you mentioned as the most 
proper place. You will keep captains St. Loe and Clapham 
till you are fixed. You are to scour all the country round, 
and shew them we are masters. Capt. Handfield's situation 
will be no small advantage to you. One of the schooners will 
be sent round in a day or two." The lords of trade write to 
Cornwallis 16 Feb'y-, 0. s., and say that gentler methods and 
offers of peace have more frequently prevailed with the Indians 
than the sword ; and that any forcible measures that may 
induce the French inhabitants to leave their settlements, 
ought, for the present at least be waived, as the Canadians had 
made their settlements in the province to draw them over to 
them. They promise foreign Protestant settlers. Urge econ- 



176 History of Nova-Scotia. i750- 

omy, as the grant of parliament has been exceeded. Suggest 
a reduction in the number of paid surgeons and apothecaries, 
and the dismissal of officer at saw mill. Call £,2'j^Q for rum 
and molasses a heavy item, 

Parliament voted 16 March, 1750 : 

For expenses of the war in America — inten- 
ded expedition against Canada, and suc- 
cour of Nova Scotia, £i22,2^(S 16 4 

For transport and support of settlers in Nova 

Scotia, 36,476 3 10 

For support of colony of Nova Scotia for 

1750, 59,778 19 2 

19 March, o. s. Cornwallis tells the lords of trade, that the 
deputies from Cobequid are confined in the forts. " The " 
" priest Gerard I keep in my house, not only to shew a regard " 
" to the character, but likewise to pick out some further intel- " 
" ligence from him. I told him in council he must remain " 
" here till the courier returns." He states that the peninsula 
of Halifax contains not more than 3000 acres, and that the 
town and suburbs stand on 800 acres. He suggests a settle- 
ment on the opposite (Eastern) side of the harbor as desire- 
able, and he thinks the principal fishery will be at Chebucto. 
The winter had been mild and favorable, and the navigation 
never stopped. The earth had been covered with snow since 
the middle of January — about three feet deep in the woods. 
They had fine warm days and thaw, and the fishing schooners 
began about the 8 or 10 March, o. s., (19-21 March, n. s.,) to 
go upon the banks. Governor Cornwallis had got a frame put 
up for an hospital. He says the sick in the hospital ship had 
never exceeded twenty-five at one time. He was erecting a 
school house for orphan children, who should be cared for 
until they were fit to be apprenticed to fishermen. He had 
employed a number of French inhabitants to square timber 
for block-houses. (Several of the block-houses remained till 
within the 20th year of this century, and there is one still at 
Windsor, on Fort Edward hill.) He says : " I expect the " 
" frame of the church will be here next month from New " 



I750« History of Nova-Scotia. 177 

" England. The plan is the same with that of Marybone " 
" chapel," (Marylebone.) During the winter of 1 749-1 750, the 
chief employment of the people was to secure the place from 
any attack of Indians and Canadians. The settlers were 
armed, and formed into a militia, consisting of ten companies, 
of 70 men each, besides the artificers. Labourers were con- 
stantly employed to raise the barricades and continue them to 
the water side, and block-houses were erected between the forts. 
(The block-house was made of squared logs, closely set toge- 
ther, roofed in, and the upper portion larger and over-hanging. 
Loopholes were left for musketry.) A captain and fifty men 
mounted guard every night near the parade, and a lieutenant 
and twenty men in each division of the town. The artificers 
formed one company by themselves. The whole militia 
amounted to 840 men. The communication between the new 
settlement of Halifax with Chignecto, and even with Cobequid, 
was shut off, and no one who went from Annapolis or Mines 
to Chignecto returned. 

As we have already seen, governor Cornwallis sent captain 
Cobb (whom he calls a settler, who is thoroughly acquainted 
with every harbor and creek in the Bay (of Fundy), and who 
knows every house in Chignecto) to Boston, to lieut. governor 
Phipps, at Boston. Phipps called the council together, and 
had Apthorp and Hancock (merchants) before them, and the 
whole affair, which Cornwallis intended to be secret, was then 
made public. An advertisement was placarded in Boston,, 
dated 30 Jan'y., signed by Cobb, referring to raising 100 men 
for the York, for Nova Scotia, to go against the enemy, stating 
prize money, &c. &c. The aflfair being thus made known pub- 
lickly, would reach the French and Indians, and Cornwallis. 
judged it prudent to order Cobb to proceed no further in it. 

On friday, 30 March, (10 April), 1750, Cornwallis comrauni- 
cated to his council his intention to erect a fort at Chignecto, 
as the French had done already in that vicinity, and that he 
could spare a detachment of 400 men for this object. The 
council unanimously approved of this movement. April 4-1 5^ 
1750, major Charles Lawrence was detached for this purpose. 
He was to go to Piziquid and Mines to strengthen his force — 
B 12 



178 History of Nova-Scotia. I750« 

to establish his troops in Chignecto, and, if he could, to destroy 
the Forts the French had erected there. In April, the French 
deputies, viz't. : Jacques Teriot, of Grand Pr6, Frangois Gran- 
ger, of riviere de Canard, Baptiste Galerne and Jean Andre, of 
Piziquid, petitioned, on behalf of the French inhabitants, for 
leave to evacuate the province, and to carry off their effects. 
This the governor refused them, and told them to sow their 
fields as usual, and that no one could hold land while refusing 
the oath of allegiance, and no one deserting the country could 
carry away his effects, which in such cases were confiscated to 
the king. The French deputies openly avowed that this appli- 
cation arose from coercion : that La Corne and Le Loutre had 
threatened them with a general massacre if they remained in 
the province. The French now took possession of all that 
part of Nova Scotia which lay on the N. W. side of the bay of 
Fundy, extending from Chignecto river to the river St. John. 
They burned the houses in Beaubassin to ashes, and carried 
all the inhabitants and their effects across the Missiguash, and 
there armed and formed them into companies. 

The party under major Lawrence consisted of 165 regulars, 
and above 200 rangers — in all, 400 men. Captain Bartclo had 
command of the rangers. Almost all the officers on half pay 
at Halifax went as volunteers, and they rendezvoused at Mines. 
Captain Rous in the Albany, sloop of war, went round to meet 
them there, and another sloop came there from Annapolis. 
These vessels were to transport the troops, and had on board 
the necessary provisions and stores. One of them had timber 
for a small block-house. Rous got to Mines 18-29 April, and 
the expedition reached Chignecto 20 April, o. s., (i May, n. s.) 
On their approach to the town, which consisted of about 140 
houses and 2 churches, the Indians, acting, as was supposed, 
under the influence of the French commandant, reduced the 
whole place to ashes in a few hours, and the inhabitants, cros- 
sing the river, threw themselves under the protection of the 
French officers. The reason assigned for this destruction was 
that the town stood on what they chose to call English ground. 
The combined forces of Canadians, Indians, and revolted Aca- 
dians, amounted, it was said, to about 1 500 armed men. These 



I750. History of Nova-Scotia. 179 

having hoisted a French flag, major Lawrence sent them a flag 
of truce, and afterwards held an interview with M. La Corne, 
the commander. La Corne declared his determination to 
defend the right bank of the river as French territory until 
the boundary was settled between the two crowns. After this 
the English seem for a time to have retired to Mines, altho' 
they subsequently built a fort on or near the ruins of Beau- 
bassin, which was afterwards called Fort Lawrence, while the 
French constructed fort Beausejour on what is now the New 
Brunswick side of the Missiguash about the same time the 
fort at Mines was strengthened. 

15-26 May, the governor and council exercised their pow- 
ers as a court of divorce, by granting leave to the husband, 
in a case of the wife's adultery, to marry again. 

Friday, 25 May, o. s., (5 June, n. s.) A petition from the 
inhabitants of Annapolis was offered by Jacques Michel 
and Charles Prejean, for leave to retire from the province, 
in which, they said, that they never considered themselves 
as subjects of the king of New England. Petitions from 
Mines also were received : one for leave to retire — another to 
have M.Gerard as priest, to assist M. Chauvreulx. Gerard took 
the oath of allegiance, and gave his word of honor not to leave 
the province without permission of the governor, on which he 
was allowed to officiate. A full and particular answer was 
given by the governor to the' deputies, in French, refusing 
them permission to go until the country was more peaceable, 
telling them they could not remove their effects, and suggestr 
ing that the election of deputies had ceased to be of use. It 
also contained many remonstrances on the subject of the kind 
and fair treatment they had met, and the discontent and dis.- 
affection they displayed. Governor Cornwallis, 30 April, o. s., 
assures the lords of trade of his frugality, but tells them that 
without money they could have had no town, no settlement, 
and indeed no settlers — that the public money cleared the 
ground, built the town, secured it, kept both soldiers and set- 
tlers from starving with cold or deserting, and had brought 
down almost 1000 settlers from the colonies. Lots in Halifax 
are now worth 50 guineas. If there was no public money cir- 



1 So History of Nova-Scotia. I750' 

culating, lots would be given for a gallon of rum. The money 
is laid out in building forts, barracks, storehouses, hospitals, 
church, wharf, public works — all that seem absolutely neces- 
sary. The saw mill was a failure — he had never got a board 
from it. Thirty men had been constantly kept there ever 
since the affair with the Indians. He bought lumber and put 
it in the king's yard this spring. The price had been as high, 
per thousand, as £,'^ and £,6 ; lately he had got it at ^3 los., 
£,1, and £,2 15s. Boards were no longer given to settlers. 
May, A company of 100 rangers were ordered to be formed 
of volunteers, to serve under captain Bartelo. 

Six deserters from Philipps' regiment were sentenced to death 
at Grand Pre. Cornwallis ordered two of them to be shot, and 
the rest reprieved ; and three others of same corps were con- 
demned to death for desertion and other crimes, and Cornwallis 
directed them to be hung, and their bodies hung in chains. 
Gov'r. Cornwallis, at this time, sent his secretary, Mr. Davidson, 
to Boston, to see lieut. governor Phipps, and to represent, viva 
voce, the dangerous state of this colony — ascertain the views of 
the legislature, and negociate for money and stores. He was 
also to ask for the Indian girl taken by Gorham, in order to 
have her exchanged. The nine deserters re-captured and tried 
had each informed major Lawrence of the encouragement and 
assistance they had received from the French inhabitants, and 
that money had been advanced to every one of them. Joseph 
le Blanc, Labrador, J. P. Pitre, and Pierre Rembour, who were 
implicated* in this, were ordered to be kept for trial before the 
general court in August next. 

In June, the governor and council ordered a market place in 
Halifax, to be appropriated for sale of black cattle and sheep. 

2 July, the proprietors of lots were ordered to clear the street 
in front of their lots, to the middle. 

A proclamation, dated 21 June, offered the reward of £^0 
sterling for every Indian prisoner brought in, and the same for 
the head or scalp of an Indian. This was countersigned by 
Archibald Hinshelwood, in the absence of the secretary, 
Davidson. In June, a soldier of Warburton's regiment was 
found guilty of desertion, and ordered to be shot. Charges 



I750- History of Nova-Scotia. i8i 

were preferred at the Plantation office against secretary David- 
son, of trading and monopoly — misuse of his official powers, 
and fraudulent conduct in applying public money to his pri- 
vate speculations. Messrs. Green, Salusbury and Steel, were 
appointed a committee to enquire into the facts. The lords of 
trade inform the governor that new settlers are about to sail 
for Halifax. They direct him to fortify and settle Chignecto 
as soon as a regiment ordered from Ireland shall arrive. They 
disapprove of his making a settlement on the other side of 
Bedford Bay, at the public expense. (I think he intended one 
at Dartmouth.) In July, major Lawrence was made lieutenant 
colonel of governor Cornwallis' regiment, and lieutenant gov- 
ernor of Annapolis Royal. It now appears that the charges 
of this colony for 1749 amounted to ;^76,476 3s. lod. sterling, 
which had been covered by the first vote of ;^40,ooo, and a 
further vote of ;!^36,0C)0 to meet the excess, while ;^40,ocx) 
more was voted for 1750. Cornwallis, in July, tells the lords 
of trade it will be impossible to confine the expences within 
this last sum, as all public works must in that case be aban- 
doned. He had begun to clear George's island, and proposed 
to have some block-houses and a good battery there. The 
church which was then setting up, (St. Paul's), would cost 
^1000 by the estimate sent from Boston. The barricade made 
in the past winter had been only a ' temporary thing,* there not 
being time in the fall to run the palissades. This had been 
removed, and the palissade round the town was being erected. 
It would prove a better defence than the other, which, 
being composed of logs and brushwood, was subject to take 
fire, and had once endangered the town. The saw mill was 
let to Mr. Clapham. It could not meet the demand for boards 
and planks, and no one had begun to make clapboards and 
shingles. In the winter, quantities of lumber were made away 
with, in spite of all precaution, (probably used as fuel.) 30,000 
bricks had been made, and proved good ; but limestone had 
not been discovered in the bay or harbor. The daily expen- 
diture of lime was six hogsheads, which cost 25s- per hhd. It 
was intended by the government at Halifax to erect a meeting 



1 82 History of Nova-Scotia. ^750. 

house for dissenters, a court house, a prison, and a gunpowder 
magazine. 

Meanwhile, French agency was at work to encourage deser- 
tion. Fifteen of CornwalHs' regiment went off within a few 
days, " 9 of whicli," he says, " were taken, 3 were hanged, " 
" two shot. The chief agent employed in this affair was " 
" taken. He is to be tried, with two spies from Chignecto, " 
"and a rogue from Cobequid, in the beginning of August, " 
" before the general court. Several hundred pistoles were " 
" offered by the priest for the ransom of the agent." This 
agent was Joseph le Blanc. Governor CornwalHs had, in May, 
prepared a warrant to major Lawrence to hang him, but the 
council resolved he should be first tried. The French neigh- 
boring governments were endeavoring at this time to induce 
the Acadians to withdraw from under the British power. The 
governor says : " Hitherto few of the better sort have gone " 
" off. Some that went to St. John's island have made some " 
" overtures for liberty to return. Those of Mines seem inch- " 
" ned to remain, and behave well." The Hound, capt. Dove, 
the Trial, capt. Le Cras, are mentioned, and two sloops of war 
expected. Capt. Rous had ordered the Hound to visit St. 
John river, as a brigantine, with about 100 French soldiers 
on board, had been lately spoken with off La Heve. Lord 
Colvill had called in (with H. M. S. Success) on his return 
from Louisbourg. " I am extremely sorry," says CornwalHs, 
" to hear that M. Desherbiers goes back to France this sum- " 
" mer. He has behaved with great honor and sincerity." 
The causes of heavy expenditure of public money in this set- 
tlement were various. One was the detention of transport 
vessels. The Beaufort was costing 9s. 6d. per ton (monthly .'') 
the Sarah, of 24 guns, ;£^i50 per month, and the Baltimore 
£,1^^ per month. In July, 1750, Halifax was increasing in 
the number of houses and of settlers every day. The fishery 
was promising, and 10,000 quintals were ready for exportation. 
As to the land, no improvement beyond small gardens were 
yet attempted. Major Lawrence was engaged now in erecting 
a block-house and small fort upon Piziquid river, (since called 
Fort Edward, at Windsor.) CornwalHs says that the New 



1750. History of Nova-Scotia. 183 

England provinces were so circumstanced that he could expect 
no assistance from them. He had ordered two companies of 
his own regiment hither from Newfoundland ; and when he 
had these, and the regiment from Ireland, and the two sloops 
of war promised, he should lose no time in erecting a fort and 
making a settlement on the isthmus of Chinecto, where, he 
says, " the settlers will sit down upon as good land as in the " 
" world, and reap even this year without having sown." The 
Indians had given up to the French, at Tintamar river, the 
prisoners they had taken at Mines in the winter — those taken 
at the saw mill, and five taken lately near Chebucto harbor. 
(Tintamarre, a thundering noise, hubbub. French) The French 
insisted that a papoose (Indian child) must be returned, and 
money, alleged to have been paid as ransom for the English 
prisoners by de Loutre, be refunded. 

Captain Silvanus Cobb, in the provincial sloop York, under 
an order from captain Dove, of H. M. S. Hound, to join him 
at St. John's river, arrived there from Piziquid on 31 July, o. s. 
He saw a brigantine lying near the shore at the head of the 
harbor, which fired a gun on sight of the York. On this, Cobb 
fired another to leeward, and came to anchor under Partridge 
island, in the harbor. His men, whom he sent up in a whale- 
boat, were fired on by the French and Indians. He afterwards 
landed, being invited on shore, but on some misunderstanding 
was detained awhile, but managed admirably to get away with 
five Frenchmen and one Irishman, the crew of the brigantine, 
as prisoners. He was not able to get the brigantine away, but 
he took his own vessel up the harbor. Captain Dove did not 
get to St. John until 7 August, o. s., after Cobb had left. He 
did not enter the harbor, but sent his lieutenant in a whale- 
boat to reconnoitre. The lieutenant was induced to land, and 
kept until Dove wrote a menacing letter. The French stated 
their force at 56 soldiers and 200 Indians. They claimed the 
place as French territory, and their orders were to defend it. 
Four of Dove's crew had been captured near Annapolis by the 
Indians, 24 July, o. s., before he went to St. John, and were 
sent to Chignecto. Cobb, while at St. John, carried his vessel 
up the harbor, and discovered a small fortification by a little 



184 History of Nova-Scotia. I750« 

hill, where the French were assembled, and had their colors 
hoisted. Boishebert, the commandant, was angry at this, and 
demanded to know what business the English had in that har- 
bor. Fifty or sixty French inhabitants afterwards came in, 
upon order of Boishebert. The five Frenchmen Cobb had taken 
were sent by Cornwallis, without delay, to Louisbourg ; the 
Irishman took service in the Albany, with captain Rous. The 
French officers told Dove that they had lent these six men to 
Cobb, but the men themselves confirmed Cobb's account of 
their capture. 



APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XIII. 
(I.) 

(Ne^v York Documents, vol. 10, /. 43 — Note) 
Spencer Phipps was son of Dr. David Burnett, of Rowley, Mass. His mother's 
name was Spencer, and she was from Saco, Maine. On being adopted by his 
uncle, (great uncle ?) Sir William Phipps, he took, by statute, the latter name. 
He was elected a councillor in 1722, and afterwards re-elected nine times. Next 
lieutenant governor of Massachusetts, from 1732 to his death, which occurred on 
4 April, 1757. He administered the government from Sept'r., 1749, to 1753, and 
in 1756 and part of 1757. 

(2.) 

Whitehall, 29th May, 1750. 
Sir. I am directed by my lords commissioners for trade and plantations to 
inform you that the Bearer of this, John Spurrier, master of the Ann, from Rot- 
terdam, has on board his vessel 2S0 Foreign Protestants, or thereabouts, procured 
by Mr. Dick, merchant at Rotterdam. These, their lordships desire you will 
receive, and dispose of in the best manner you are able, as a means of encourag- 
ing others of their countrymen to follow, and that you will dismiss the vessel as 

soon as conveniently you can. 

I have. Sec, 

Taos. Hill. 

To the Hon'ble. Edward Cornwallis, 

Governor of Nova Scotia. 

The board of trade, in their letter to gov'r. Cornwallis, of 26 June, say the Ann 
had sailed from Helvetsluys, with 312 foreign protestants on board, and they 
recommend a gentleman, John Eberhard Klages, a man of fortune, who had paid 
the passage of 16 men and one boy. 



History of Nova-Scotia. 185 



(3-) 

(London Magazine for 1 750, /. 196, 197.^ 

Extract of a letter from Halifax, in Nova Scotia, dated March 20, 1749, 1750 : — 
" We are all happily arrived in this country, after a voyage of two months and 
three days. At our first landing, we were obliged to live in tents, like soldiers in 
the field, having no other habitations ; but were soon after ordered by our Gov- 
ernor to cut down a great number of trees, (all the country being a wood, quite 
wild and overgrown), to clear a large piece of ground, which we actually did, and 
finished this work, as we were ordered, in the space of six weeks, after which the 
country was divided among the new inhabitants by lots, 60 feet in length and 40 
in breadth, being given to each settler to build their houses. There was no such 
thing as a carpenter or bricklayer, every one being obliged to be his own archi- 
tect, and perform the work with his owti hands — not so much as a workman was 
to be had, all having enough to do for themselves. The Government assisted us 
with boards & nails, which were brought from Boston, in New England, and 
every day we see some sloops arrive from thence with boards and shingles. 

" Many of the English built very poor houses, and many of them none at all, 
being incapable of such business, and therefore were obliged to shelter themselves 
all the winter in their tents. The country is all a wilderness, as you may easily 
imagine, having never, from the beginning of the world been inhabited by any 
rational creature ; for the natives are as wild as beasts : every thing growing and 
rotting of itself, without the least cultivation. 

" The earth is good clay, and stony ground, and for what appears by that part 
which is cleared and the town built upon, there is good hope that any seed or 
plants will do exceedingly well, the soil above being a good black earth. 

" Every thing necessary, as victuals and clothing, is to be had here : for ships 
are daily arriving. Meat is to be bought at a tolerable price. Beef, mutton and 
pork, from 4d. to i^d. a pound. Coffee and chocolate for 6d. a pound. Bohea 
tea 7s. the pound. Green tea is indeed scarce, and at a very high price, and 
likewise fine sugar : what you buy in London for 7 pence is sold here for 16 ; aud 
brown sugar bought at London for 3d. you must pay here 8d. for. Fowls, geese, 
ducks and wine, are at a tolerable price ; and rum costs but half the money it 
costs in England. Ail that belongs to cloathing is extremely dear. 

" Fish we have here in great abundance in summer time. There are lobsters, 
mackerels, cod, herrings, eels, rock fish, mussels, flat fish, and others, for which I 
have no name. This is a good provision, and to be had sometimes for nothing. 
Our fishery is daily more and more improved. 

" When we first came here, the Indians, in a friendly manner, brought us lob- 
sters and other fish in plenty, being satisfied for them by a bit of bread and some 
meat ; but now they come no more, but are turned our adversaries ; and when 
they get one of our people in their power, they will carry him along with them, 
and put him to death in a barbarous manner. They don't live in a certain place, 
but are here and there, running up and down the country. They are a very wild 
people ; their clothes generally black aiid ragged ; their hair black and long, like 
hogs' bristles, over their heads and faces. They live like beasts. Our soldiers 
take great pains to drive them away, and clear the country of them. We have 



1 86 History of Nova-Scotia, 

also some strong forts built for the security of the town. And now there are 
twice as many new inhabitants as arrived at first from England, a great many from 
Cape Breton and New England having settled here likewise ; and we are assured 
that above 2000 more will arrive this summer from England. 

" P. S. — If you know of any who intend to come over, let them bring no money, 
but tapes, thread, stockings, linen, &c., for they will double the value." 

(4-) 

(London Magazine for 1 750, /. 141.^ 

Lieutenant general Richard Philipps made colonel of H, M. regiment of foot, 
late Dalzell's, (38 Regt.,) 30 March, 1750. 

Honorable Edward Cornwallis, esquire, made colonel of II. M. regiment of 
foot, (40th), late Philipps. 



1750. History of Nova-Scotia. 187 



CHAPTER XIV. 



Lascelles' regiment having arrived from Ireland, and two 
companies of Cornwallis's from Newfoundland, the governor 
lost no time in fitting out another expedition to Chignecto, 
and on the 19-30 August, (sunday), Lawrence, now lieutenant 
colonel, marched for Mines, with the regiment of Lascelles and 
three hundred men of Warburton's. Cornwallis says he never 
saw a detachment of better men. Captain Rous had, on tues- 
day, 14th August, sailed with six sloops and schooners for 
Annapolis Royal. The Fair Lady, a ship from England, sailed 
on thursday, i6th. They were to take in necessary stores at 
Annapolis, and thence proceed to Mines basin, where the 
Hound, captain Dove, and three small vessels there, were to 
join them. The troops were to embark at Mines for Chinecto, 
and carry with them three large frames for barracks, two 
block-houses, and all necessary materials. The Fair Lady 
was to carry officers* stores, the sick men, and women. Pro- 
visions, stores, tents and ammunition, were fully supplied. — 
When colonel Lawrence got to Chignecto, the landing of his 
force was opposed by a number of Indians and French inhabi- 
tants. His opponents were strongly entrenched. They had 
made use of the dykes for this purpose, and had made a ban- 
quette to fire over, and the dykes were cannon proof It was 
supposed that this could not have been effected without the 
aid of the French party. Notwithstanding this opposition, 
the gallant and intrepid behavior of the English beat them 
out, although the defenders are said to have outnumbered them 
six fold. A schooner that led in was near being destroyed, 



1 88 History of Nova-Scotia. I750' 

which Lawrence perceiving, did not wait for the entire land- 
ing of his troops, but put himself at the head of one hundred 
and eleven, who had got on shore — marched up boldly to the 
entrenchment, and received their fire, not a man of his offering 
to discharge his piece in return, until they were at the foot of 
the entrenchment, when his men poured in their fire, and the 
foe took to flight. On the English side there were six killed 
and twelve wounded. The loss of the enemy is said to have 
been considerable. We are told' in a work called ' Memoirs ' 
* and letters of an impartial Frenchman,' p. 269, that the che- 
valier de la Corne, who commanded the French detachment, 
espied, on the 12 September, 1750, (i Sept'r., o. s.,) in Fundi 
bay, seventeen sail of different sizes, which came to anchor the 
next day at Westkak, and the 15 th some of them parted from 
the rest and arrived in Fundi bay. After landing, colonel 
Lawrence commenced to establish himself at Beaubassin. La 
Corne held his post on the other side of a small river, (the 
Missiguash.) La Corne sent to Lawrence to desire he would 
meet him in the middle of this small river, in a boat. Law- 
rence replied, that he had no business to be where he was, 
and that he had nothing to say to him. If La Corne wished to 
speak to him, he must come to him. Cornwallis recommends 
that colonel Lawrence should be made lieutenant governor of 
the province. He says the senior councillor, Mascarene, has 
sold out, and is worn out, and Mr. How not being a military 
man, is unfit. He describes Lawrence as a man of good sense 
and ability, — of great honor and veracity, (The governor of 
Annapolis received los. a day at that period.) 

Captain Le Cras, of the Trial, captured a French sloop, the 
London, of 70 tons, in bay Verte, which had been employed to 
carry stores of all kinds, arms and ammunition, from Quebec 
to Le Loutre and his Indians. M. Bigot, the intendant of 
Canada's instructions to the master to follow the orders 
of Le Loutre or La Corne, the bills of lading endorsed by Le 
Loutre, and other papers and letters, were found on board of 
her, with four deserters from Cornwallis' regiment, and a family 
of Acadians. The prize and her papers were sent to Halifax, 
where, about the same time, the Alderney arrived from Europe 



1750. History of Nova-Scotia. 189 

with 353 settlers. Their coming so late in the season, the 
governor says, distresses him much. This occurred in the 
latter part of August, o. s. Cornwallis, 21 August, o. s., sent 
lieut. Alexander Callender to Boston, to obtain 130 recruits to 
fill up the independant companies of captains Bartelo and 
Gorham. All provisions for settlers of 1749 were discontinued 
13 Sept'r., 1750. 25 Sept., Benjamin Green acts as secretary. 
In council, 23 August, it was proposed to place the settlers 
who came in the Alderney on the Eastern side of the harbour, 
opposite George's island. 

At a council held at the governor's, the 29th August, 1750. 
Present : His Excellency the Governor, John Horseman, Benj. 
Green, John Salusbury, Hugh Davidson, William Steel. His 
Excellency administered the oath of allegiance, &c., to the 
Hon'ble. Sir Danvers Osborne, baronet, (Sir Danvers Osborne, 
was member of parliament for Bedfordshire in 1747 — 
made governor of New York in June, 1753, and died a few 
days after his arrival in that province, in the same year. See 
Loud. Mag., iy4y & 17S3>J^- 291 &" 579), and nominated him 
one of H. M. council for this province, and he accordingly took 
his seat at the council board. (He had arrived at Halifax 
about 23 Aug't, 1750, in the Saltash, sloop.) On the 2 Sept'r. 
the council met, including Sir D. Osborne. His Excellency 
acquainted them with the arrival of 300 Germans, in the ship 
Anne. There were then 250 laborers employed, at 2s. a day, 
besides rum and beer. The Germans were ordered to be 
retained at 2s. per day for artificers, and I2d. for laborers, till 
their freights be paid. 23 Sept'r., the council resolved that 
labourers' pay in the works should be i8d. a day, besides pro- 
visions. 29 Sept'r., the council resolved that all settlers then 
here, or who should come before i Dec'r., should be entitled to 
one year's provisions from the time of their names being enter- 
ed on the victualler's book. 

In Oct'r., orders issued for supplying the settlers with stores 
and provisions, and lieut. col. Lawrence was empowered to pay 
ransom for English prisoners, and the sloop New Casco, capt. 
John Taggart, was manned and victualled to go to Chinecto. 
Nov'r 15, o. s., Benjamin Green was sworn into office as clerk 



190 History of Nova-Scotia. i750« 

or secretary of H. M. council. At this time messrs. Bulkeley 
and Gates acted as aides de camp to colonel Cornwallis, with- 
out salary. Bulkeley was afterwards secretary of the province, 
and Gates became a general officer, on the American side, in 
the revolution of 1775. 

In September, 1750, governor Cornwallis sent Mr. Davidson, 
his secretary, to England, to answer the charges made against 
him. He says it is inconvenient to him, but he would rather 
submit to it than anybody should have it to say that he protec- 
ted him ; for if what is contained in the charges made against 
him should be proved, it would have the appearance of pro- 
tecting one of the greatest rascals living. He says he is no 
way attached to him, nor desires him to stay one hour in his 
employ, if he cannot clearly satisfy their lordships as to his 
behavior. He adds : " I must say there is not a person I " 
" know, more capable of executing the office he is in ; and " 
" when I see the accusations against him, most of which I " 
" know to be false, I have reason to hope all will prove so. " 
" There is one thing more : his haughty behavior to the peo- " 
" pie. Since I have been here, there is not a person, from " 
" the highest to the lowest, that has not had free access to " 
" me, at all times. Wonderful, that not one in all this time " 
" should have complained to me of his insolence." He states 
that captain Gilman has been dismissed some time, and capt. 
Clapham manages the saw mill. " The command of the " 
" Rangers is given to capt. Bartelo, a good officer, and one I " 
" can confide in. He has both prudence, activity and cou- " 
" rage. Gorham has my leave to go home, as he represents " 
" to me great sums are due him for raising and keeping up " 
" that company before I came here. He has the king's com- " 
" mission. Though I think him no officer, I can" (not) " dis- " 
" miss him." In September, Cornwallis asks leave to go home. 
He says he will not use it unless he finds the province is on a 
good footing, and Lawrence made lieutenant governor. He 
says : " Captain Bloss, a half-pay captain of a man-of-war, is " 
"come here. He has brought with him sixteen negroes — " 
" has built a very good house at his own expense, and is a " 
•' sensible, worthy man. He is going home to pass some " 



I750- History of Nova-Scotia. 191 

" accounts that is necessary, being abroad many years." When 
he returns, he begs their lordships to appoint him one of the 
council. We find no subsequent traces of this gentleman, 
except in the name of Bloss island, given to the island in 
Halifax harbor now called Lawlor's island, Cornwallis says of 
M. Desherbiers, the governor of Louisbourg, that his conduct 
had been very different from that of M. La Jonquiere. — In the 
London Magazine for this year, p. 477, we find : "15 Oct'r., " 
*' 1750. Died, general Philips, lieutenant general of Horse, " 
" aged near ICK)." This was possibly the late governor of 
Nova Scotia, 

During this autumn, capt. Rous, in H. M. S. Albany, coming 
from the bay of Fundy, met with a French brigantine, the St. 
Francis, commanded by Vergor, and a schooner off cape Sable, 
laden with provisions, ammunition and warlike stores, bound to 
the river St. John, from Quebec. Rous fired a gun to bring her 
to. She kept on, and he fired another, and a third. On this, 
the brigantine prepared for action, and as the Albany ran up 
alongside of her, she poured a broadside, accompanied with 
small arms, into her, upon which an action began, and lasted 
four glasses before she struck. One midshipman and two 
sailors of the Albany were killed, and five men of the brigan- 
tine. The schooner got off to St, John. The brigantine was 
brought into Halifax harbor, and tried and condemned in the 
Admiralty court, (V. A.) Governor Cornwallis says this was 
the second vessel taken sent by the governor of Canada into a 
British port with arms, &c., for the Indian enemy. The French 
had this year, at cape Breton, a ship of 70 guns, two of 64, and 
two irigates ; while there were but three sloops of war on the 
Nova Scotia station. 

Colonel Lawrence had many things to overcome in estab- 
lishing his post at Chignecto, The season was advancing ; 
there were difficulties of navigation ; while all materials and 
provisions had to be sea borne, the cattle having been driven 
off, and fuel had to be obtained and brought in by armed parties. 
Mr, Edward How, who possessed a knowledge of the country 
and an intimate acquaintance with both the French Acadians 
and the Indians, was selected and employed to accompany 



192 History of Nova-Scotia. I750' 

Lawrence, and assist him in all he had to execute. By their 
united and indefatigable labor, they accomplished the objects 
of the expedition. The fort was completed, the barracks erec- 
ted, and every preparation made for the safety and supply of 
the garrisons for the ensuing winter, as during four months 
governor Cornwallis thought they could expect nothing from 
Halifax, and that all communication would be cut off by the sea- 
son, the wilderness and the roving parties of hostile Indians. 
It, however, proved that the winter was mild, and they at 
Halifax heard frequently from Chignecto. Lawrence conceiv- 
ed a favorable opinion of the place, situated in a fertile coun- 
try, and believed it would make a noble settlement. How was 
desirous to obtain a peace with the Indians, and to procure the 
release of the English whom they held as prisoners. With 
these views, he held frequent conferences with Le Loutre, 
La Corne, and other French, under flags of truce. One day, 
(stated to be 4 Oct'r., o. s., London magazine for 1750, p. 370), 
La Corne sent a flag of truce by a French officer to the water 
side, on a small river that parted the French and English 
troops, (the Missiguash.) Captain How, as Cornwallis calls 
him, and the officer, held a parley for some time across the 
river. How had no sooner taken leave of the officer, than 
a party that lay perdue fired a volley at him, and shot him 
through the heart. Cornwallis calls it " an instance of " 
" treachery and barbarity not to be paralleled in history, and " 
" a violation of a flag of truce which has ever been held " 
" sacred, and without which all faith is at an end, and all " 
" transactions with an enemy." Such is the account of this 
sad affair, given by governor Cornwallis, in his despatch of 
25 November to the lords of trade. There are two other 
versions of it from French authorities, which deserve some 
notice. The first says : " The intendant of Canada, not 
" being able to send to the posts of this country the great 
" quantity of provisions that were there required, while wait- 
" ing till they should receive from France those he had asked 
" for, and which were to be sent direct to bay Verte, wrote 
" to the commissary of Louisbourg to treat with some Eng- 
" lish for a certain supply of pease, Indian corn, &c. This 



1750. History of Nova-Scotia, 193 

" commissary applied to Mr. How, an officer, who agreed to " 
" supply the posts of the river St. John. He wrote on the " 
" subject to the general and the intendant, in order that they " 
" should furnish Mr. How with all the securities he required. " 
" As soon as Le Loutre was informed of this, it is said that " 
" his interests being injured by it, he sought to get rid of it, " 
" and having been directed to confer with this officer, he pro- " 
" cured a rendezvous to be appointed at the little river which " 
" divides the territory of the two crowns. How went there " 
" with confidence, and alone. Le Loutre was accompanied " 
" by some disguised Indians, who, hiding behind the dyke, " 
" fired their muskets, and killed this officer on the spot. Le " 
" Loutre disavowed the firing, which seemed likely to bring " 
"us into trouble, and attributed it to the Indians alone, of" 
" whose designs, he said, he had been ignorant. This officer " 
" was equally beloved by his own nation and by the French, " 
" and was esteemed a very honest man. So Le Loutre was " 
" held in execration by both." \_Miinoires siir le Cajiada, depicts 
iy/\.(),J7csqiid, 1760. Quebec, 1838,/. 14.] The other account 
of this murder says : " It was very wrongfully and with the " 
"greatest injustice that the English accused the French of" 
" having a hand in the horrors committed daily by Le Loutre " 
"with his Indians. What is not a wicked priest capable of" 
" doing ? He cloathed in an officer's regimentals an Indian " 
" named Cope, (whom I saw some years after at Miramichy, " 
" in Accadia ;) his hair curled, powdered, and in a bag ; and " 
" laying an ambuscade of Indians near to the fort, he sent "' 
" Cope to it, waving a white handkerchief in his hand, which ** 
" was the usual sign for the admittance of the French into "^ 
" the English fort, having affairs with the commander of the" 
" post. The major of the fort, a worthy man, and greatly " 
" beloved by the French officers, taking Cope for a French " 
" officer, came out with his usual politeness to receive him ; " 
" but he no sooner appeared, than the Indians in ambush " 
" fired at him and killed him. All the French had the great- " 
" est horror and indignation at Loutre's barbarous actions. " 
[From a ins. by a person who scn'cd at Loidsbonrg front ly^oto 
1758.] Mr. How left a widow, Mary Magdalen How, and 
B13 



194 History of Nova-Scotia. i750« 

several children. The esteem he won while living — the gene- 
ral usefulness of his conduct as an early founder of our colony, 
and the cruel circumstances of his death, commend his mem- 
ory to us who enjoy a happy, peaceful, and prosperous home ; 
for the security and comfort of which, we are bound to be 
grateful to those who pioneered the way in the earlier periods 
under many and serious disadvantages. 

In this year, Cornwallis fortified George's island, in Halifax 
harbor. He had seven 32-pounders mounted there, and began 
a palissade around it. He says the German settlers he had 
received were very sickly. He employed them in the public 
works, by which they were to pay for their passages. The 
Swiss emigrants he praises highly. From the establishment 
the French made at Chignecto, no Indians had appeared near 
Chebucto. The demands they had made were, that the Eng- 
lish should abandon Chignecto, give them half the country, 
and cease to hold any intercourse with them. The governor 
believed that these preposterous demands were dictated by 
the missionaries. He says the French must have been at 
great expense in " keeping those wretches together and sup- " 
" porting the inhabitants gone to them. They have sent no " 
" less than eight or ten vessels this year to bay Verte and " 
" St. John's river, with provisions and warlike stores." The 
trade from New England to Louisbourg was so profitable, that 
the merchants preferred it to coming to Chebucto. They 
carried dollars there, and brought back rum and molasses, and 
besides supplied Louisbourg with all necessaries. Cornwallis 
complains bitterly of Apthorp and Hancock, the two richest 
merchants in Boston, who had made their fortunes out of gov- 
ernment contracts. He says that they, " because they have " 
" not the supplying of everything, have done all the mischief" 
" they could." He says that they " distress and domineer," — 
" and now wanton in their insolent demands." — " I wish to " 
" God some person you confide in was sent out to transact " 
" the affairs of the country, relating to money matters." He 
appointed Mr. Green, treasurer, and commends his method and 
propriety. He says Green is the only person he has for busi- 
ness, " which is a misfortune, as I know little of it myself."— 



I750' History of Nova-Scotia. 195 

" I have applied myself as closely as possible to each branch, 
" but indeed, my lords, it is too much for any one person. 
" The distresses I meet with — the variety I have to go 
" through, Sir Danvers Osborn can testify. The fear I am 
" under of not acting satisfactory to your lordships, gives me 
" great uneasiness." 

The fishery this year had produced 25000 quintals, and 
people from the West of England were expected to extend it. 
The close of this year, 1750, exhibits a great change in the 
condition of the province. From the conquest of 1710, hith- 
erto, the fort at Annapolis, as far as its guns could range, was 
the only real possession of the British in this region, and this 
even was dependant on aid from Boston to prevent its re-cap- 
ture. The post at Canso could hardly he deemed secure at 
any time. As to the Indians and Acadians, they were, as a 
general rule, much more the subjects of the governor and 
bishop of Quebec than of England. The building of a town 
at Chebucto, and the presence of several regiments of regu- 
lars — the establishment of fortified forts at Grand Pre, Pizi- 
quid and Chignecto, gave the English an absolute possession 
and control, if not of the whole of Acadie, yet of the peninsula, 
and in the event this dominion extended itself step by step 
until the whole continent became exclusively British. 

The winter of 1750-1751, was a very open one, so that the 
governor was enabled to supply Chignecto with everything 
necessary, which was fortunate, as the French endeavored all 
in their power to distress that post, and the English wood- 
parties had several skirmishes with the Indians, the French 
being at hand to support and subsist their allies, and a party 
of Canadian Indians were sent to join the St. John Indians 
and Micmacs. The Indians sent an order to the Acadian 
French, forbidding them from acting as couriers for the Eng- 
lish, or assisting them in any way, on pain of death. 



196 History of Nova-Scotia. 



APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XIV. 
(I.) 

The invoice of goods sent in the London, by M. Bigot, intendant at Quebec, 
to M. Loutre, as presents to his Indians, contained : 

9 bales of clothing, 2 hhds. clothing. Among the goods were swanskin, 

mamaget, or mazamet, cadis table cloths, white linen shirts, cloaks 

with gold or silver lace, ribbons, &c. 
I hhd., contents : 12 laced cloaks, for men ; 3000 sewing needles, 200 awls, 

200 gun screws, 200 battefeiix, 30 lbs. vermillion, 200 butchers' knives, 

12 childrens' cloaks, 18 mens' cloaks. 
100 guns, 60 lbs. tow, 150 triggers, staples, &c. 
A bbl. containing 3000 gun flints. 
20 quintals of leaden shot. 
30 quintals of ball. 
2000 lbs. powder. 
100 copper kettles. 
85 green seal skins. 

I hhd. molasses, 2 hhds. wine, 60 quintals bacon, salt. 
12 quintals bacon, 418 lbs. hogs' lard. 
16 veltes brandy, 471 quintals flour. 

(2.) 

( Extracts from letters taken in the sloop London.) 
[From Augustin Doucet, dated Port la Joie, (Charlotte town), 5 August, 1750, to 
madame Languedor, at Quebec] 
" I was settled in Acadie. I have four little children. I was living contented " 
" on my land. But this did not last long, for we have been obliged to leave all " 
" our goods, and to fly from under the dominion of the English. The king " 
" obliges himself to transport and maintain us until news is received from " 
" France. If Acadie does not return to the French, I hope to take my little " 
" family with me to Canada. I assure you we are in a poor situation, for we " 
" are like Indians in the woods." 



(From de Goutin to M. Bigot.) 

Port la Joye, 6 August, 1 750. 
" Sir. In the oppression we are threatened with, by the great quantity of Aca- 
" dians who come here daily, and the limited amount of provisions that have come 
" from Louisbourg, our only hope is in you for the relief of the poor families of 
" Acadie continually arriving here ; and I have the honor to tell you, sir, that we 
" have more than 700 persons receiving the king's rations. 

There was a letter to the same effect from Denys de Bonaventure to Bigot. He 
makes the number to be fed near 800, of whom 200 had come there in 1749, and 
600 since 27 April, 1750. They require 3600 quintals of flour, and have only 
1600. Louisbourg is not able to supply them. 



History of Nova-Scotia. 197 

In a letter from do Loutre to Bigot, dated a la baye Verte, 15 August, 1750, he 
says : — 

" We have here plenty of people to maintain, and in the autumn we shall have 
" an increase of 60 families from Beaubassin and the rivers which are beyond the 
" boundary we claim, who have not sowed their crops, to retire on our territory. 
" The people of Cobequit should decide what part to take as soon as they have 
" news from France," (L e. as to the boundaries.) " They will make the num- ' 
" ber of 100 families. Perhaps we shall have some from Mines, if they can ' 
" escape." — "The Canibas, who were on the Chebucto road, captured the let- ' 
" ters the English wrote to Mines and Port Royal. They will be sent to you by ' 
" the first courier." — " If our Indians were Frenchmen we should not be embar- ' 
" rassed, but the wretches grow weary, and will quit us perhaps in our greatest ' 
" necessity." They are tired of waiting for news from France." — " Our gentle- ' 
" men" (military) " expect to be relieved. If it be so, it is time that arrange- ' 
" ments should be made for the magazines at Echedack, (Shediac), or Gasparos ' 
" river, in bay Verte, and for the houses and lodgings of the soldiers and militia ' 
*' men." — " We are only waiting news from France to take our part. As M. de 
" la Come is in want of tobacco, and I find the article on board of captain Jallair, 
" I have taken it. I am going to have it weighed, and by the receipt I have 
" given him you will see the quantity." 

The chevalier du Chambon writes from ' Memramcoup,' 15 August, 1750, to 
M. Gorgaudiere. Quebec : — 

" The Indians captured the letters the governor of Chebucto was sending by " 
" a courier, and carried them to the priest. They" (the English) "count on " 
" doing great things in their enterprizes, and I can assure you that if we have " 
" no news from France, we shall be much embarrassed in our mission, which " 
" seems to me to embarrass much the poor inhabitants for being the ditj-es of all " 
" that." 

N. B. — This seems to be the Sr. du Chambon de Vergor, who commanded the 
brigantine taken by Rous in the autumn, 1750, and who afterwards was comman- 
dant of fort Beausejour. 

(3-) 

26 Nov'r., 1750. Governor Cornwallis' order to the deputies of Mines : — 

' You are ordered, under pain of military execution, to furnish Mr. Floyer, cap- 
' tain commanding the Fort au Vieux Zo^is, as much as he shall need, and, as far 
' as it is possible for you, wood, flour and other kinds of provisions which he 
* shall think fit to demand from you.' Countersigned by 

Wm. Cotterell, secretary. 

(4.) 
Order dated 31 Dec'r., 1750 : — 

Whereas it has been represented to His E.x'y, that several persons who have 
lots in Dartm°. do reside on this side of the water, and whereas a watch is abso- 
lutely necessary for the safety of the place, notice is hereby given to such persons 
that if they do not pay one shilling for each guard as it comes to their turn, they 
shall forfeit their lots in Dartmouth. 

Halifax, Decem'r. 31st, 1750. 

By his Excellency's command, 

(Signed) Wm. Cotterell. 



98 History of Nova-Scotia. I75i« 



CHAPTER XV. 



1 75 1. The governor and council, who were vested with pow- 
ers of legislation, until an elective assembly should be estab- 
lished, began to pass now some ordinances of importance. 
January 14, 175 1, o. s., they made a series of regulations to 
govern the proceedings of the general court and of the county 
court, and they ordered them to be published " by the Pro- " 
" vost marshal, by reading the same, after beat of drum, " 
" throughout the settlement, and on the first day of the next " 
" general and county courts." Many rules of practice in civil 
actions in the county court were prescribed. Actions on spe- 
cialties, and those in which a member of the general court was 
concerned, were excepted from their jurisdiction. — Goods 
attached were to be sold by auction. — Real estate to be re- 
deemable for two years — No person was to be ejected from 
real estate until three months after execution levied upon it. — 
Sellers of liquor having licenses could not recover in any suit 
under 5 s., and other persons could not sue for liquors sold in 
quantities under 3 gallons. — A single justice of peace was 
empowered to try civil causes not exceeding 20s., and two 
justices any causes not exceeding ^^3. In case of the fraudu- 
lent taking of property off the streets, wharves or enclosures, 
the offender was to incur four-fold damages, or whipping. — 
After quoting Molloy de yure maritimo et Navali, (see 3rd 
edition, London, 1682, p. 432), in which the colonial law of 
Virginia, act of 1663, c. 10, is explained and supported, which 
protects settlers from suits and executions for debts incurred 
before they came into the colony, they renew and modify the 



1 75 1. History of Nova-Scotia. 199 

law to prevent suits for debts contracted by the settlers before 
they come here. — Until the limits of the county of Halifax 
are determined, all officers of justice shall have jurisdiction in 
any part of the province where they may occasionally be. — 
That the town and suburbs of Halifax be divided into 8 wards, 
and the inhabitants be empowered annually to choose the fol- 
lowing officers, for managing such prudential affairs of the 
town as shall be committed to their care by the governor and 
council, viz't. : 8 town overseers, i town clerk, 16 constables, 
8 scavengers. 24 Jan'y. Richard Mainwaring was fined £,\oo 
for celebrating a marriage. He called himself a clergyman, 
and said he had lost his credentials, and was committed till 
the fine should be paid. This was done under an English 
statute of 7 & 8 W. 3, c. 35. The institution of deputies, and 
their being paid by the districts, appears to have been kept in 
force, by an order in Feb'y., requiring the inhabitants of river 
Canard to pay, under pain of military executio7i. Two armed 
sloops were employed in the service of the province govern- 
ment — the Ulysses, captain Jeremiah Rogers, and the New 
Casco, captain John Taggart. The Ulysses was sent to Boston 
in February. In this month, the governor ordered Mr. Thos. 
Saul, who was agent for messrs. Baker, army contractors, to 
lay in provisions for three months, for 1500 men at Halifax, 
and 600 at Chignecto, from which we may infer that the gar- 
risons amounted to those numbers. Dartmouth had been 
settled, but there were complaints that the people there had 
not been duly victualled, and Otis Little, esq., commissary of 
stores and provisions, was ordered to proceed to the place — 
enquire and report on the subject. 23 Feb'y-> o. s. Cornwallis 
ordered that a serjeant and ten or twelve men of the military 
of Dartmouth should mount guard at nights in the block- 
house, and be visited from time to time by the lieutenant 
24 Feb'y. Gorham was sent by land with his company and a 
detachment of Cornwallis' regiment, to relieve the garrison at 
Vieux Logisy Mines, and to deliver necessaries to captain St. 
Loe, at Fort Edward, Pisiquid. 20 March. A table of fees 
was established by the governor in council for courts officers, 
juries, &c. The grand jurors were to have each 2s. a day, and 



200 History of Nova-Scotia. 17S1. 

their foreman 2s. 6d. The petit jurors the same fees in the 
general court, but when in county court lod. each, and the 
foreman is. The only lawyer's fee was 6s. in county court. 
The gaoler is. 6d. on receiving or discharging a prisoner, and 
3s. a week for dieting him. {28 March, 175 1. Mr. Thomas 
Coram, the celebrated projector and founder of the Foundling 
hospital, died. The settlement of Chebucto was one of his 
proposals.) On the memorial of merchants, the governor and 
council resolved, 29 April, to grant a bounty of six pence per 
quintal on fish salted and dried within the province, fit for 
exportation ; and to obtain a fund for this purpose, they impo- 
sed a duty of six pence a gallon on rum and other spirits sold 
by retail, (under three gallons.) License holders were to 
account for their sales on oath. At the same time they order- 
ed stealing fish from flakes to be punished by paying four-fold 
value and costs, and being whipped round the flakes ; and 
stealing effects from the beach, or streets, or lots of ground, to 
be punished by four-fold restitution, costs, and a public whip- 
ping. May 27. An order of council fixed the price of fresh 
fish at Halifax not to exceed sixpence for a fish thirty inches 
long, and others in proportion, under ten shillings penalty. 

On the 2-13 March, the governor's order issued for addi- 
tional 9 months' provisions for 600 men, to be laid in at Chig- 
necto. 

On the 14-25 May, a general court martial was ordered, 
" to enquire into the conduct of the different commanding " 
" officers, both commissioned and uncommissioned, who have " 
" suffered the village of Dartmouth to be plundered, and " 
" many of the inhabitants to be put to death, when there was " 
" a detachment of regulars and irregulars posted there for " 
" their protection, to the amount of upwards of sixty men, and " 
" make report thereof to me." Governor Cornwallis, in his 
letter to the lords of trade, dated 24 June, 175 1, says: "A" 
" large party came down to a small village opposite Halifax, " 
" where I was obliged to put some settlers that arrived last " 
" year, in the night attacked it, and did some mischief, by " 
" killing some of the inhabitants, I think four, and took six " 
" soldiers who were not upon guard that night. Our people " 



I75I. History of Nova-Scotia. 201 

" killed six of the Indians, and had they done their duty well, " 
" must have killed many more." A private letter from Halifax, 
dated June 25, states that they had skirmishes with the Indians, 
in which several of the English had been killed and scalped. 
Some days ago about 60 of them attacked the town of Dart- 
mouth, whose fence is only a small brush, and killed about 
eight of the inhabitants, and after that exercised their cruelties 
by pulling down some houses and destroying all they found, 
not sparing men, women and children. A serjeant, who was 
in his bed, came to the inhabitants* assistance, whom they 
pursued and killed, and not being content with his life, cut his 
left arm off, and afterwards scalped him. In returning from 
the town, they carried off about fourteen prisoners in triumph. 
The company of rangers posted there gave no assistance. 
(But one Indian scalp had been brought in under the offer of 
p{^$0 reward, made some four months before. This is attribu- 
ted to the care of the Indians in carrying off their dead.) 
\London Magazine, iy$i, p. 341.] A letter from Halifax, of 
30 June, says that a few days since the Indians in the French 
interest perpetrated a most horrible massacre at Dartmouth, 
on the opposite shore, where they killed, scalped, and fright- 
fully mangled several of the soldiery and inhabitants. They 
spared not even women and children. A little baby was found 
lying by its father and mother — all three scalped. The whole 
town was a scene of butchery : some having their hands cut 
off — some their bellies ripped open, and others their brains 
dashed out, {London Magazine, 1751,/. 419.] 

Four sloops belonging to Boston were seized at Louisbourg 
by order of the governor of Canada, in reprisal for the brigan- 
tine taken by the Albany. The French began to erect a fort 
at St. John, and another at Beausejour. It was also reported 
that they were building one on the bay Verte. Cornwallis 
avers " that the governor of Canada, through his emissary " 
" Le Loutre. gives a premium for every prisoner, head " 
" or scalp of an Englishman." The French sent a ship of 
thirty-six guns and three hundred men to the bay of Fundy. 
Cornwallis says that at first setting out it was said — 
" What has he to contend with } Three or four hundred " 



202 History of Nova-Scotia. ^75^. 

" Indians only. It is peace and no other enemy to fear." He 
then asserts that the French had not only set on the Indians, 
but had acted in conjunction with them. That they entered 
and took possession of part of the province — drove off the 
inhabitants — forced them to swear allegiance to the French 
king, and acted with as much vigor and did as much harm to 
the English as they could have done in open war. He alleges 
this to justify the heavy expenses incurred in protecting the 
settlement. Though surrounded with wood, it cost from 14 to 
16 shillings a cord. Limestone could not be obtained near 
Halifax, The land round Halifax was now laid out into five 
acre lots, and the settlers had begun to clear them, though it 
was not safe to do so, owing to the Indian enemy. At this 
time there were 16 pieces of cannon upon George's island, 
from 32 to 24 pounders. 29 May, 0. s. Capt. Sutherland was 
sent with a detachment of Warburton's regiment to the fort at 
Piziquid. Three men were sentenced to death for felonies, 
and ordered to be hanged on 18 June, o. s. Two of them were 
reprieved, i July, 0. s. The New Casco. sloop, capt. Taggart, 
was sent to Annapolis, to land provisions there, designed for 
Chignecto, and to take colonel Mascarene thence to New Eng- 
land. On sworn information that certain Irish catholic servants 
in Halifax had entered into a combination to go over to the 
Indians or the French, a resolution passed, requiring masters 
of vessels to report passengers, who were not to land without 
the governor's permission, (vessels from the colonies exempted.) 
German palatine settlers, arrived 10-21 July, were directed to 
be employed at Dartmouth in picketting in the back of the 
town. 31 July. The governor and council imposed a duty of 
3d. a gallon on all rum and spirits imported after 14 August, 
1751, except the product or manufacture of Great Britain or 
the British West Indies, — the duty to go to bounty on the 
fisheries. los. per ton bounty to be allowed to vessels and 

boats built within the province. The arrival of 200 more 

Germans was reported, and they were ordered to be placed 
at the head of the North West arm and mouth of Bedford bay, 
(basin), and those who owe work for passage to picket in the 
same. Eight French men-of-war were on these coasts, and no 



i75i« History of Nova-Scotia. 203 

English ship of war had, as yet, arrived. One of the French, 
of 56 guns, cruized off the harbor's mouth and coast for a fort- 
night, with a schooner in company. A pass was given to 
Pierre Aucoin and Joseph Granger, of the river Canard, to go 
to Cobequid, and, if necessary, to Louisbourg, to procure a 
priest for their district. Three sloops were sent up the bay of 
Fundy in September — the Ulysses, New Casco, and Law- 
rence. They carried 130 barrels of beef and 68 barrels pork 
for Chignecto. The provisions reported necessary for victual- 
ling the settlers during the coming winter, were 329,139 3-4 
pounds of bread and flour, 90,608 1-2 lbs. beef, 36,887 lbs. 
pork, 903 bushels pease, 3050 gals, vinegar, 621 1-4 gals, rum, 
485 1-4 gals, molasses. Cornwallis had authorized colonel 
Mascarene to act on behalf of this province at a conference 
that was to be held with the Indians at St. George's. He had 
now some glimmering of hope that they would make peace. 
The French Acadians at Mines and Piziquid had altered their 
behavior, cultivated their land well, and had a surplus of corn 
to dispose of He could not send the Germans far into the 
country until peace was made with the Indians. Farmers, he 
says, can't live within forts, and must go in security about 
their business to make it turn to any account. Two ships 
only had arrived with Germans. He says the French fort is 
not much further than cannon shot from the English one at 
Chignecto. He asks leave to resign the government 4-15 
Sept'r., 175 1. The forts he has erected at Chignecto, Mines 
and Piziquid, are only picketed forts, as a security against 
Indians. 

The count de Raymond, sent as successor to Desherbiers, 
governor of Louisbourg, wrote 18 Aug't. to Cornwallis, com- 
plaining that the New England fishermen dried their codfish 
on the islands of Canceaux. Cornwallis replies that he has 
to complain of Frenchmen fishing at the isles of Canceaux, 
and even at Whitehead, on this side of Canceaux, both un- 
doubtedly in the territory of the king of England ; also of a 
French man-of-war cruising on this coast, and even in view of 
the harbor, for ten or twelve days in succession. These letters 
were couched in terms of great courtesy. Sept'r. 11. The 



204 History of Nova-Scotia. I75i' 

lords of trade and plantations ordered five ships to be got 
ready to sail for Nova Scotia, with two companies of colonel 
Lee's regiment of foot, besides guns, muskets, swords, bay- 
onets, powder, &c., for that colony. {London Magazine for 1 75 1, 
/, 427.] Lieutenant John Hamilton had negociated for the 
ransom of himself and other English persons who had been 
taken prisoners by the Indians within this province at several 
times during the two years last past. There were upwards of 
60 prisoners, officers, soldiers and settlers. The sum required 
for payment of their ransom and maintenance was 17,65 1 livres 
and 2d., (which is about ;^882, Halifax currency.) Lieutenant 
Hamilton drew on governor Cornwallis for this amount, and 
wrote him from Quebec, Aug't. 24, that their release depended 
upon the draft being paid. Tuesday, Oct. 1 5-26, the council, 
present col. Horseman, col. Lawrence, Benj. Green and Wm. 
Steele, advised the governor to pay the amount. In October, 
instructions were issued to captain Thomas Collier, then com- 
manding officer at Chignecto. He was to give every facility 
to trade, except that in spirituous liquors, which he was to 
keep within due limits, — to prevent correspondence with the 
French, except between himself and the French commandant 
when requisite, — see that the duties were collected — econo- 
mise fuel, &c. Major Lutterell had previously commanded 
there. At this time, captain Benjamin Ives, whose name we 
find in the list of Pepperell's officers at the siege of Louis- 
bourg in 1745, and again in the list of settlers of Halifax in 
1749, appears to have held an office called 'captain of the' 
' Port,' as there is on date 22 October, 175 1, for delivering to 
him six men's provisions for one month. In 1754 Charles 
Hay, esq'r., was captain of the port. It seems probable that 
he executed the same duties, which were afterwards performed 
by an officer called the Portwarden during the Revolutionary 
war, 1 775- 1 783, viz't., to visit and report on all vessels and 
boats entering the harbor, and grant passes to those leaving. 
The rations ordered must have been for his boat's crew. It 
appears from a copy of a bill of exchange, drawn by governor 
Cornwallis in favor of Wm. Baker, for ;^2250 sterling, that 
Mr. Thomas Saul, Baker's resident agent here, had supplied 



1 75 1' History of Nova-Scotia. 205 

224,000 lbs. bread for the use of settlers, at 22s. 6d. stg. per 
cwt. We notice the name of lieut. George Cottnam, of Corn- 
wallis' regiment, obtaining leave of absence, as we shall find 
him a resident long after. Count Raymond, the governor of 
Louisbourg, wrote a second letter to Cornwallis, claiming the 
islands of Canso as French territory, Cornwallis complained 
of the ship's of war coming here late in the season, and leaving 
shortly after, (names the Gosport and Torrington), so that 
their visits were of little use in the defence of the settlement. 
18 Nov'r. He thanks the king for the leave of absence granted 
him, but will not then make use of it, as his majesty thinks his 
remaining necessary at this juncture. Ships may come here 
in April or May, and can winter here as well as in any port in 
the world. He informs the lords of trade, (Nov'r. 3,) that the 
Indians have been quiet, and the French inhabitants behaving 
better, and he has real hopes they may become good subjects. 
" Certain I am it would be so, if a method could be found to " 
" prevent French missionaries being among them. How that " 
" may be attained I can't say, but priests of some kind they " 
" must have." The French fort at Beaus6jour is picquetted, 
like the English one at Chignecto. That at St. John is said 
not to be near the entrance, where the old one was, but above 
the falls. The French failed to obtain a supply of flour at 
Louisbourg, Quebec or France, but received 12,000 barrels 
shipped them from New York, contracted for by their friends 
in Boston, whose four vessels they had seized in the spring : 
and Cornwallis says 1 50 vessels from New England and New 
York have been trading at Louisbourg this year, and adds 
that this trade was chiefly from Boston and Rhode island, who 
barter their goods with the Fr^ch there for rum and molasses, 
and run the returns into the colonies, and not one-tenth of 
them pay a shilling duty. A law question arose about a Mr. 
Hoffman, a German, who had been made justice of peace, it 
being alleged that not having resided seven years, he was not 
naturalized by the act 13, G. 2. Gov'r. Cornwallis points out 
that the objection might also extend to inheriting or obtaining 
land, and suggests that this should be remedied by enact- 
ment. 



2o6 History of Nova-Scotia. i75i« 

We find about this time that the chevalier La Corne was 
relieved in his command at Beausejour by le sieiir de Vassan, 
captain. The latter received instructions to hasten, as much 
as he could, the construction of the fort at Beausejour — to pay 
great respect to the abbe de la Loutre, and especially to con- 
sult him on all matters regarding the Acadians — to treat these 
people with much mildness — give them provisions, and relieve 
them — to receive humanely all those who should come to take 
refuge with him, and in such cases to converse with the abb^ 
de la Loutre, and enter into his views, and finally, to avoid all 
subjects of discussion with the English. On his arrival in 
Acadie, M. de Vassan sought to fulfil the views of government. 
This officer was proud, brave and haughty. He possessed 
intelligence and capacity for the details of business, and he 
acquitted himself better than any other officer could have 
done, and with more dignity, of what had been prescribed to 
him by his instructions. He left or rather abandoned to the 
abbe de la Loutre, the details of all things that concerned the 
Acadians. The abbe used his power tyrannically. He distri- 
buted the provisions with a marked inequality, and he reduced 
the Acadians to supplicate of him, and to consider as a favor, 
especially proceeding from himself, the clothing and provi- 
sions which the king had entrusted him to distribute among 
them. Le Vassan had often lively altercations with him, and 
had need of all his intelligence and all his superiority to resist 
him, or to reconcile the disputes and discontents which his 
conduct gave rise to among the Acadians. \Mh)ioires siir le 
Canada dcpuis iy/^(), jiisqiid ,1760. Quebec^ 1838, //. 12-13.] 

About the end of this year governor Cornwallis had an angry 
dispute with Joshua Mauger. ganger was a merchant, distil- 
ler, &c. He had removed with a stock of goods from Louis- 
bourg when it was restored to the French in 1749, and settled 
in Halifax, where he conducted an extensive business. He 
afterwards went to England, where he acted as Provincial 
agent for Nova Scotia, and held a seat in Parliament. His 
daughter was married to captain d'Auvergne, of the English 
R. navy, a scion of the princely house of de Bouillon, in 
France. Mauger's beach, in the entrance of Halifax harbor, 



1 751' History of Nova-Scotia. 207 

belonged to him, and still retains his name. In 175 1 he was 
agent victualler to the navy at Halifax. Cornwallis says that 
he received information that a sloop had landed contraband 
goods from Louisbourg — that they had been openly carried 
upon trucks, and lodged in different parts of the town. 
" Upon which" (he says) " I issued my warrant to the judge " 
" of Admiralty court to seize the vessel and search the sus- " 
" pected parts of the house for these goods, several of which " 
" were found so dispersed. The officer had suspicion of Mr. " 
" Mauger's storehouse, being an offender by public report, " 
" and demanded the keys of his storehouse. He absolutely " 
" denied his searching the house, though he shewed him the " 
" warrant." Cornwallis sent his secretary with a message, the 
sum of which was, if he would not deliver the keys, the doors 
would be forced open. Mauger wrote a note to the governor, 
which the latter calls impertinent. Eventually the civil officer 
opened the doors of the store, in presence of a clerk of Mau- 
ger's, and found only some casks of French molasses, which, 
as Mauger alleged, was part of his stock imported at the evac- 
uation of Louisbourg in 1749, by Cornwallis's permission. — 
Mauger treated this proceeding as violent, arbitrary and ille- 
gal, and menaced a prosecution in England. A point arose as 
to whether it was before or after sunset at the time, and Corn- 
wallis says it was 5 p, m. on 13 Nov'r., (o. s.,) which, he thinks, 
was before sunset, but by the almanacks we use he was wrong, 
as the sunset at Halifax 13 Nov'r., o. s., was at 4h. 24m., p. m., 
and 13, n. s., 4h. 34m. p. m. He says to the lords of trade : 
" I hope Mr. Mauger will no longer be employed by the vic- 
tualling Board or in H. M. employ." — " I have great reason to 
think that two of the vessels seized at Louisbourg, by way of 
reprisal, he was concerned in ; and one certain proof of his 
correspondence and good harmony with those at Louisbourg, 
his getting his kinsman sent home who was taken prisoner by 
the Indians, when it was not in my power to get one of the 
others." He refers to 143 article of his general instructions, 
and 23 article of his instructions relating to trade and naviga- 
tion. \Froin a letter of govertior Cornwallis to the lords of trade, 
(without date), rec'd. in England 6 yanuary, 1752.] 



2o8 History of Nova-Scotia, 1752. 



CHAPTER XVI. 



1752, The year 1752 was a very uneventful one in this coun- 
try. The most remarkable occurrences were the change of 
governor, colonel Cornwallis retiring and colonel Hopson tak- 
ing the command, and a treaty made with the Indian chief 
of the Eastern coast named Cope. Many matters of minor 
importance deserve, however, some notice. 

In writing to the secretary of state, the earl of Holdernesse, 
16 Feb'y., governor Cornwallis says: "Though the winter" 
" has been as severe as has been known, this harbor has " 
" never been frozen over, which, by accounts, all the harbors " 
" quite to Virginia have been." 

John Collier and capt. George Fotheringham were appointed 
to the council. Charles Morris, James Monk, John Duport, 
Robert Ewer, and Joseph Scott, were named as judges of the 
Inferior court of Common Pleas for the county of Halifax ; and 
John William Hoffman, esq'r., and Leonard Christopher, esq'r., 
were made justices of peace for the same county. In February 
and March, 1752, Mr. Cornwallis was made colonel of the regi- 
ment of foot, late the earl of Ancram's, and Peregrine Thomas 
Hopson was made colonel of the 40th regiment, previously 
Cornwallis's. (See Lotidon Magazine, 1752,/. 93.^ 

April 8. Bounties were granted, viz., 20s. an acre on cleared 
land, 2s. per cwt. for hay, 2s. per bushel for wheat, barley or 
rye, is. for oats, 3d. per lb. for hemp. — Several divorce causes 
were tried by the governor and council. 

June 12. The governor and council adopted a scheme of a 
lottery for building a light house near cape Sambrough, to 
raise ;!^450 — 1000 tickets, £1 each. 



1752. History of Nova-Scotia. 209 

In July, captain Ephraim Cooke insulted the judges of the 
inferior court, and particularly Mr. Steele, He was imprisoned 
by order of the governor and council, and shortly afterwards 
apologised fully, and was discharged. — 17 July. A proclama- 
tion issued, stating that the Indians, for some time past, had 
not committed hostile acts, but on the contrary had made 
overtures tending to peace, and thereupon forbidding acts of 
aggression against them. It then stated that some persons in 
a vessel from New England had seized and killed treacherously, 
near cape Sable, two Indian girls and an Indian lad, who had 
gone on board ' under given truce and assurances of friend- ' 
* ship,' and offered ;^50 reward for discovery of the wrong 
doers. 

The government mills at Dartmouth were sold at auction in 
June, and bought by major Ezekiel Oilman, for ^3 10. 13 July, 
Winckworth Tonge, gentleman, was ordered to Chignecto, to 
take upon himself the direction of the fortifications, repairs of 
buildings, and such other works as are to be carried on there. 

On Monday, 3 August, governor Cornwallis and the council, 
consisting of messrs. Green, Salusbury, Steele, Collier and Foth- 
ringham, met at the court house in Halifax, Colonel Peregrine 
Thomas Hopson, who had arrived here on 26th July, was also 
present, and the king's commission to Hopson, as captain 
general and governor in chief of Nova Scotia, was read ; also 
a commission appointing him vice admiral. The usual oaths 
were then administered to him, and he took the chair. Under 
the new commission, messrs. Lawrence, Green, Salusbury,, 
Steele, Collier and Fothringham, were sworn in as councillors,, 
and the usual proclamation ordered for officers to continue. 
Aug. 6. The king had directed that the foreign settlers should 
take the oath of allegiance. Two councillors were deputed to- 
administer it to those employed on George's island, which 
they did to 1 19 men and lads. — 4 Aug't. Two schooners, one 
the Friendship, belonging to Joseph Gerrish, of Halifax, the 
other the Dolphin, owned in New England, while engaged in 
fishing near Canso, were surprized and taken by Indians, who' 
carried the vessels and crews to St. Peter's, in cape Breton, 
The Indians did not kill any of the men, or even detain them 
B 14 



2IO [History of Nova-Scotia. 1752. 

as prisoners. The owners got their vessels back by paying a 
large ransom. There was a canoe taken also. The crews 
were, in all, 21 persons. The schooner Halifax was taken by 
Indians at Petit degrat, in cape Breton. 

26 Aug t. At a council, at which the late governor attended, 
the German passengers in the Pearl, from Rotterdam, were 
ordered to be landed at the isthmus between Bedford bay and 
Sandwich river, where the others were seated. — In discussing 
the provision contracts, the numbers to be provided for by the 
government are thus stated : 1000 Germans arrived this year, 
and expected ; 955 Germans arrived in the last two years, and 
455 others requiring support, including artificers, laborers, 
inmates of orphan house and hospital, — in all 2400 persons. 

3 1 August. An advertisement was ordered for the alteration 
of the style. 

In this month, ensign Tonge, who acted as engineer 
at Fort Lawrence, (Chignecto), was ordered to repair the 
fort ' in such a manner as to bring its profile up to the first ' 
' design.' Palissades and posts were to be sent him from 
Annapolis ; the other materials and implements to be sent 
round as soon as possible. Mr, Morris, the surveyor, went to 
what then was called Musquodoboit, (now Lawrencetown and 
Chezetcook), escorted by capt. lieut. Lewis and twenty rangers, 
as a defence against Indians. Mr. Morris, in his report to the 
governor, describes, under the name of the Inner harbor of 
Musquodoboit, the present Cole harbor, 5 miles from Dart- 
mouth. He mentions a small point of land opposite Cornwallis 
(now McNab's) island, as the only spot that had been cleared 
by the French or Indians in that direction. He then men- 
tions the ruins of a French settlement, which was in what 
is now Lawrencetown, and another at Chillincook, (now 
called Chezetcook.) At the first he says " there is at pre- " 
" sent the stones of two chimnies lying on the ground " 
" where the houses were burnt down, two barns built of logs, " 
" and thatched ; a spring of good water near." At Chillin- 
cook, he says, the settlement is on a peninsula ; mentions a 
church, which he calls a Mass house, and several dwellings, 
cleared land, &c. The distance between the two settlements 



1752. History of Nova-Scotia. 211 

was 7 miles. The French had been long there, but both 
places were now deserted. 

There seems to have been no protestant clergyman at this 
time at Annapolis, as we find, 15 August, a license granted 
by the governor to John Handfield, esquire, a justice of peace 
for the province, to join together in holy wedlock captain John 
Hamilton, widower, and Miss Mary Handfield, spinster, ' pro- ' 
* vided neither the chaplain of the garrison or any other lawful ' 
' minister be present.' Capt. Handfield, the father of the bride, 
to whom the authority is given, was then commanding officer 
at Annapolis. 

The hon. lieut. colonel Robert Monckton, (afterwards distin- 
guished at the siege of Quebec), was now sent to command at 
Fort Lawrence, and a relief to the garrison there went in the 
New Casco, the York, and the Ulysses. The orders are dated 
15 and 17 August. 

25 August. William Nisbet, a clerk in the secretary's office, 
was dismissed by the governor. He was afterwards attorney 
general and speaker of the Assembly. On the dismissal of 
Mr. Little, he was employed as attorney general. (The house 
he lived in still remains but slightly altered, in Grafton street.) 

14 Sept'r., 1752, (thursday.) The present and late gover- 
nors met with the council at the governor's house. Messrs. 
Lawrence, Green, Salusbury, Steele, Collier and Fotheringham, 
councillors. An Indian chief, Micmac, appeared before them, 
named Jean Baptiste Cope, who called himself major. A 
golden belt (gold lace ?) a laced hat for himself and another for 
his son were given him, with \Vritten promises of presents and 
provisions, and he signed an engagement on the i6th to bring 
his tribe in to sign and ratify the peace. — Two persons from 
Halifax were relieved at this time from captivity in Canada. 
Thomas Stannard and Honora Hancock — the ransom of the 
latter, 66 dollars, (milled), and 5 dollars her passage money from 
New York, were repaid by the Halifax government. Money 
transactions seem to have been transacted usually in the 
Spanish silver milled dollar or piece of eight reals, although 
accounts were kept in pounds currency or sterling. — The priest 
at St. John's wrote to the commandant at Annapolis for leave 



212 History of Nova-Scotia. 1752. 

to buy provisions there for the people of the river, but the 
governor and council forbade it, as French troops occupied 
the place, and the Indians there were hostile. A circular let- 
ter, signed by Paul Dorion, an inhabitant of the island of St. 
John, was sent among the French inhabitants of this province, 
but had little effect in inducing them to repair thither. 

Governor Hopson, writing to the lords of trade, 16 October, 
says he found Cornwallis extremely distressed by having on 
his hands in and about this place, all the foreign settlers who 
arrived in 1750 and 175 1. 300 more arrived in 1752. All 
Hopson could do was to build boarded barracks for them, it 
being impossible to send them to a distance for want of pro- 
visions. They would require two years' provisions in settling 
them, as most of them were very poor. He refers to governor 
Cornwallis for the state of the province. Cornwallis goes 
home with the despatches in the Torrington. These foreign 
settlers had sold everything they had, even to their bedding, 
by advice, before they embarked. Many were- sick, or aged. 
He describes their condition as presenting " a scene of misery." 
Says many of them became discontented, and went off to the 
island of St. John, and begs that no more may be sent out. If 
any of them were sent to settle among the French inhabitants 
he is sure the latter would immediately leave the province. 
About 60 French had deserted from their fort at Beausejour 
since Hopson arrived, and he sent them to Boston, as he had 
heard lord Halifax disapprove of sending such deserters to 
England. The Rangers he considers to have been of great 
utility in protecting out-settlers, and marching on service when 
regulars could not be spared. They were reduced by Corn- 
wallis, and now were only 100 in all, under captain Joseph 
Gorham aud six subalterns. — Alienation of land at this time 
required the governor's license, and the purchaser had to take 
the usual oaths. " Upon no account" was it permitted to 
alienate to " Roman Catholics." All the town lots and five 
acre lots were duly registered. — Oct'r. 23. Governor Hopson 
appointed William Cotterell, esq'r., a member of H. M. council, 
and John Duport, esq'r., secretary of the council. The council 



1752. History of Nova-Scotia. 213 

were of opinion that the secretary of council should receive 
j^ioo stg. a year, which was accordingly adopted. 

The new governor of Canada, marquis Duquesne Menneville, 
a navy captain, arrived in that province in July, 1752. He 
kept up the same correspondence with the abbe de Loutre 
that his predecessors had done. He issued fresh instructions to 
M. de Vassan, and directed him to gain over the missionaries 
settled among the Acadians, in order to gain information as to 
the designs of the English, and to keep him instructed as to 
their movements. He sent an officer of artillery, M. de Jacan 
de Piedmont, to Beaus^jour, to fortify the place ; and as the 
close vicinity of Fort Lawrence and fort Beausejour led to 
frequent desertions of the soldiery, he agreed on a cartel with 
governor Hopson for the mutual surrender of deserters, it 
being stipulated that their lives should in such cases be spared. 
[Mem. stir Canada. Quebec, 1838,/. 29.] 14 Nov'r, A procla- 
mation was issued by the governor and council, forbidding 
persons from ' assembling and carrying about effigies on the ' 
* anniversary of the holy day, commonly called Gunpowder ' 
'Treason, being the i6th November, according to the present ' 
' alteration of the style.' 22 November, a treaty was signed 
with the Micmacs of the Eastern coast. Jean Baptiste Cope, 
chief, and Andrew Hadley Martin, Gabriel Martin and Francis 
Jeremiah, delegates, acted for the tribe, which was estimated 
to consist of ninety persons. It was based on the Boston 
treaty of 1725. 29. Cut money (pistareens and other silver) 
was ordered to go at 4s. 6d. an ounce. 

It seems that the officers in command of fort Edward, at Pizi- 
quid, had made a practice of taking whatever sheep, poultry, &c., 
they required, from the French inhabitants, setting their own 
price thereon, sending for them on frivolous pretences, and im- 
prisoning them in the block-house. They at length petitioned 
for redress, and the conduct of the commandant was condemned 
by the governor and council 12 Dec, 1752, and a full restitution 
and satisfaction ordered to be made. Hopson views the quiet- 
ness of the French and Indians at this time as a treacherous 
calm, to be soon succeeded by outbreaks of hostility. Many 
regulations and ordinances were proposed and adopted this 



214 History of Nova-Scotia. ^752. 

year, respecting matters of police, bridewell, fencing and clear- 
ing lots, weights and measures, terms, &c. of courts, fees, 
taverns, &c. &c. 

The condition of the French Acadians at this period, espe- 
cially of that portion of them which was collected at Beause- 
jour and elsewhere under the French flag, is very precisely 
indicated in the " Meinoii^es sur le Canada depitis \y^<:)jiisqiia " 
" 1760." Quebec, 1838 : /. 31 &i's. ; of which the following is a 
translation. " The Acadians became impatient at the length " 
" of the conferences," (of the commission on the boundaries.) 
" In vain they were annually told the limits would be settled, " 
" and their fate thereby ameliorated. The mildness with " 
" which the French commandant treated them was empoison- " 
" ed by the hauteur and harshness of the abbe de la Loutre, " 
(de Loutre.) " This priest could not resist the ambitious " 
" desire he felt to receive in person the applause which he " 
*' thought he deserved from the court. He went to France " 
*- under different pretexts, and obtained a sum of 50,000 livres " 
(;^2500 H. currency) " to construct an aboiteau. (This " 
" word has been used by the Acadians, and signifies a dyke " 
'■ made in a creek, with a sluice gate, which, when closed, " 
" keeps out the tide, while a causeway or levh is made be- " 
" tween the low lands and the tide.) Le Loutre also obtain- " 
" ed in France letters in his favor. He returned more vain " 
" than ever ; and to complete his glory, the bishop of Quebec " 
" named him as his Grand vicar in this country. He no " 
" longer kept within bounds, but spoke and would act as " 
" master. . He frequently opposed M. de Vassan, and the " 
" latter needed to remember the orders he had received from " 
" the governor general, and all the caution of policy, to hinder " 
" his making an open quarrel with the abbe, and restraining " 
" his proceedings." " The commandant" (de Vassan) " treat- " 
" ed the English who had built" (a fort) at Beaubassin," (Fort 
Lawrence), " with civility, and conducted himself with much " 
" prudence and discretion in their intercourse, but he was " 
" nevertheless apprized of their force and of what they were " 
" doing. He endeavored to gain over the missionaries who " 
" were among the Acadians. Some he persuaded, but others " 



1752. History of Nova-Scotia. 215 

" declined interference, altho' the Grand vicar had promised 
" to liberate them from the oath they had taken to the Eng- 
*' lish, on the faith of which they had been allowed to officiate 
" among a disaffected population. It was thus that the abbe 
" de la Loutre sported with religion, and every thing most 
" sacred. M. des Enclaves, cur6 of Port Royal, engaged to 
" give information, to be couched in phrases preconcerted, but 
" M. de Chauvreulx. who was at Mines, refused to meddle with 
*' this business ; nevertheless, not to bring mischief on him- 
" self, he neither approved nor hindered the course of any of 
" his parishioners who chose to withdraw and go under the 
" French flag." " Thus M. de Vassan was in a position to 
" know what was going on, and he sent to M. du Ouesne a 
" circumstantial account of the English forces in this country, 
"amounting to 1425 men of the regular army, 145 bombar- 
" diers, and a company of rangers of 60 men. They were 
" stationed, part at Halifax, others at Port Royal, Mines, 
" Pichequit, Fort Sackville, Placentia, in Newfoundland, and 
" fort George, towards the river St. John, — exclusive of 150 
" men who garrisoned fort Lawrence. Meanwhile the Aca- 
" dians, enticed" (dcbauchh) "by the abbe de la Loutre, 
" were thronging" (round Beausejour), " places were given 
" them to build on, while awaiting the decision of the boun- 
" dary question. They were made to believe that they would 
" go back to their properties, and that the English would be 
" confined to the territory of Port Royal ; but at the court a 
" different language was used, and it was stated that these 
" were to be settled on the boundaries as a people who had 
" become irreconcileable foes to the English, and from whom 
" nothing was to be feared. The English, hinted, on the 
" contrary, that they were made dupes in the step they took, 
" and should have awaited peaceably on their lands for the 
" decision of the boundaries ; that their flight was premature, 
" and against their own interests, and the day would come 
" when they wish too late to go back to their farms. These 
" contradictory discourses made the Acadians undecided as 
" to what they should do, and undetermined whether to 
" return to the fields they had abandoned, or to settle under 



2i6 History of Nova-Scotia. 1752. 

" protection of the French flag, Rehgion caused them to " 
" incline to the latter course. Swayed by the exhortations " 
" of Le Loutre, who, fearing their attachment to their pro- " 
" perties would, in the end, prevail with them, he caused " 
" them to be dispersed in the island" (St. John) " and on the " 
" St. John river. They refused to go there, but eventually " 
" he constrained them to do so, by the threats he caused to " 
" be held out of their properties being devastated, and their " 
" wives and children carried off and even massacred in their " 
" sight by the Indians. He, notwithstanding, retained around " 
" him such of them as were most mild and submissive to his " 
" will. It was then that he began to trifle with their misery, " 
" and to command them imperiously, and they began to mur- " 
" mur. They felt the whole weight of their calamity, and " 
" their inability to retract." 

" They were mild, humane and sincere, but attached to " 
" their religion to the extent of superstition, from which their " 
" missionaries had not taken pains to free them. As they " 
"could not make up their minds to work" (for the French), 
*' they resolved to try whether the English would receive " 
" them back and restore them their farms, in case they should " 
" determine to abandon the French forts. De Loutre and " 
" M. de Vassan were informed of this resolution. The first " 
" could not restrain his fury. He mounted his pulpit, and " 
" spoke with less of religion than of fire and passion. He " 
" threatened the thunderbolts of the church, and publicly ill- " 
" treated some of those who, to know, had been the first to " 

" express their opinions. De Vassan was wise. He con- " 

" tented himself with reminding them calmly of what the " 
" king daily did in their favor — gave them hopes of soon " 
" being in a happier position, and if he was stern towards any " 
" of them, it was with discretion, and to recal them to reason," 
Such opinions entertained of de Loutre by his own country- 
men and contemporaries, go far to confirm the unfavorable 
judgment of his character which Mascarene expressed years 
before, and which were universal with the English in this 
country. There is a strong resemblance in his conduct to 



1753- History of Nova-Scotia, 217 

that of Gaiilin, the difference being chiefly that de Loutre did 
more extensive mischief. 



1753. The settlement at Halifax seems to have been free 
from attacks of external foes in the early part of 1753, but dis- 
cord appeared among the people of the place. David Lloyd, 
who had been clerk to the justices of the peace for three years, 
stated in a letter to the Bench, that he had only received ;^2 5 
for this service, and his paper was couched in language which 
the justices considered insulting. They accordingly com- 
plained of him to the governor and council, treating his remon- 
strance as a libel. At the same time a memorial was sent to 
the governor and council, charging the justices of the Inferior 
court with partiality in the proceedings, and praying for a 
public inquiry. This was signed by Joshua Mauger, Joseph 
Rundell, Isaac Knott, John Grant, Francis Martin, Edmund 
Crawley, Richard Catherwood, Robert Campbell, Wm. Nesbit, 
John Webb, Wm. Magee, S. Zouberbuhler, Samuel Sellon and 
Isaac Deschamps. Mr. Ephraim Cooke also petitioned against 
the justices. The judges complained of, were Charles Morris, 
James Monk, John Duport, Robert Ewer and William Bourn, 
esquires. They were justices of peace, and also judges of the 
Inferior court of common pleas for the town and county. 
They were charged by a second petition, more numerously 
signed — i. With introducing Massachusetts law and practice. 

2. With refusing an appeal in the case of Martin v. Fairbanks. 

3. In the case of King v. James Brennock and others, for refu- 
sing leave to examine the crown witnesses, — refusing to hear 
the prisoners' witnesses, — and improper and impartial charge 
of first justice. 4, 5, 6, 7. Charges refer to captain Ephraim 
Cooke's case. 8. Misreading their commission. 9. Continu- 
ing courts to accommodate Mr. Little, the king's attorney. 
January 9, (tuesday), a counter memorial of several persons in 
favor of the justices, was received. Lloyd was examined. The 
council investigated the charges, examining witnesses, &c., on 
the 9, 10, II, 12, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 29, 30, 
31 January and i February, carefully examining the quotations 
and authorities in law cited by both parties. On the 6 Feb'y. 



2i8 History of Nova-Scotia. I753« 

they ordered the justices to proceed with the business of the 
Inferior court and Quarter sessions on Saturday, loth instant. 
The council resumed the inquiry on the 19th and 20th Feb- 
ruary ; and i March, (thursday), the governor and council pro- 
nounced their opinion, by which the justices were exculpated 
on all the charges. 

Almost from the beginning of the settlement, jealousy and 
animosity prevailed between the settlers sent from England 
and those who came here from different parts of the continent 
of America. This created parties among the people, and 
governor Hopson thought it was probably the cause of the 
discontent against the judges of the Inferior court. Great 
stress was laid in these proceedings on the case of captain 
Ephraim Cooke. This gentleman had commanded one of 
the transports that brought out the emigrants in 1749, and 
became himself a settler. (His name is erroneously called 
Edward Cooke in the official list of the transports.) At that 
time justices of peace were appointed by a separate commis- 
sion to each individual, and among others such a commission 
was given to Cooke. Subsequently a general commission 
issued, in which Cooke was included with the rest. He was 
placed in the commissions of the Common Pleas and Inferior 
courts also. Under these appointments he sat on the bench, 
until Cornwallis, being dissatisfied with his conduct, dismissed 
him, issuing new commissions, in which Cooke's name was left 
out. Cooke, supposing he was not legally superseded, but was 
still a magistrate under his first commission, exercised the 
power by granting a warrant, under which a man was arrested. 
For this he was sued, and damages obtained against him. He 
insulted the court — was committed for contempt, but favored 
by a release on bail for his good behavior. Still persisting in 
his claim to act as a magistrate, he was indicted for that 
oflfence, but acquitted by the jury, and became popular. 

David Lloyd, the clerk of the peace, was suspended by gov- 
ernor Hopson for his impertinence to the justices, but after a 
time, on making submission, he was restored to his office. 

Hopson, to prevent any suspicion of partiality in the Bench 
in future, added four to their number, two of whom had been 



1753- History of Nova-Scotia. 219 

signers of the complaint He expresses a hope they may- 
answer that end, " as they now consist of people from almost " 
" all the different parts of his majesty's dominions." He thinks 
nothing is more requisite here than proper persons to manage 
and advise in law affairs, and recommends the sending over a 
chief justice and an attorney general, to give weight and autho- 
rity to the courts. 

On the 20 Feb'y., 1753, parliament voted 

;;^47,448 5 10 for charges of the colony of Nova Scotia 

for 1752 ; 
and 47,167 6 6 do. do. for 1753. 



^94,615 12 4 



The town of Halifax at this time contained 35 blocks, each 
block having 16 lots of ground of 40 feet wide, 60 feet deep. 
The width of the streets was 55 feet. ^London Mag., 1753, 
/. 268.] 

Agreeably to orders from the king, a militia was established. 
All settlers and their servants, (the foreign settlers excepted), 
males between 16 and 60, were to be provided with musket, 
flints, powder, and ball, and appear at the rendezvous to be 
notified on or after 22 May. The punishment of ndiitg the 
woodoi Ji07'se was enacted by the militia law. 

Two English soldiers of the garrison of Fort Lawrence were 
found scalped in the woods. The Micmacs of that neighbor- 
hood disavowed the proceeding. They were, at this time, 
seemingly quiet, and some other tribes wrote to Hopson to say 
they would come to Chebucto and make peace in the spring. 
In April, one Claude Gisigash, an IndiaVi, who stiled himself 
governor of Laheve, appeared before the governor and council 
to make peace, and signed a document to that effect. Two 
men belonging to Halifax, named Connor and Grace, arrived 
there, with six Indian scalps. It appeared by their statement 
when brought before the council, that they left Halifax with 
two other men named Hagarty and Poor, in the schooner 
Dunk, on 6 February, and went from place to place on the 
Eastern shore until the 21st, when they got to a situation 



2 20 History of Nova-Scotia. 1753' 

between Country harbor and Torbay, where, being wind-bound, 
they were boarded and captured by Indians. After their sur- 
render, the Indians took them on shore, and set them to cut 
wood. The Indians murdered and scalped Hagarty and Poor, 
and carried Connor and Grace as prisoners. Until the 8 April, 
(Sunday), they so continued. Several of the Indians having 
gone off, Connor and Grace were left with four Indian men, 
one woman, and a boy. The four Indian men went to the 
vessel, leaving their arms behind. Connor and Grace, having 
been nearly starved, and also threatened with death, took 
advantage of this occasion. They first killed the woman and 
the boy, and secured the arms and ammunition, and when the 
four men came on shore, rushed on them and killed them with 
guns and axes. Taking, then, some food from the schooner, 
they got into an Indian canoe, and made their way to Halifax, 
where they arrived on 1 5 April. The order of council on this 
inquiry was, that Connor and Grace should give security to 
answer any charges the Indians might possibly prefer. 

Vessels (men-of-war excepted) were not to fire guns or beat 
drums on board after sunset. A petition to be relieved from 
arrears of quit rent, received from Cobequid, was referred to 
the lords of trade. They stated that the Indians having con- 
stantly robbed the receiver there, governor Mascarene had, 
some years ago, ordered him to receive no more, and they 
pleaded distress and inability to pay. 16 May. Joseph Cope, 
son of major Cope, and two other Indians, came before the 
council, with tales of peace, and begged the use of a small 
vessel to bring their provisions from Jedore to Halifax for 
safety, as they said some had been stolen, and their request 
was acceded to. 

Early in this spring it had been decided on to remove the 
German settlers to Merliguesh, which was now called Lunen- 
burg. Block-houses, materials and frames for magazines, 
storehouses, and habitations for the people, were to be collec- 
ted, and transports engaged at Boston for removing persons, 
their effects, and e/ery thing required there. Provisions were 
expected from Europe, and tools were to be be-spoken. Some 
of the foreign settlers had grown uneasy, aud went over to the 



1753* History of Nova-Scotia. 221 

French. The Indians remaining quiet at this time, favored 
the plan of settlements. On the 26 May, Patrick Sutherland, 
Sebastian Zouberbouhler and John Creighton, were appointed 
justices of the peace for Lunenburg. Fourteen transports, 
varying in tonnage from 60 to 98 tons, and the sloop York, 
capt. Sylvanus Cobb, were employed to transport the Ger- 
mans to Lunenburg ; and 92 regulars, as well as 66 rangers, 
were sent there. Colonel Lawrence was instructed to take 
command of the troops and settlers. The town had been 
already laid out, and he was directed to lay out the adjacent 
cleared land among the settlers by lot, in the same manner ; i 
to reserve the beach to the crown. He was empowered to 
distribute building materials, not to exceed 700 feet of boards, 
500 bricks, and nails proportionate, to each family building a 
house. In his absence, captain Patrick Sutherland was to 
command. At this time rumors of an Indian party of 300 
men, collected to oppose the settlement of Merligash, were 
spread ; but the first embarkation for Lunenburg, consisting 
of 450 persons, armed and fit for service, soldiers and settlers, 
were ready on the 29th May, to sail as soon as the wind was 
fair, and the rest were to follow as soon as these had got a safe 
footing. The Albany, capt. Rouse, was to act as convoy. It 
is probable that this first expedition arrived at Lunenburg 
early in June. 

The militia of Halifax were assembled by a proclamation, 
to meet at 7, a. m., on Wednesday, 6th June, with arms and 
ammunition ; those of the South suburbs " within the pick- " 
" ets opposite the end of Barrington street, near Horseman's " 
"fort;" those of the North suburbs "between the Grena-" 
" dier's fort and Luttrell's fort," and those of the town " on " 
"the esplanade on the citadel hill." In July and August, 57 
officers of militia took the oaths to government. — On the 
6 August. Sir William Shirley returned to New England. 
On the 18 August, his Excellency communicated to the coun- 
cil a letter, dated from Paris, 30 March, 1753, signed by the 
abb6 de I'lsle Dieu, who stiles himself Vicar General of the 
French colonies in Canada, recommending the bearer, M. Dau- 
din, a priest, to be established among the French inhabitants 



22 2 History of Nova-Scotia, 1753- 

in this province, and the governor gave him a licence to offici- 
ate for six months. 21 August. The laws made here since 
the arrival of governor Cornwallis, were ordered to be collec- 
ted and printed. 28 Aug. The hon. Robert Monckton, esq'r., 
was appointed a member of H. M. council, and took the oaths 
and his seat. On the 16 May, 1753, at the request of Joseph 
Cope, the son of J. B. Cope, the Indian who called himself 
major, a small sloop was sent by the government to convey 
them home, and to remove the provisions given them from 
Jedore. In this vessel were Mr. Bannerman, Mr. Samuel Cleve- 
land, one Anthony Casteel, and four bargemen. They sailed 
accordingly at once, and arrived at Isidore (yedorc) the next 
day. There they were civilly treated by the Indians, major 
Cope telling them he would write to his brother, the governor. 
When they had near finished the business they were sent 
upon, Mr. Bannerman, with four hands, went ashore in his 
boat, and was surprized and taken prisoner with his people. 
Immediately afterwards the Indians came on board the sloop, 
after firing several shots at them. They then seized Mr. Cleve 
land and Casteel. They decided to spare Casteel, who called 
himself a Frenchman. The others they killed with their 
hatchets and took off their scalps. Cope boasting of his being 
a good soldier, in conducting this enterprise and distressing 
the English. Casteel was carried by the Indians by the river 
Shubenacadie to Cobequid, thence to Tatamagouche and 
Remsek ; thence they were carried to bay Verte, at a French 
fort there called Gasparo. He was examined as to the state 
of the English settlements at Halifax and Lunenburg. Casteel 
was after this ransomed for 300 livres, from the Indians, by 
Jacques Morris, a French inhabitant, and sent to Louisbourg, 
where he arrived 16 June. There he was closely examined 
by the governor, count Raymond, and after that subjected to 
interrogatories by M. Loutre, who treated him with very abu- 
sive language, and inveighed bitterly against Mr. Cornwallis, 
and said that if the English governor wanted a peace, he ought 
to write to him, and not treat with the tail of Indians, — that 
the English might build forts, but he would torment them with 
his Indians. Casteel got a pass from the governor, and was 



1753- History of Nova-Scotia. • 223 

allowed to return to Halifax. The vessel in which Bannerman, 
Cleveland and others, were sent to Jedore, was destroyed by the 
Indians. This vessel had belonged to one Henry Ferguson and 
Cleveland. The council gave ^^25 to Ferguson, and the same 
sum to the widow, Sarah Cleveland, for their interests in the 
vessel. They also voted ;^30 to the widow Cleveland and her 
children, as a gratuity, and ;£t,o to the two sisters of Mr. 
James Bannerman, who was murdered at the same time, and 
;^^o to Anthony Casteel, who went in the vessel by the gov- 
ernor's orders. Governor Hopson's health was bad, and he 
suffered from weakness in his eyes. He therefore obtained a 
year's leave of absence, dated 28 June. In September, the 
petition of the people of Mines for permitting Daudin to offici- 
ate as priest, was considered. He refused to take the oath of 
allegiance. The council were of opinion that the French 
design was to delude the people to leave the province, and in 
order to defeat this scheme they waived the oath. M. de 
Vassan being removed from Beausejour, M. de la Martini^re 
was sent there as commandant. The latter, who was a quiet 
and religious man, interfered little with the Acadian refugees. 
The French inhabitants there united in a petition to governor 
Hopson. They state that their reason for deserting their 
lands and going there, was, that governor Cornwallis demand- 
ed from them what they called a new oath, breaking and 
revoking the one granted them 11 Oct., 1727, by Mr. Robert 
Wroth, ensign, &c., and Laurence Armstrong, esq'r., governor 
of the province. They offer to swear fidelity to the king, on 
conditions — i. Not to be obliged to take up arms against the 
English, the French, the Indians, or any other nation, and to 
be exempted from going as pilots or guides, &c. 2. They and 
their offspring, at any time, to sell or remove their effects, and 
go elsewhere, and the moment they have got beyond the Bri- 
tish territory, to be considered free from their oaths of alle- 
giance. 3. To have free exercise of their religion, and their 
priests not to be obliged to take the oath of allegiance. 
4. Full restoration to their landed property. These terms to 
be granted and ratified in England. This petition was pre- 
sented and read before the governor and council, thursday, 



2 24 • History of Nova-Scotia, I753« 

27 Sept'r., 1753, at the governor's house in HaHfax, by two 
Frenchmen, who produced also a paper signed by about 80 of 
the inhabitants, authorizing them to act as their deputies. 
The decision of the council was, that an oath of allegiance 
should be tendered to them, and such of them as took it on or 
before the 20 November next, before George Scott, esq'r., J. P. 
and commandant of Chignecto, should be restored to their 
lands at Chignecto — have free exercise of their religion and 
priests as the other French inhabitants, &c., nothing being 
said about the neutral rights demanded. The demand of a 
privilege that they and their desoendants should always have 
a right reserved to emigrate and retire free from their alle- 
giance whenever it suited them, was one of the most prepos- 
terous and absurd proposals that can well be conceived. 
Much ill humor and altercation arose between de Loutre and 
the signers of this petition, each party charging the other with 
deception and want of good faith. Early in December, presi- 
dent Lawrence learned that the French of Chignecto had not 
accepted the oath, or returned to their lands at Beaubassin, as 
they wished the exemption from bearing arms, without which 
they would not swear allegiance. The soldiers and settlers at 
Merligash (Lunenburg) are stated (i Oct'r) to amount to 650 
men, well armed. Hopson says they might fall into the same 
kind of neutrality claimed by the Acadians, unless care be 
taken. He approves of the idea suggested by the lords of 
trade of giving them hogs and live stock, and thinks J[,2Q)CO 
would be well laid out on that purpose. Some of them he has 
employed as overseers, besides English in the same capacity. 
The justices Zouberbouhler and Creighton were also paid for 
their services. The people of Lunenburg began to be uneasy 
at having neither church nor clergyman, except the Swiss, 
who have a French minister, Mr. Moreau. The church was 
put in the estimate for 1754. The people there were very 
industrious. — At this time the town of Dartmouth was picket- 
ted in, and had a detachment of troops to protect it, but not 
above five families residing there, as there was no trade or 
fishery to maintain them, and they were afraid to cultivate 
land outside their pickets on account of the Indians. The 



1753" History of Nova-Scotia. 225 

French garrison at Beausejour in the autumn of 1752 was 
computed at 140, regulars and Canadian militia. It was now 
supposed to hav^e been reduced by desertions and other causes, 
and not to exceed 60 men. In the baie Verte they had a fort 
on the river Gasparo, but defended by only twelve or fourteen 
men. The inhabitants under the French flag there, living 
within a space of six or seven miles, mustered on festivals 
about 300. These all had arms and ammunition, and were 
ordered to repair to the fort upon any alarm. The original 
inhabitants on that side were pretty well settled, having good 
houses, gardens, and other ground, which those who had been 
enticed from the English side had not, but were kept in hopes 
from time to time of being settled elsewhere. Early in the 
spring of 1753 they began to repair the fort at Beausejour ; 
one curtain they faced with timber, and set about sodding the 
works which before were supported by fascines. The Indians 
at this time were encouraged, fed, and protected from pursuit 
by the French, while warring on the English, and it was asser- 
ted and generally believed that the French often were mixed 
among them in their hostile expeditions. 

On the I St November, governor Hopson sailed for England 
in the Torrington, and the command of the province thereby 
devolved upon the honorable Charles Lawrence, esq'r. This 
was notified next day by Mr. Hinshelwood, the acting secre- 
tary, to the several commandants ; captain George Scott, Fort 
Lawrence ; captain Handfield, Annapolis ; captain Hale, Pisi- 
quid ; captain Cox, Vieux logis, and Erasmus James Philipps, 
commissary at Annapolis ; and captain Floyer was authorized 
to relieve captain Hale, at Piziquid. The York, capt. Cobb, 
and the Ulysses, capt. Rogers, were still in the employment of 
the government, carrying stores, officers, &c., to the bay of 
Fundy and elsewhere. 

In November, two Indians, one a chief, came as deputies of 
the cape Sable tribe to profess friendship, averring that they 
had not joined with the others in any hostility, and on that 
account had received no aid from the French. They also 
stated that they were in extreme want and distress. Their 
tribe were 60 in number. The council voted them 2000 lb. 

BIS 



2 26 History of Nova-Scotia. I753- 

bread, 3 barrels of pork, 20 blankets, 30 lb. powder, 60 lb. shot, 
50 lb. tobacco, i gross pipes, 2 hats, gold laced for the chiefs, 
one hat, silver laced for the deputy, and ^10 to the master of 
the schooner for their passages from Lunenburg and back. A 
question existed as to the lands deserted by those who had 
gone over to the French, their next heirs thinking they became 
entitled to them, as they would in case of their death. The 
priest Daudin had written on this point to Mr, Cotterell, the 
secretary, but the latter conceived the lands were forfeited to 
the king. At this time the French Acadians had one church, 
and an officiating priest, M. des Enclaves, at Annapolis ; a 
church at Cobequid, but no priest there ; two churches at 
Piziquid, one at Mines, and one at river Canard, with three 
priests among them, one of whom was too aged to officiate, — 
in all 6 churches and 4 priests — Desenclaves, Chauvreulx, 
Daudin and Maillard. 

The fort at Mines basin called Vieux logis, was erected late 
in the first season of Mr. Cornwallis's government, to prevent 
the French inhabitants driving off their cattle, as they propo- 
posed to do, and to curb them. As it was too late in the year 
to build barracks, they enclosed three French houses in a 
triangular picketting, with half bastions. They were situated 
upon a low, flat ground, commanded by a hill, and so exposed 
to the weather that in deep snows it has been often possible 
to walk over the palissades. This place was now so out of 
repair that it would soon become useless, unless large sums 
were spent upon it. President Lawrence recommended that 
it should be abandoned, and its garrison sent to Pisiquid to 
strengthen that post. Fort Edward, built in 1750, by Mr. 
Lawrence, then major, had sufficient barrack accommodation 
for both garrisons ; and when they should be thus united, de- 
tachments might, on occasion, be sent out, which was not now 
prudent from either. With the aid of boats in Mines bason, 
he thought Fort Edward, thus reinforced, would answer all 
purposes that could be expected from both in their existing 
condition. If the French of Mines should again become trou- 
blesome, there was a place near the present fort where a little 
redoubt might be built at a trifling expense, that would be as 
useful as a larger one at the actual site. 



1753' History of Nova-Scotia. 227 



CHAPTER XVII. 



The German settlers had, at an early period after their arrival 
at Halifax, given marks of dissatisfaction, and some of them 
had gone off to the French colonies. When removed to 
Lunenburg, they exhibited a spirit which Lawrence, who com- 
manded there at the time, calls mutinous and violent, but this, 
he states in his letter of 5 Dec'r. to the board of trade, had 
somewhat subsided. From the general industry and upright- 
ness they have always evinced, we may fairly conclude that 
they had just causes of complaint, although their conduct may 
have been rash. Unacquainted as most of them were with 
the language of our nation or its laws, there should be allow- 
ance made for the errors some of them have been led into. 
However this may be, Mr. Lawrence, now the president adrain- 
istering the government, was roused from fancied peace and 
security. 

On Saturday, the 15 December, at 9, a. m., lieutenant colonel 
Patrick Sutherland, who had the command of the troops and 
the settlers at Lunenburg, was informed that a large number 
of the inhabitants were assembling at the block-house erected 
there for the militia to mount guard in, and that they had con- 
fined one John Petriquin, under a pretence that he had con- 
cealed a letter which he said he had received from England, 
enumerating a number of articles sent over for them, that they 
had not received. Lieut, colonel Sutherland and Mr. Zouber- 
buhler, J. P., went to the block-house, where they found 
Petriquin confined in the black hole. They could not ascertain 
who had confined him, on which they released him.. They 
had not got very far, when a mob took Petriquin out of their 



2 28 History of Nova-Scotia, 1753' 

hands and imprisoned him again. Sutherland having, without 
success, attempted to reason with the populace, ordered the pro- 
clamation (under the riot act) to be read, after which he called 
on a constable who was there to arrest one of the ringleaders. 
The constable refused to do so. On this, Mr. Sutherland 
retired, and about three hours after sent three constables with 
a warrant to bring Petriquin before him, and to require his 
accusers to appear. The people refused to allow this warrant 
to be executed, but promised to send the prisoner to be ex- 
amined after dinner. As this promise was not fulfilled, Suther- 
land and Zouberbuhler went to the block-house in the evening. 
Sutherland addressed them in vain for near an hour, but failed 
to induce them to give up the prisoner. The inhabitants put 
Petriquin to torture, under the pressure of which he stated 
that the alleged letter was in the hands of Zouberbuhler, who 
had given him ten guineas to say nothing about it. At all 
other times the prisoner denied that he ever had such a letter. 
The mob threatened to pull Zouberbuhler limb from limb, and 
he retired to the fort for protection. On the i6 December, 
(sunday), the populace in the morning came to the fort, and 
threatened to burst in the gate. They demanded Zouberbuhler, 
dead or alive. Sutherland refusing to give him up, they pro- 
posed he should give them a bond not to send Zouberbuhler 
to Halifax. This, of course, he declined, and they menaced 
Sutherland that they would seize himself, and declared openly 
that they would no longer submit to any government what- 
ever. Their arms were all lodged in the militia block-house, 
and they summoned everybody to join them, under the pain 
of death. In the evening they went armed to the West log 
house, where a corporal's guard of the troops was kept, and 
demanded its surrender. This being refused them, they fired 
upon the guard. The fire was returned, and two of them were 
wounded. Lieut, colonel Sutherland sent lieutenant Adams 
to Halifax with a letter to president Lawrence, to inform him 
of his situation. Adams arrived here on the evening of mon- 
day, the 17th. Lawrence applied at once to Mr. Henry Baker, 
commander of H. M. sloop Wasp, for twenty of his seamen, as 
he intended to send the two sloops belonging to the govern- 



1753* History of Nova-Scotia. 229 

ment to Lunenburg immediately, and on tuesday he collected 
the council at his house, messrs. Green, Steele, Collier, Cot- 
terel and Monckton, being present ; and the letter being read, 
and lieut. Adams examined, it was decided to send two hun- 
dred regular troops to Lunenburg, whom colonel Monckton 
volunteered to command. The council advised that the inha- 
bitants there should be disarmed. Four vessels were at once 
sent to Lunenburg with Monckton's detachment. The vessels 
were got ready in a few hours, and sailed as soon as the wind 
would permit. The garrison of Halifax was thus reduced to 
three hundred men, and Lawrence had two militia guards 
mounted every night in addition. The soldiers arrived in safety, 
and the militia block-house was abandoned to them on Monck- 
ton's demand. In two or three days he succeeded in disarm- 
ing the people peaceably. Monckton stated that he observed 
a strong disposition in them to throw off all subjection to any 
government, and to affect the same kind of independancy that 
the French inhabitants have done. They had always insisted 
that the Indians would distinguish them from the English, and 
never interrupt them, which notion he believed had been pri- 
vately propagated among them by French emissaries. There 
was no proof, however, that the French had instigated them 
in this mutiny. Monckton advised that, as the people there 
were so generally implicated, the better course would be to 
grant a general forgiveness, Lawrence, however, desired to 
punish the ringleaders, and it will be seen hereafter that one 
prominent actor was tried and sentenced. On the deposition 
of Petriquin against Mr. John William Hoffman, who had been 
a justice of peace at Halifax, the latter was sent up a prisoner 
on the charge of having been a chief actor in this mutiny, and 
Lawrence immediately committed him to prison, with strict 
orders that he should not be allowed to converse with, nor 
write to anybody, nor even have the use of pen, ink or paper. 

1754. By the 15 January, 1754, the disturbances at Lunen- 
burg had subsided, and Monckton, leaving one officer and forty 
men there to take charge of the block-house, returned to Hali- 
fax with the rest of his detachment, leaving the people perfectly 



230 History of Nova-Scotia. I754' 

quiet. Hoffman was tried some months afterwards at the 
general court. He was first indicted for high treason, but as 
two witnesses to each overt act were legally necessary, and 
there was but one witness to the principal fact, the grand jury 
rejected the bill. He was then indicted for high crimes and 
misdemeanors, and found guilty of part only of the charges. 
One of the witnesses against him had varied much in his tale 
on different occasions. The sentence of the court, (governor 

and council), was a " fine of hundred pounds and two " 

" years imprisonment." Lawrence says " He has petitioned " 
" frequently to be pardoned, but as I know him to be so mis- " 
" chievous a fellow, and that the immediate consequences of" 
" his liberty would be the destruction of that harmony and " 
" industry that now prevails at Lunenburg, I should be very " 
" cautious of letting him out. I heartily wish the colony was " 
" well rid of him." 

In the spring of this year, 1754, colonel Lawrence says the 
Indians were quiet. This he attributed to the French being 
very busy in strengthening themselves at bale Verte and Beau- 
sejour, between which places they had lately made a fine road, 
and thus having their hands full, had been remiss in stirring 
up mischief among their allies. Thinking this a favorable 
opportunity to form out-settlements, he encouraged their pro- 
gress by a grant of the township of Lawrencetovvn to twenty 
applicants in Halifax, each receiving one thousand acres. 
Their grant extended from Chezetcook to Cole harbor, and 
they engaged to settle twenty families on it. He sent in May 
two hundred regulars and some rangers there to protect the 
people engaged in the work. [See vol. i, p. 199, grant of Mas- 
coudabouet, in 1690, to des Goutin, same place.] The soldiers 
cut a road from Dartmouth to the new town, which was to be 
on a small peninsula, the isthmus of which was picketted in, 
and a block-house erected within the palissading. This was 
about ten miles from Dartmouth. 

About the same time, capt. Ephraim Cooke, who had spent 
some thousands in improving his lots at Halifax, proposed 
to form a settlement at Mahone bay. He built a block-house, 
which he took down there. He intended to put up a saw mill 



1754- History of Nova-Scotia. 231 

— set to work to build two vessels and import cattle from 
New England — clear land, &c. &c. A government sloop was 
ordered to assist his operation, and a party of rangers sent 
there for protection, and he was indulged by the selection at 
his desire, of captain Lewis to command them, who was his 
old shipmate and acquaintance. Colonel Sutherland, who 
commanded at Lunenburg, was directed to give him any aid 
he wanted, and to reserve any land that Cooke might prefer 
to be granted to him. 

Lawrence also had the sources of the Shubenacadie river 
(which he calls Chibenacadie) explored. It was by the course 
of this water and the lakes in that vicinity that the Indians 
came and went on their hostile visits to Dartmouth. The pre- 
sident recommends a fort to be built at the mouth of the river, 
as a check on the Acadians carrying cattle to the French 
posts. If this were erected, he thought the river would soon 
be settled. A good deal of land was already cleared on its 
banks, and the finest oak and elm timber was to be found 
there, while the sireams abounded with fish. The frost of the 
past winter had not been so hard nor of so long continuance 
as usual, and on this account the party of officers who had 
been exploring were not enabled to survey the country as fully 
as they expected. — At Lunenburg everything went well. The 
inhabitants displayed remarkable industry in clearing and cul- 
tivating their town and garden lots, and made some progress 
with their farming also. Before the end of May they had in 
the ground barley, oats, turnips, potatoes and flax, and had cut 
large quantities of timber, staves and hoops, and built many 
boats and canoes. The price of labor among them was not 
over a shilling a day ; and they were enabled to supply the 
New England vessels that called there for it, returning from 
Halifax or Louisbourg, with firewood at two shillings per cord. 
In many things the English inhabitants of 1754 were under 
difficulties and disadvantages unknown to their descendants 
in 1865. The houses in which they had shelter could be 
almost packed by the dozen in some of our modern stores in 
Granville street, or mansions in the South end of the city. 
What they called roads must have been often mere tracks or 



232 History of Nova-Scotia. I754» 

rough paths, from which a tree had been here and there cut 
down, leaving its stump above ground ; and possibly what is 
now known in our wood lands as a corduroy, closely resem- 
bles the better description of roads then in use. Down to a 
much later date, the roads, in order to shorten the distance, 
ascended hill tops and crossed low streams or marshy spots. 
The bushes and young growth made the woods difficult to 
penetrate in summer, while in winter the deep snow made 
them impassable without the aid of the raqnette. Unless you 
had guides acquainted with the way, it was easy to get lost in 
the woods, and to get lost there was nearly always fatal. In 
the town were many conveniences, but, at any distance from 
it, every letter required an express messenger to carry it — 
every article of food or clothing wanted, must, in most cases, 
await the chance of being brought by water. The little garri- 
sons at Chignecto, Annapolis and Fort Edward, for their sup- 
plies in many respects, depended on the arrival of capts. Cobb, 
Rogers or Taggart, in one of the government sloops. These 
vessels took the annual or semi-annual relief to their destina- 
tion. They carried the officers and their families to and fro, 
as required. The baggage, specie, and much of the provi- 
sions, had to be sent by this circuit into all points in the bay 
of Fundy, The communication also with Europe was but 
casual, and the Boston traders found it more profitable to 
supply Louisbourg than Halifax, thirty of their craft together 
being sometimes lying at the former haven. 

Again, the terrors of Indian warfare beset the resident, with 
rare intervals of quiescence. The shrill screams of the victims 
of the Dartmouth slaughter were not easily forgotten, and few 
would venture to a distance from fort or block-house. To 
compensate many such disadvantages, there was, to those who 
had left the regions of old civilization, a sense of freedom, 
arising not only from the aspect of wild natural scenery, but 
in the removal of a thousand conventional shackles that tie 
down the human mind, and leave it little scope for spontane- 
ous action, and which define sharply and within narrow limits 
the pursuits, labors and enjoyments of man. Relieved from 
moving for life in the beaten track — the narrow groove 



1754' History of Nova-Scotia. 233 

which society permits — they were placed in a situation where 
every kind ot ability, mental or physical, has the utmost 
value. In the common brotherhood and sympathy awakened 
in those who have cast their lot together in forming a new 
community in the wilderness, and who have in the new 
climate, the Indian foe, and the labors to be undergone with 
the axe and spade, causes of mutual help and adherence, men 
feel but little of the repulsion of castes and ranks. Indeed 
the healthy and industrious laborer or mechanic is, in some 
sense, already a rich man. The demand for labor places him 
in a better position to maintain and provide for a family, than 
is he who has a small capital without the physical strength 
and habits of work, which are incessantly required in a new 
colony. The heart of humanity is aroused — its affections 
called into active play, and self-respect produced in those 
whose life would be but a dull vegetation in the cities of the 
old world. The abundance of fish in the waters, the profusion 
of game in the forests, and the plenty of birds everywhere, all 
which were to be had free from the claims of proprietors or the 
penalties of game laws, were obvious advantages, although not 
so readily enjoyed until after peace with the aborigines was 
established. The fertility of the soil in many places was 
remarkable, and cheering to the hopes of the adventurer, tho' 
he might only now embrace with safety the commerce in 
furs or the fishery. Fuel was abundant and cheap, and by 
the winter fires, where the wood was piled high on the hearths 
of their merry homes, how many a tale of adventure must have 
been told by the veterans of land and sea service of the perils 
past. Some of the settlers could tell of the rebellion of 1 745, 
and prince Charles.. There were those who had conquered at 
Louisbourg but a few years before, and those who had been at 
Mines with Noble after that. The destruction of d'Anville's 
expedition — the death of the two chiefs and so many of their 
people on this very spot — the finding of the bodies of French 
soldiers, reclined against trees with their muskets, man and 
weapon alike undergoing decomposition or decay. These, 
and like narratives, no doubt often whiled away the long 
hours in circles of families and friends. If division of senti- 



234 History of Nova-Scotia, I754» 

ment, from whatever cause, gave rise to anger, the breach was 
soon made up, and kindness resumed her reign. The civil 
officers of the colony received fair allowances out of the parlia- 
mentary grant for their services. The military were, as they 
have usually been, well cared for by the crown. The mer- 
chants seemed to thrive, and the laborious classes could only 
be idle when it was their own wish. Lawrence and Monckton 
stood high as officers, and attained still higher distinction as 
occasion brought out their talent. Bulkely, Gates, Tonge, and 
many of the other officials, were men of decided talent. With 
the freedom ensured by British institutions, a settlement begun 
by the energetic Cornwallis, and carried on after his departure 
by men of uprightness and information, could hardly fail of 
success. Much of the social and festive spirit that animated 
Poutrincourt and his associates at Port Royal long before, is 
said to have reigned in Halifax among its first founders ; and 
while we are much advanced in the commodiousness of our 
dwellings and their furniture — in the means of easy and rapid 
locomotion, and in many other things which science and art 
have since that time improved, — have a cultivated country — 
intercourse with all the world, and the fullest protection and 
tranquillity at home, it may yet be a question whether we 
enjoy ourselves better than did the first settlers of our city in 
forest life and unpretentious surroundings. 

In this year we find, perhaps, the earliest notice extant of a 
newspaper published in Nova Scotia. In a letter of secretary 
Cotterell to captain Floyer, at Piziquid, speaking of the priest, 
M. Daudin, he says : " If he chuses to play the Bel esprit in " 
" the Halifax Gazette, he may communicate his matter to the " 
^' printer as soon as he pleases, as he will not print it without " 
*' shewing it to me." 

M. de la Martiniere, who had been made both commandant 
and commissary at Beaus6jour in 1753, was now removed, and 
M. du Chambon de Vergor, son of Duchambon, who surren- 
dered Louisbourg in 1745, and the same person whom Rous 
had captured in the brigantine St. Francis, was sent in his 
place. Vergor is said to have had a great number of relations 
in Acadie. (Louis du Pont du Chambon, lieutenant, &c., was 



1754* History of Nova-Scotia. 235 

married at Port Royal in 1709 to Jean Mius d'Entremont du 
Poubomcou, the daughter of Jacques Mius and Anne de la 
Tour. M. du Chambon Vergor, commandant of Beausejour, 
was his son, promoted to this post by favor of M. Bigot, who 
had been intendant at Louisbourg under his father.) Bigot, 
who procured him the appointment, is said to have written to 
him in these terms : " Profit, my dear Vergor, by your place ; " 
" cut, clip, — you have every power, — in order that you may" 
" soon come and join me in France, and buy an estate in my " 
" neighborhood." Our old friend Mascarene was this summer 
employed to attend governor Shirley, at conferences with the 
Eastern Indians. Captain Hamilton, who had been captured 
at Mines, and afterwards ransomed from Canada, while a pri- 
soner became acquainted with de Loutre, and retained a sense 
of obligation to him for his civilities. De Loutre seems to 
have thought it expedient to endeavor to open some negocia- 
tions with the English on behalf of his Micmac followers, and 
he availed himself of Hamilton's gratitude and good opinion 
to make him the channel of intercourse. Hamilton accord- 
ingly wrote to governor Lawrence on the subject. We have 
the letter of the secretary, capt. Cotterell, addresssed to capt. 
Hamilton, then at Annapolis, dated 3 June, 1754, in which he 
says, after thanking him in Cornwallis's name for the trouble 
he has taken, that the governor cannot help differing from 
him (Hamilton) much, in his opinion of le Loutre's sincerity 
and good intentions, having so often experienced his prone- 
ness to all manner of mischief and iniquity. Cotterell proceeds 
thus : " And I can for my own part assure you, that he made " 
" the very same proposal, almost verbatim, that you have now " 
" transmitted, to captain How and me at Chignecto, about " 
" three days before he caused that horrible treachery to be " 
" perpetrated against poor How, who was drawn into it under " 
" a pretence of conferring with le Loutre upon this very sub- " 
" ject." Hamilton is to say in reply that the English are not 
the aggressors, but on the contrary ready to make peace, and 
the Indians well know where and how to apply for it. A short 
time after the governor authorized Hamilton to meet le 
Loutre, not to assume authority to negociate, but if anything 



236 History of Nova-Scotia. ^754 

material is said, to report it to his commanding officer, (then 
capt. George Scott.) In July, captain Hussey had relieved 
Scott in the command at Chignecto, and on 30th the secretary 
wrote him that the council had resolved to treat with the 
Indians for peace, if le Loutre was sincere in proposing it. 
To send any one there to negociate would be impracticable, 
and to treat by correspondence very dilatory. Hussey was 
therefore to notify le Loutre that the Indian chiefs, himself, or 
any other person on their behalf, might venture with great 
security to come to Halifax with a pass from him, Hussey, 
where they would be perfectly disposed to negociate a peace, 
and that they should preserve tranquillity during the discus- 
sion of terms, as le Loutre had suggested. Captain Hussey, 
in consequence, entered into conference and correspondence 
with the French commandant of Beausejour, and with le Lou- 
tre. Eventually le Loutre wrote a long letter to governor 
Lawrence, date 27 August, proposing, on behalf of his Indian 
friends and followers, that all the territory in the Eastern part 
of the province, which is now comprised in the counties of 
Cumberland, Colchester, Pictou, Antigonish and Guysborough, 
great part of Hants, and all that part of Halifax county East 
of the river Musquodoboit, should be ceded in perpetuity to 
the Micmacs. Fort Lawrence to be given up as part of it, 
and no fort, English or French, to be permitted within their 
bounds. The demand runs thus in his letter, alleged as the 
claim of the Indians themselves : " 4th, That this space of" 
" land shall be from the South of bay Verte, including Fort " 
" Lawrence, and the lands dependant thereon, as far as the en- " 
*' trance of the bay of Mines ; thence running into Cobequid, " 
" and including Chigabenacady," (Shubenacadie) ; " leaving " 
" this last place, formerly my mission, remounting and des- " 
" cending as far as the river Mouskedaboueck, and from that " 
" place, which is about eight leagues East of Halifax, passing " 
" by the bay of Islands, St. Mary's bay, and Moukodorae, " 
(Country harbor), " as far as Cangeau, and from Cangeau by " 
" the passage of Fronsac," (Gut of Canso), " as far as the " 
" said bay Verte." The letter touched on many other points 
respecting the Acadians, &c., but this demand was so prepos- 



1754* History of Nova-Scotia. 237 

terous, that the governor and council, 9 September, voted the 
contents * too insolent and absurd to be answered through ' 
* the author,' but the commandant at Chignecto was directed 
to acquaint the Indians that if they wished for peace they 
might repair to Halifax, where they would be met with reason- 
able conditions, Le Loutre complained that when he went by 
appointment with two Indian deputies to meet Hussey, the 
latter received them haughtily, being in a small carriage, from 
which he did not alight to greet them. We may believe this 
was a grievance got up as a pretence. Hamilton dined with 
him, he says, and it appears as if the good nature of this young 
officer had been played on. At this time, it seems, that both 
the deserted Acadians and the Micmacs were sick of a war 
with the English, by which the former were losing their homes 
and happiness, and the latter gained but very little, and all 
these conferences and letters must have been carried on by 
le Loutre rather to pacify his own followers, than with the 
slightest wish or expectation on his part of the restoration of 
peace. The new commandant of Beaus^jour, Vergor, we are 
told, did not at first adopt le Loutre's policy, but aimed at 
diminishing his influence, although finally compelled to yield 
to him. There were eighty families of the refugee Acadians, 
who had left their homes, still remaining at Beausejour, besides 
all that had been sent to the island of St. John and to St. John 
river. These deserters were not only a charge to the French 
government, but their presence was in many ways inconve- 
nient to the old settlers on the N. W. side of the Missiguash. 
The English traders who frequented fort Lawrence, which was 
built at the old village of Beaubassin, sold their goods at lower 
prices than they could be got on the French side ; and to 
attract customers, they gave them credit — would also take the 
French paper money in exchange, and were in the habit 01 
giving those who came to deal with them plenty of drink. All 
this resulted in a memorial they sent to Vergor, stating their 
misery, and requiring permission to go back to their lands. 
This he refused to do, and even issued orders that no one 
should cross the Buot bridge or go to Fort Lawrence, but this 
they evaded, and indeed the discontent spread among the old 



238 History of Nova-Scotia. 1754* 

settlers also. \See Mem. sur le Canada. Quebec, 1838, p. 39.] 
Although the French inhabitants of Annapolis, Mines and 
Piziquid were forbidden to go to Beausejour to work for the 
French authorities, yet 300 or 400 of them disregarded the 
order, and went there. In June, a proclamation was directed 
to enforce their return, and the deputies were to report the 
names of all who had so gone from their homes. 

This year the president received an order to build a battery 
on the East side of Halifax harbor. 



1754* History of Nova-Scotia, 239 



CHAPTER XVIII. 



It is necessary now to turn our attention to what was trans- 
piring in another part of the American continent, as it bore 
eventually on the fate of all America ; and the importance of 
the occurrence will excuse its introduction here, although its 
effect on the destinies of Acadie, however powerful, was indi- 
rect. 

In the year 1749, an association, consisting of some gentle- 
men in Virginia and some merchants in London, was esta- 
blished by charter under the name of the Ohio company ; and 
they obtained a grant of 600,000 acres of land upon the river 
Ohio. The charter and grant the French soon heard of, and 
therefore the very next year their governor of Canada wrote 
to our governors of New York and Pensilvania, that our Indian 
traders had encroached on their territories by trading with 
their Indians, and that if they continued to do so, he should be 
obliged to seize them wherever they were found ; which was 
the first time that either the French or we had pretended to 
an exclusive trade with any Indians, or even with those that 
were declared friends or allies of the other : On the contrary, 
it was expressly stipulated by the fifteenth article of the treaty 
of Utrecht, that on both sides, the two nations should enjoy 
full liberty of going and coming among the Indians of either 
side on account of trade ; and that the natives of the Indian 
countries should, with the same liberty, resort as they pleased 
to the British and French colonies, for promoting trade on the 
one side and the other, without any molestation or hindrance, 
either on the part of the British subjects or of the French. 



240 History of Nova-Scotia, 1754' 

In the year 175 1, the French put their menace in execution, 
by seizing three of our Indian traders, whom they found tra- 
ding among the Tvvigtwees, a numerous nation inhabiting the 
country westward of the Ohio. At this very time, Mr. Gist, 
employed by the Ohio company, was upon the Ohio, survey- 
ing the lands upon that river, in order to have 600,000 acres 
of the best of them, and most convenient for the Indian trade, 
laid out and appropriated to the company ; and tho' he con- 
cealed his business from the Indians, yet, it is said, that both 
they and the French were informed of it by our Indian traders, 
who were jealous of that company as their most dangerous 
rivals in the Indian trade. But these traders were soon made 
sensible that the French would be much more dangerous neigh- 
bours ; for the latter presently set about building two forts on 
the south side of lake Erie and upon Beef river. As they now 
began to seize and plunder every British trader they found 
upon any part of the Ohio, repeated complaints of their beha- 
vior were made to the governor of Virginia, where the new 
Ohio company had such weight, that at last, towards the end 
of the year 1753, major Washington was sent to the French 
governor of these two forts, M. Contrecoeur, to summon him 
to retire, and to demand a reason for his hostile proceedings ; 
and at the same time a resolution was taken, to build a fort 
somewhere near, or upon the forks of the Ohio. The major 
accordingly went and delivered his message to the French 
officer, who for answer said, " That he knew of no hostilities 
that had been committed : That he could receive no orders, 
nor would he obey any, but those of his most Christian 
majesty, or his governor of Canada : That as the country be- 
longed to the king of France, no Englishman had a right to 
trade upon any of its rivers ; and therefore that he would, 
according to his orders, seize, and send prisoner to Canada, 
every Englishman that should attempt to trade upon the Ohio 
or any of its branches." The colony of Virginia acted with 
more vigor than Pensilvania had done. Before major Wash- 
ington's return, and before they had heard of the above inso- 
lent answer given to him by the French commandant, they 
had provided and sent out proper people and materials for 



1754* History of Nova-Scotia. 241 

erecting a fort at the conflux of the Ohio and Monongahela, 
which he met upon his return ; but upon his report, they 
might have expected that the French would attack and drive 
away the people they had sent out, especially as they had 
before driven away all our people that were settled upon the 
Ohio, and had demolished a truck house we had at Picckanvil- 
lany, upon the river Miamis, at least 200 miles west of the new 
intended fort. The colony of Virginia rightly resolved to 
oppose the French incroachments by themselves alone, and 
without any other assistance except one independent company, 
commanded by capt. James Mackay, who, upon the first order, 
marched with the utmost expedition from South Carolina to 
their assistance ; for they would not wait for the two indepen- 
dent companies from New York, who were likewise ordered 
to their assistance, and actually arrived in Virginia about the 
end of June or beginning of July ; but long before they arrived, 
major, now called colonel Washington, had marched with cap- 
tain Mackay's company, and 300 men raised by the colony 
under his command. On the 20 May, M. de Contrecoeur sent 
out a party of 33 men, under an officer named Jumonville, 
as soon as he heard that Mr. Washington was arrived at the 
place called the Great Meadows, near the river Monongahela ; 
and to this party he gave orders to march near to where our 
people were, and to seem as if they intended to pass them, in 
order to intercept their provisions ; but at the same time he 
gave the officer an order, in writing, to cite or warn our people 
to retire from the ground whereon they were, as being within- 
the French territory. On the 28th of May, accordingly, M?.. 
Washington fell into the snare ; for, as soon as he got sight of" 
this party, he marched against them, and, without sendinrg to> 
demand their business, or to require them to retire, attacked, 
them with such vigor, tho' he had then but about 5-o-men with: 
him, that they were all either taken or killed, M> Jumonville 
being among the latter, and an officer and twa cadets among 
the former, all of whom, in number 21, he sent prisoners to 
Winchester, under a guard of 20 men ; and m this skirmish,, 
which, in his letter to his brother, he calls a battle, and a most 
signal victory, he says, he had but one man' killed' and two or.- 
B 16 



242 History of Nova-Scotia, 1754' 

three wounded. In a letter to one of his brothers, dated 31st 
May, 1754, George Washington says : " We expect every hour " 
" to be attacked by superior force ; but if they forbear for " 
" one day longer, we shall be prepared for them. We have " 
" already got entrenchments, and are about a palissade, which " 
" I hope will be finished to-day. The Mingoes have struck " 
" the French, and I hope will give a good blow before they " 
" have done. I expect forty odd of them here to-night, which, " 
" with our fort and some reinforcements from colonel Troy, " 
" will enable us to exert our noble courage with spirit." Allu- 
ding in a postscript to the late affair, he says : " I fortunately " 
" escaped without any wound ; for the right wing, where I " 
" stood, was exposed to and received all the enemy's fire, and " 
" it was the part where the man was killed and the rest " 
" wounded. / heard the bullets whistle, and believe me, there " 
" is something charming in the sound." \London Magazine 
for 1754, /. 370.] The French stated that Jumonville was shot 
while attempting to read his despatch to the provincials, but 
it seems an incredible story. As the parties were so nearly 
equal in number, it seems improbable that if the French 
shewed pacific intentions, the others would have fired on them. 
On the 3d July, about nine o'clock in the morning, he received 
intelligence that M. de Villier, having received a reinforcement 
•of 760 men, was in full march with 900 men, besides Indians, 
to attack him. Washington and his party were at a place 
•called the Great Flats or Meadows, and they had raised only a 
.«mall incomplete intrenchment, which they had called Fort 
Necessity, and they had not altogether above 400 men, many 
..©f whom were sick. By 1 1 o'clock of that day the French 
laegan the attack. Thanachrishon, an Indian chief, called the 
&alf-king, said " that colonel Washington lay in one place from 
«one full moon to the other, without making any fortifications, 
except that little thing on the meadow ; whereas, had he taken 
Advice, and built such fortifications as I advised him, he might 
.easily have beat off the French. But, says he, the French 
in the Engagement acted like cowards, and the English like 
focfls." However, notwithstanding the insufficiency of their 
antrenchraent, tke colonel, and the men under his command, 



1754' History of Nova-Scotia. 243 

bravely resolved to defend themselves to the last man, and by 
their shot killed a great number of the enemy, tho* with con- 
siderable loss to themselves, as their intrenchments were but 
a poor defence against the shot of the besiegers, who never 
fired without taking aim, and sheltered themselves as much as 
they could behind the arljacent trees, as no care had been 
taken to cut down and clear the woods within shot of the 
trenches ; nor had the besieged any shelter from an incessant 
rain, but were obliged to stand in their trenches, which were 
at last half full of water. Not an Indian came to the assistance 
of the English, and even many whom they had thought their 
friends were with the besiegers. Yet in this condition they 
defended themselves till eight o'clock at night, when M. Villier, 
seeing what desperate men he had to deal with, to save his 
own people, offered them an honorable capitulation, and by 
twelve the terms were agreed on. 

George Washington was but 22 years old at this time, and 
perhaps had not even dreamed of the future elevation he was 
to reach. His father had been employed in Virginia as an 
Inspecting field officer of militia, with a small salary from the 
colony. He died, leaving a young family, and George, his 
son, was continued in his father's office. He had a brother a 
midshipman in the Royal navy. 

Capitulation granted by M. dc Villier, captain and comman- 
der of Infantry and Troops of his most Christian Majesty, to 
those English Troops actually in the Fort of Necessity, which 
was built on the Lands of the Kings Dominions, July 3, at 
eight d clock at night, 1754, vis : 

As our intentions have never been to tromble the peace and 
good harmony which reigns between the two princes in amity, 
but only to revenge the assassination which has been done on 
our officers, bearers of a citation, as also -on .their escort, as also 
to hinder any establishnaeat on the land« etf the domain -of the 
king my master : Upon these considerations we are willing to 
grant favour to all the English who are in the said fort;, upon 
the conditions Sbereafter mentioned. 



244 History of Nova-Scotia. J754- 

Article i. We grant to the English con^mander to retire 
with all his garrison, to return peaceably to his own country, 
and promise to hinder his receiving insult from us French ; 
and to restrain, as much as shall be in our power, the Indians 
that are with us. 

2. It shall be permitted him to go out and carry with him 
all that belongs to him, except the artillery, which we reserve 
to ourselves. 

3. That we will allow them the honours of war, that they 
march out drum-beating, with a swivel gun, being willing to 
shew them that we treat them as friends. 

4. That, as soon as the articles are signed by the one part 
and the other, they strike the English colours. 

5. That to-morrow, at break of day, a detachment of French 
shall go to make the garrison file off, and take possession of 
the fort. 

6. And as the English have few oxen or horses, they are 
free to hide their effects, and come and search for them when 
they have met with their horses ; and that they may, for this 
end, have guardians in what number they please, upon condi- 
tion they will give their word of honour not to work upon any 
building in this place, or any part this side of the mountain, 
during a year, to be accounted from this day. 

7. And as the English have in their power an officer, two 
cadets, and most of the prisoners made in the assassination of 
the Sieur de Jumonville, that they promise to send them back 
with safeguard to the fort du Gerne, situated on the Fine 
River. And for surety of this article, as well as this treaty, 
Mr. Jacob Vambram and Robert Stobo, both captains, shall be 
put as hostages till the arrival of the Canadians and French 
above mentioned. 

We oblige ourselves on our side to give an escort to return 
in safety these two officers, who promise us our French in two 
months and half at furthest : a duplicate being made at one of 
the posts of our blockade the day above. 

COULON ViLLIER. 



1754- History of Nova-ScoticL 245 

The capitmlation was written in French, and Washington 
was not aware that the death of Jumonville had been charac- 
terized in it as an assassination, not being acquainted with 
that language. The French afterwards complained of it as a 
violation of a flag of truce, but the English sustained Washing- 
ton in his conduct to the French party as apparently hostile. 
Coulon Villier we have already met with in the sad affair at 
Mines in 1747, where Noble was slain. He is said to have 
been brother of Jumonville. 

President Lawrence, in writing to the lords of trade, i Aug., 
thanks them for sending out a Chief justice. Adverting to 
the French inhabitants, he speaks of their obstinacy, treach- 
ery, partiality to their own countrymen, and ingratitude for 
the favour and protection they have received. The lenity and 
mildness shewn them has not had the least good effect : on 
the contrary they have laid aside all thoughts of taking the 
oath of aflegiance, and go in great numbers to Beausejour, to 
work for the French. Many of them who wished to settle on 
the North side of the bay of Fundy, pretended they could not 
get work among the English. He offered to pay them to work 
on the road to Chibbenacadie, but they never came. For a 
long time they had not brought anything to market among the 
English, but carried everything to the French and Indians, 
whom they had always assisted with provisions, quarters and 
intelligence. He thinks "that it would be much better, if " 
" they refuse the oaths, that they were away." Cobequid he 
represents as most disaffected, and being a rendezvous for 
hostile Indians. He now dismantled the fort at Mines, (Grand 
pre), and sent the garrison to Piziquid. The Indians at this 
time were tranquil. The Boston vessels trade with the French 
in the bay of Fundy, supplying them with pitch, tar, and 
" all sorts of enumerated commodities," for which they have 
given bond to deliver at an English port, and allege that the 
bonds cannot be prosecuted, as these ports, though held by 
the French troops, are actually English territory. 

The French had now at Beausejour a fort of five bastions, 
with 32 small cannon mounted, and one mortar. They had 
also eight iS-pounders, not yet mounted. The garrison con- 



246 History of Nova-Scotia. I754' 

sisted of six officers and sixty men, regulars. The fort was 
built of earth, faced with stone to the height of the ditch, and 
the ditch was palissaded. At St. John they had only a small 
fort, with three bad, old cannon, no gunners, and only an officer 
and sixteen men. The Indians on St. John river amounted to 
about one hundred and sixty men. At bay Verte four hundred 
Indians were, and it was estimated that the French could 
assemble, within forty-eight hours, about fourteen or fifteen 
hundred men from the different districts of Beausejour, Baie 
Verte, St. John's island, Chipoudy, Petitcodiac, Memramcook, 
Gedaique, (Shediack), Ramsheik, &c, 

A French shallop from Cape Breton brought to Halifax the 
following persons, with their families : — Paul Boutin, Julian 
Bourneuf, Charles Boutin, Francois Lucas, Sebastien Bourneuf, 
Joseph Gedri, Pierre Gedri, Pierre Erio, Claude Erot. They 
amounted to 25 in all. They stated that they could not 
find subsistence there, and having taken the oath of tfllegiance, 
were sent in August to Lunenburg as settlers. 

We find this season copies of letters written by Lawrence 
to colonel Josf; Martin, and to messrs. Haynes, Vanhorn and 
Livingston, of New York, who seem to have been seeking 
grants of land in Nova Scotia, explaining the terms, &c. He 
tells them that the grant at Lawrencetown was a new and un- 
unusual one, as no one before had received more than 350 or 
400 acres — recommends the lands at La H^ve, as approved of 
by all the gentlemen from New York, — also he states that 
there were no sort of fees attending either the passing of grants 
or registering them, nor even of survey or division into lots. — 
In the case of alienations, indeed a small fee is paid to the 
register, but that is all. He wrote them again 25 October, 
sending them plans, &c. His letters are most courteous and 
obliging, and shew a great desire to forward their views. 

While the conduct of the French at Beausejour, and their 
encroachments on the Ohio, were gradually bringing about an 
open war between the two crowns, it entered into the mind of 
a French gentleman who held some semi-military position 
under Vergor in the French fort, to open a secret correspon- 
dence with captain George Scott, who commanded the English 



1754' History of Nova-Scotia. 247 

fort Lawrence. This intercourse was continued during the 
time of capt. Hussey, who succeeded Scott, and did not termi- 
nate until the fall of Beausejour. The name of the correspon- 
dent was Pichon, altho' he also calls himself (Thomas) Tyrrell. 
He was apparently in the confidence of de Loutre, many of 
whose letters and papers he copied, and enclosed the copies to 
the English officers. Pichon, after the place fell, came to 
Halifax. He afterwards published an excellent work in 1760, 
on the islands of cape Breton and St. John, which appeared in 
both languages, and gives much information on the natural 
history and geography of those provinces. Pie had been be- 
fore employed under count Raymond, at Louisbourg, whom he 
blames exceedingly. The president, Lawrence, was cognizant 
of this affair, and Pichon was paid for his services from time 
to time. The first thing that seems to have reference to it, is 
a letter from Lawrence to capt. Scott, dated Halifax, 2 Feb'y-, 
1754, in which, after warm thanks for his merits in command 
of Chignecto, he lets him know that he cannot have the leave 
of absence he wished for, he then says : " I am not ill satis- 
" fied with what you say upon the situation of affairs beyond 
" the Boyne, and I propose to write you an explicit answer to 
" all the particulars in yours by the first opportunity, after 
" receiving from the father of the lady with the handsome 
" hand such accounts as I have wrote for, and am in daily 
" expectation of In the mean time carry your cup even, giv- 
" ing no interruption to the persons passing or re-passing 
" through Denmark : on the contrary continue rather to gain 
' everybody than disgust anybody ; for whatever measures it 
" may be necessary to take in that business hereafter, the pre- 
" sent part to be acted is a generous one, which may blow up 
" those walls that you say are already lighted. Should they 
" break out into a blaze, something may be picked up by the 
" light of them ; or if that should not succeed to the wishes of 
" the Foggy Island, some other projects may perhaps take 
" place. That old Hand you mention should be encouraged. 
" Your friends (who have much confidence in your discretion) 
" will allow the Corrianders. Remember, however, the people 
" of Denmark arc thrifty, and expect their penny worth for 



248 History of Nova-Scotia. 1754* 

"their penny." Substitute the Missiguash for the Boyne — 
British territory for Denmark, and most part of this passage 
will become intelligible. The letters transmitted by Pichon 
unveil the whole machinery of de Loutre's diplomacy. Dau- 
din, who was priest at Annapolis, was one of his agents, and 
kept him informed of all the English were doing — of their 
expected new settlers — their intention to take post at Shuben- 
acadie, and thus hem in the Acadians, who, he says, would 
thus be prisoners and slaves — of their training the settlers of 
Lunenburg to become rangers, to destroy the Indians. In 
his letter of i August, he says the Indians should be set to 
work at Shubenacadie to destroy the English attempts to 
settle there. Chauvreulx and himself are united, but Des- 
enclaves is a friend to the English. 

In September, the people of Piziquid were busily engaged 
in bringing in wood for the use of the garrison, but Daudin 
came over from Annapolis to that place, and they at once 
ceased to bring in any, as was believed at his persuasion, 
Capt. Murray, who commanded at Fort Edward, issued orders 
on this subject, on which a written remonstrance was given to 
him, signed by 86 French inhabitants, in which they state that 
the oath of allegiance does not oblige them to furnish wood 
for the garrison. Daudin was not content with this, but imme- 
diately went to the Fort, and told Murray to his face, that had 
he been present the inhabitants should not have laid in one 
stick of wood, or have given assistance towards repairing the 
Fort. At this time Daudin was alarmed at his situation. He 
tells le Loutre that detachments of military are in constant 
motion, and wishes for some of the other's Indians to force the 
English to keep within their fort. He fears that his letters 
were stopped and read at Halifax, as he cannot otherwise 
account for Lawrence's indignation against hmi. He also 
says I am betrayed by a storekeeper of M. Mauger, (magasi- 
iiier.) Capt. Murray was then required to order Daudin, and 
six Acadians named, to repair immediately to Halifax, and if 
they were not on their way within twenty-four hours, to take 
them prisoners, and send them with a party of at least sixty 
men. He is further to issue an order to the inhabitants to 



1754' History of Nova-Scotia. 249 

bring in the wood requisite, with a menace of military execu- 
tion on disobedience — to begin with burning down those 
houses next the fort, and to proceed with all the disobedient 
in the same manner. Murray says that Daudin came to the 
fort to pay him a visit, but as his insolence had been so great 
he refused to see him, lest he might have been provoked to do 
or say something he should afterwards be sorry for. Daudin 
then went down to Mr. Mauger's store, where he ran on in a 
most insolent and treasonable manner, saying the bitterest 
things against the government and president Lawrence. This 
Mr. Deschamps related to Murray. Daudin went on another 
day, and sent Deschamps to the commandant to beg an inter- 
view. This was granted, and Daudin then stated that 300 
Indians were at hand, ready to kill anybody sent as govern- 
ment courier, and that the inhabitants were 3000 in number ; 
that they all had hatchets, if not other arms ; that they were 
now deliberating about mischief against the English, in a high 
state of irritation against the government and colonel Law- 
rence. Deschamps acted as interpreter, and Murray had his 
officers present. Murray was obliged to make Daudin, and 
four of the inhabitants, prisoners, as they disputed and disre- 
garded his order to go to Halifax, and he sent them to Halifax 
with a strong party, under a captain and two subalterns. On 
the examination of the four French Acadians before the coun- 
cil, it appears that Daudin's statements about the people 
assembling in great numbers, and the coming of the Indians, 
had been without foundation. Daudin was then interrogated, 
when he denied the language imputed to him, or modified it in 
an equivocating way. The council reprimanded him severely, 
and tola him they were resolved to remove him out of the 
country, and they dismissed the four habitans with a repri- 
mand. There can be no doubt, from Daudin's own letters, 
that he was a zealous and active agent of disaffection among 
the French Acadians, and that he sought to create grievances. 
In fact he tells de Loutre (5 Aug., 1754) that the information 
he sends him ought to assure him that he " had not brought " 
" from France a man of straw." 

Early in October, six French Acadian families, most of them 



250 History of Nova-Scotia. I754« 

having been possessors of land at Pisiquid, who had deserted 
their lands and gone to cape Breton, left that island, with per- 
mission of the governor of Louisbourg, finding they could not 
subsist there, and returned to Nova Scotia. They now took 
the oath of allegiance, and were permitted to return to their 
old homes, and a winter's provisions given to them. 

On monday, 14 Oct'r., Jonathan Belcher, the newly appoin- 
ted Chief Justice of the province, was (by H, M. mandamus) 
sworn in as a member of the council ; after which, the council 
adjourned to the court house, where, after proclamation made 
for silence, the king's commission, appointing Charles Law- 
rence, lieutenant governor, was read in public. He was sworn 
in, and took the chair. The council addressed him in congra- 
tulation, and he made a suitable reply. A commission by 
letters patent for the chief justice was prepared, and on the 
21 October, (monday), it was read in council, and the chief 
justice took the usual oaths and oath of office. On the first 
day of Michaelmas term, chief justice Belcher walked in a pro- 
cession from the governor's house to the Pontac, a tavern. 
He was accompanied by the lieutenant governor, Lawrence, 
the members of the council, and the gentlemen of the bar in 
their robes. They were preceded by the provost marshal, the 
judge's tipstaff, and other civil officers. At the long room of 
the Pontac, an elegant breakfast was provided. The chief 
justice in his scarlet robe was there received and complimen- 
ted in the 'politest manner' by a great number of gentlemen 
and ladies and officers of the army. Breakfast being over, 
they proceeded, with the commission carried before them, to 
the church, (St. Paul's), where the reverend Mr. Breynton 
preached from this text : " I am one of them that are peace- " 
" able and faithful in Israel." A suitable anthem was sung. 
After this they proceeded to the court house, handsomely fitted 
up for the occasion. The chief justice took his seat under a 
canopy, with the lieutenant governor on his right hand. The 
clerk of the crown then presented the commission to Mr. 
Belcher, which he returned. Proclamation for silence was 
made. Belcher gave some directions for the conduct of prac- 
titioners. The grand jury were sworn, and the chief justice 



1754- History of Nova-Scotia. 251 

delivered his charge to them. After this the court adjourned, 
and his ho7ior the chief justice, accompanied and attended as 
before, went back to the governor's house. — Such was the 
first opening of the Supreme Court of Nova Scotia. A few 
days after the chief justice went up in his robes of office, atten- 
ded by the bar, the grand jury, and the officers of his court, 
and addressed the lieutenant governor in his own and their 
names, congratulating him on his appointment, to which he 
replied, assuring them of his support of the law, which he said 
was " the firm and solid basis of civil society, the guardian of*' 
"liberty, the protector of the innocent, the terror of the" 
" guilty, and the scourge of the wicked." 

The Eastern battery had now eight guns mounted, and a 
new battery on the North-west part of George's island had ten 
24-pounders. At Lunenburg, five saw mills were put up on 
different streams, and enough timber cut to load several ves- 
sels. The autumn was the driest known in the country within 
living memory. The grain crops were plentiful, but some 
complaint was made as to other vegetable productions. On 
a very humhl;^ petition, in French, from nine of the inhabi- 
tants of Piziquid and Grand Pre, praying that Daudin might 
be liberated, in order to act as their priest, and engaging to 
supply the wood wanted for Fort Edward, the governor and 
council, 21 October, upon consideration that the inhabitants 
had returned to their duty, and M. Daudin had " made the " 
" highest submissions, recanted his former behavior, and pro- " 
" mised to comport himself for the future dutifully to the " 
" government," permitted him to return to his post. An ordi- 
nance of council passed to forbid the export of corn, that the 
Indians and French forts might not be supplied from this 
province ; and the government vessels Ulysses, York and 
New Casco, sent to the out-forts with stores, had orders to 
cruise in the bay of Fundy and elsewhere, and seize vessels 
violating this law. 

Capt. John Rous was now made a member of H. M. council. 
Many of the Acadian refugees at Beausejour were dissatisfied 
with their condition, and 83 of them united in a memorial to 
the governor at Quebec, for leave to return to their lands in 



252 History of Nova-Scotia. i754« 

the English territories, and sent Olivier Landry and Paul 
Douaron with it as their delegates. De Loutre was very angry 
at this, and not only wrote to counteract their wishes, but 
preached severely against them as criminals. De Loutre was 
anxious that the Indians, whom he had assembled at bale Verte, 
should carry on their warfare against the English ; but the 
French officers of the fort at Beaus^jour, though they had no 
objection to the Indian war, were extremely unwilling that it 
should be carried on at or near Chignecto, as they and the 
English were living almost within cannon range of each other, 
and they dreaded the responsibilities or reprisals in which they 
might be entangled in that event. On the other hand, the 
Indians supposed that if they were to proceed hostilely, they 
had a right to make war everywhere, and found it more to 
their taste to attack the English, who were close at hand, than 
to approach with their tomahawks the more distant ground of 
Chebucto. De Loutre had other difficulties to encounter, for 
while the marquis du Quesne sanctioned, commended or sug- 
gested the line of conduct he pursued, the bishop of Quebec, 
his spiritual superior, blamed him very freely and candidly. 
The authority for this is derived from the copies of letters 
conveyed by M. Pichon to the English commanders. Captain 
Scott seems to have had confidence in the information thus 
obtained, and governor Lawrence trusted and acted on it, 
although he had received letters from capt. Hussey, in which 
that officer expressed a want of confidence in Pichon. The 
letters are numerous and long, and from their contents there 
can be little doubt that they are genuine. Pichon says the 
greater part of them were given or rather sold to him by the 
clerk employed by de Loutre. In his own letters he always 
calls de Loutre by the soubriquet of Moses. On the 28 Oct., 
1754, in writing to captain Scott, Pichon says : "Cannot" 
" Mr. Mauger send me by the spring some woolen stufts to " 
" make me a summer coat, a silk waistcoat of a different " 
" color from the coat, and not easily tarnished, with all the " 
" trimmings, as buttons and cords of the same color. It " 
" must be considered that I am large, and that our coats are " 
" wider than yours. The lining of the coat should be woolen, " 



1754* History of Nova-Scotia. 253 

" of the same color, but of the finest fabric. That of the silk " 
" waistcoat should be white and strong. All to be sent to ** 
" Mejagousche. I will make an exchange, or pay in gold. " 
" Apropos as to gold, I dare not say that I have guineas. " 
" They would ask where I got them, or perhaps embarrass " 
" me." Pichon recommends that the abb6 Maillard should be 
appointed in the place of Daudin, and that he would bring 
back the Indians to the English interest. In M. du Quesne's 
letters of 1 5 October, he thanks de Loutre for his zeal and his 
news, and says : " Your policy is excellent, to threaten the " 
" English with your Indians, whose attacks will increase " 
" their fears." He wishes Vergor and de Loutre to find a 
plausible pretext for the Indians to attack the English vigo- 
rously. He says he has frightened the Acadian delegates with 
his dungeons — that they promised obedience to de Loutre, 
He is averse to any peace between the Indians and the Eng- 
lish, no matter what may be the terms, believing that Canada 
cannot be safe. He considers the Indians, Abenakis, Male- 
cites and Micmacs, the main support of his colony, and they 
must be kept in a state of hatred and vengeance. T/ie actual 
cojidition of Canada requires that they should strike without 
delay, provided that it should not appear to be by his order , as he 
had precise orders to remain on the defensive. The bishop of 
Quebec wrote to de Loutre thus : " There you are, my dear " 
' sir, in the embarrassment which I foresaw, and told you of" 
' beforehand. Those refugees could not escape misery, " 
' sooner or later, and must throw the blame of their suffer- " 
' ings on yourself It will be the same with those in the " 
' island of St. John, when war breaks out. They will be at " 

* the mercy of the English, and will throw all the fault upon " 
' you. The government were willing to facilitate their deser- " 
' tion from their lands, but this is not the concern of the " 

* clergy. My opinion was that we should not say anything " 
' to persuade them to this course, or to dissuade them from it, " 
' I have long since pointed out to you, that a priest ought " 
' not to meddle in temporal affairs, and that if he did so, he " 
' would create enemies, and make his people discontented, " 

The bishop approves of the terms following to be demanded : 



2 54 History of Nova-Scotia, I754« 

1, Freedom of religion. Priests not to be subjected to the 
governor's approbation ; and that the bishop (of Quebec) 
should make a visitation in Acadie at least every five years. 

2. Neutrality and exemption from acting as pilots. 3. Liberty 
to withdraw from British dominion whensoever they pleased. 
He goes on to condemn the conduct of de Loutre in refusing 
the sacraments, threatening the people with the loss of their 
priests and the hostility of the Indians. While he wishes the 
Acadians to abandon the lands they hold within the English 
dominions, he cannot say that they may not conscientiously 
return to their farms. The question is one he should find 
difficult to decide, and yet de Loutre has given a public judg- 
ment on it. 

During this year, gen'l William Shirley, the governor of Mas- 
sachusetts, entered into a correspondence with Sir Thomas 
Robinson, secretary of state, with a view to the reduction of the 
French posts at Beausejour and the river St. John. Arrange- 
ments were made with lieut. governor Lawrence for this pur- 
pose, and lieut. colonel Monckton and capt. Scott were sent to 
New England. Monckton was ordered to consult with general 
Shirley, how two thousand men might be raised with the 
greatest privacy and despatch, who were early in the spring to 
be employed under Monckton's command for the reduction of 
fort Beausejour, and the removal of the French from the river 
St. John. Monckton was instructed by lieutenant governor 
Lawrence to provide twelve 18-pound guns, with their appur- 
tenances, — ammunition to the extent of 150 barrels powder, 
tents, small arms, ammunition, flints, &c., harnesses for fifty 
horses, two hundred bill hooks, five hundred pickaxes, five 
hundred iron shod shovels, and fifty wheelbarrows. Monckton 
had a letter of unlimited credit on Apthorp and Hancock, and 
if he failed to procure what he wanted at Boston, he was to 
apply to the governor of New York for assistance. Unless 
countermanded, he is in the beginning of March to hire tran- 
sports, proceed to Chigneclo, and endeavor to capture the fort 
of Beausejour, and the post on Bale Verte, at Gasper eaii. He 
is to consult in all things with governor Shirley. In Decem- 
ber, de Loutre, having obtained a power of attorney from 



1754* History of Nova-Scotia, 255 

M. de la Valliere, then a captain in the garrison of Louisbourg, 
who claimed to be seigneur of Beaubassin, extending ten 
leagues in all directions from the isle de Valliere, which was 
opposite fort Lawrence, as a central point, made a circuit to 
Memramcoupk, Petcoudiak and Chipoudi, and gave deeds of 
land to the inhabitants, on such conditions as might suit his 
views. (At this time, M. de Belleisle, a very good man, a des- 
cendant of la Tour, was settled on the river St. John, probably 
Alexandre le Borgne, born in 1679.) Drucourt at this time 
was commandant at Louisbourg. One Ducoudrai, who could 
play the violin and teach dancing, and whose wife kept a 
cabaret at Louisbourg, spent this summer and autumn at New 
York, being, as Pichon supposed, sent there to watch the pro- 
ceedings of colonels Monckton and Scott. He had been in 
the mounted police (marechaussee) in old France. Everything 
had been so tranquil in Nova Scotia this year, that one hun- 
dred German families at Lunenburg had gone out to settle on 
their country lots, and some considerable merchants of New 
York had proposed to settle a township on the LaH^ve river. 

At this time the population of Quebec was 8cxxd 

Montreal, 4000 

Three rivers and the forges, 800 

Rural districts, 42,200 



Total inhabitants of Canada, 5 5, 000 

Of the French priests in this province, M. le Maire had be- 
come imbecile. M. Jean Baptiste des Enclaves, who belonged 
originally to the diocese of Limoges, in France, came to 
Canada in 1728. He was parish priest at Annapolis Royal 
from June, 1742, to the early part of 1754, when he retired to 
cape Sable, and not long after went to France, being worn 
down by age and labor. \See 10 N. York Docicments, p. 107, 
Pichon s letters, 23 September, 1754. 2d. vol. Register Church 
at Annapolis, for inspection of which I am indebted to the 
politeness of the Vicar General, Very reverend Dr. Hannan.] 
Antoine Simon Maillard was sent by the society of Foreign 
Missions of Paris to Canada, about the year 1734, and went 
as Indian missionary to Nova Scotia and Cape Breton. 



256 History of Nova-Scotia. ^754» 

He was afterwards appointed Vicar general of Louisbourg, 
but on its fall in 1745, retired into the woods, attending the 
few Acadian and Indian villages between that and Miramichi. 
In 1747 he was at the island of St. John, trying to get the 
Indians to go to Isle Royale, (Cape Breton), where they would 
have an opportunity of attacking six English houses erected 
outside the town. 20 Feb'y., 1748, he writes to Quebec, that 
he expects to send Indians to Isle Royale to harrass the Eng- 
lish. In 1759 he made his peace with the English, and on the 
invitation of the governor took up his abode at Halifax, with a 
salary or pension of ;^200 a year, using his influence to quiet 
the Micmacs. He died there some time after, (1762), and was 
buried with the greatest honors. The Rev. Thomas Wood, 
an English church missionary, attended his death bed — read 
to him, at his own request, the prayers for the dying from the 
church prayer book, and at his funeral read the English church 
burial service in the French language, in presence of the chief 
inhabitants of Halifax and a large number of French Acadians 
and Micmacs, who attended. [10 N. York Docs., pp. 17, note 
149, 156, 165. Paris mss. Akitis Sketch of Church of Eng- 
land. 1 



1755' History of Nova-Scotia. 257 



CHAPTER XIX. 



1755. In the beginning of this year, 1755, an apparent calm 
existed in Acadie. Monckton and Scott had been sent with 
with full powers to governor Shirley to prepare the expedition 
against the French fort at Beausejour. Shirley managed the 
whole affair with the most perfect secrecy and the most admi- 
rable system. He obtained an early authority from Sir Thos. 
Robinson, secretary of state, to justify his proceedings, and 
also got the fullest approbation of general Braddock, the com- 
mander in chief Meanwhile, captain Hussey, at Fort Law- 
rence, had a correspondence and conferences with some of 
the Indians, and with their ruler, the abbe de Loutre. This 
resulted in a chief, named Algimou, and one Paul Laurent, 
an Indian captain, receiving a letter from Hussey, and pro- 
ceeding towards Halifax, with a view to making a treaty of 
peace. Francois Arsenault, an Acadian, accompanied them, 
as interpreter. They left Beausejour 24 January. The priest 
Manach had been previously sent to Cobequid with a party of 
Indians, to intercept any courier with letters from the English 
governor. He contrived to detain the chief, Algimou. Paul 
Laurent went on to Halifax, and was brought before the coun- 
cil by governor Lawrence on 12 Feb'y. He stated that the 
chief had fallen sick at Cobequid ; and not being able to pro- 
ceed on his journey, had sent him with the proposals the 
Indians had to make, and then demanded the same territory 
which de Loutre had asked for in the previous year, viz., all 
the Eastern part of the peninsula, including the fort of Chig- 
necto, &c. On the following day, a written reply was given to 
B 17 



258 Hisiojy of Nov a- Scotia. '755- 

Laurent, declining to treat for peace, unless the chiefs of the 
tribes should come in person to negociate. 

Lawrence at this time, on the advice of Mr. Brewse, the 
engineer, determined to put up three batteries on the beach in 
front of the town of Halifax. One, now called the Lumber 
Yard, — another where the Queen's wharf is now built, — a 
third at the present Ordnance wharf; — each to be mounted 
with ten 24-pounders. In February, three deserters w-ere 
returned to captain Hussey by Vergor, — two belonged to 
Gorham's rangers, and the third was Mr. Newton's servant. 
These men had robbed their officers, and escaped as far as 
Remsheg. The schooner la Margicerite, capt. Lesenne, was 
sent from Louisbourg in March, laden with provisions, cannon 
and ball, for the French post at the river St. John. This ves- 
sel was captured at port Latour by the Vulture, sloop of war, 
captain Kenzie. She was brought into Halifax, and tried and 
condemned there by the Vice Admiralty court. The chevalier 
de Drucour wrote a long letter to colonel Lawrence on this 
subject, praying explanations. In the reply, Lawrence tells 
him that the captains of the English navy have always their 
instructions from the English government, and are in no man- 
ner under the orders of the provincial governor, and that the 
vessel was tried and condemned for a contraband trading. 

Shirley, after remarking on the encroachments of the 
Frepch upon the English colonies on this continent, says that 
they had long marked out for themselves a large empire on 
the back of it, and comprehending the country between the 
Apalachian mountains and the Pacific ocean. He then men- 
tions orders of 5 July, 1754, from Sir Thomas Robinson to 
himself and colonel Lawrence, to attack the French forts in 
Nova Scotia, and says he is raising two thousand men, to be 
landed in the bay of Fundy in the first week of April, for that 
purpose. \Letta' to governor Morris^ dated Boston, N. E., Feb'y. 

25. I755-] 

On the 20 April, 1800 men, raised in New England by 

Shirley for the expedition to Beausejour, were embarked, 

and remained on board the transports at Boston, waiting for 

the arrival of 2000 stand of arms from England, which, having 



1755- History of Nova-Scotia. 259 

a passage of ten weeks, did not come there until the 18 May. 
On 17 May, colonel Monckton went on board. They waited 
for a wind, and finally sailed on 23 May, at 6, a. m. They had 
at the time they left, very nearly the complement of 2000 men. 
Shirley had appointed captain Winslow, late of Philipps' regi- 
ment, and captain Scott, to be lieutenant colonels on this ex- 
pedition, under the general command of Mr. Monckton. At 
the same time the English were sending an expedition to 
Crown point. Shirley was to command two regiments, des- 
tined to attack Niagara ; and general Braddock, who had 
recently arrived from England as commander-in-chief, was to 
attack the French forts on the Ohio, with a body of British 
troops, and the military of Virginia and other Southern colo- 
nies. The population of the British colonies in North America 
at this period were supposed to exceed one million ; while 
France had but about fifty thousand colonists on this continent. 
In a military point of view, however, the two crowns were 
more evenly balanced in power. The situation of Canada, sur- 
rounded in one direction by seas of fresh water and almost 
trackless forests of immense extent, and on the other being 
more than half the year unapproachable from the icy barriers 
that shut off a navigation difficult enough in summer, made 
that province almost impregnable. On the other hand, the 
frontier settlements of New England, New York and Pennsyl- 
vania, were open and subject to constant attack by the Indian 
bands, with whom no certain and assured peace could be made, 
and who were, by presents and persuasion, always ready to 
raise the hatchet, in order to strike the English colonists.. 
Whatever prisoners or scalps they could bring to Montreal 
were in a paying market. Had the military resources and the 
finances of the provinces been under the control, as Nicholson 
had designed, of one executive, it is hardly possible that the 
handful of French could have kept our people under such 
incessant alarm, and inflicted every year so many miseries 
upon them. The first siege of Louisbourg gave convincing 
proof of their warlike spirit and capacity. As to naval power, 
France was said, in 1755, to have possessed ninety-eight ships 
of war, of which 28 were vessels q£, 7p. guns, and. upwards>;. 



26o History of Nova-Scotia. I755« 

while a list of the English navy at the same date sets it down 
at fifty-five ships, of which 33 were of 70 guns and upwards. 
The French, then, appear to have had equal, if not greater sea 
forces, and their armies were far more numerous than ours. 

The French government had been busily augmenting their 
naval forces, which were known to be designed to operate in 
America. In India, America, and everywhere, they pursued 
hostile courses, without open and declared war against Eng- 
land, and tried to amuse the British ministry wiih pacific pro- 
fessions. The commissioners to settle the boundaries had 
separated in 1753, without effecting any arrangement ; and 
France was in Acadie, on the Ohio, and elsewhere, taking 
firm foothold on territories, her claims to which were purely 
imaginary. The English government was not so wholly 
inattentive to the interests of the nation as to be deceived by 
the fair words of the diplomatists of Paris. Sir Thomas Robin- 
son, the secretary of state, had, by his letter of 10 Feb'y. 1755, 
given authority to Sir William Shirley to raise 2000 men in 
New England, for the expedition under colonel Monckton ; and 
although in the opening of the session of parliament, 14 Nov., 

1754, no intimation of an approaching rupture with France 
was given in the king's speech, yet, in the latter part of March, 

1755, a royal message called on the house of commons to pro- 
vide for an augmentation of the land and sea forces of the 
kingdom, and to protect its possessions in America, which was 
•responded to by a grant of a million pounds sterling, and other 
suitable measures ; and at the close of the session, on April 25, 
in the royal speech allusion was made to the encroachments of 
France in America, in manly and decisive language. [Smo/- 
Ictfs History, c. 10.] 

The assembly of Massachusetts passed a law, prohibiting all 
correspondence with the French at Louisbourg, To aid the 
expedition under Monckton, captain Rous was sent to the bay 
of Fundy with some frigates. {^London Magazine for 1759, 
fp. 463, 464.] In the following account of the siege of Beau- 
sejour, we have not any English account, official or private, to 
help us, except some remarks of gov'r. Lawrence, in a letter to 
the secretary of state, date 28 June. The " Memoires sur Us " 



1755- History of Nova-Scotia. 261 

*^ affaires dit Canada depiiis i'/^()jicsqn''d 1760. Quebec, 1838, " 
*' pp. 43, 44," give some particulars, but the main parts are 
derived from the mss. journal of Pichon, alias Tirel, which, with 
his letters, &c., form one of the volumes bound up and preser- 
ved by the Record commissioner of Nova Scotia. G. B. Fari- 
bault, in his catalogue, printed at Quebec, 1837, mentions 
Pychon's book, called Lettres and Memoires, &c., Cap Breton, 
&c., published London, 1760, Paris, 1761, by Thomas Pichon, 
and quotes from the Biographic Unive7'sclle, to the effect that 
Pichon retired in 1758 to London, where he remained until 
his death in 1781, enjoying the society of many of the savants. 
He had studied medicine, been secretary to a judge, inspec- 
tor of military hospitals in Bohemia in 1743, inspector of forage 
in Alsace in 1745, and subsequently secretary to count Ray- 
mond, the governor of Louisbourg, 175 1 to 1753, who gave 
him a very favorable certificate, dated 10 October, 1753. He 
latterly signed his name ' Thos. Tyrcll! 

Monckton's squadron comprized three frigates, one snow, 
and many schooners and boats, in all over 36 sail. They 
arrived at Maringouin cove, said to be two leagues from Beau- 
sejour. An inhabitant of Port Royal having observed this 
flotilla, and counted their numbers, informed M. Vergor of the 
occurrence at 2, A. m., 2 June, 1755, monday. The wind favor- 
ing them, they approached the Missiguash, where they landed 
their men in front of fort Lawrence, at 6, p. m., the same day. 
On tuesday, 3 June, the English troops were to be seen en- 
camped on the glacis of Fort Lawrence, with their tents, form- 
ing two lines, where they exercised, and were firing blank 
cartridges. Vergor having no longer room to doubt the inten- 
tions of the English, sent orders to all the Acadians capable 
of bearing arms, to come in without delay to the fort of Beau- 
sejour. The chief inhabited places were : the three rivers of 
Memramcook, Chipoudy and Petitcoudiac, then Beausejour, 
the lake of Oueskak, Pont ^ Buot, la Coupe, and la bale Verte. 
All the men in those places, if collected together, might amount 
to 1200 or 1500. They were, truly, but little inured to war, 
and with but small inclination to encounter it, — more espe- 
cially this was the case with the refugees who had everything 



262 History of Nova-Scotia. 1755- 

to fear from the English, who had often threatened them with 
severe treatment if found in arms against them. The first of 
these who came forward told Vergor they were willing to bear 
arms for the French, but for their security they must have 
positive orders to arm and defend the fort, under pain of serious 
punishment in case of disobedience. This the commandant 
complied with, sending orders to this effect to all the captains 
of militia. After this the refugees placed their wives and chil- 
dren in places they deemed secure in the woods and far inland, 
and then came to do duty at the Fort, where Vergor gave them 
hopes of prompt success, and even assured them that the 
English would not be able to take his fort. 

M. Jacan de Piedmont, an artillery officer, who was acting 
engineer at Beausejour, had urged on the commandant the 
imperative necessity of finishing the defences of the fort, but 
the abbe le Loutre kept all the working hands at the aboiteau, 
for which he had obtained 50,000 livres ; and although appre- 
hensions of attack existed, little or nothing had been done to 
prepare to repel it. Now that the blow was struck, Vergor set 
the inhabitants and soldiers to work to put the place in order. 
He got into the fort some provisions that had been stored out- 
side. He detailed a small guard, to be kept on the isle dc la 
Vallibre, which is really but a thicket or grove, lying between 
the two forts, where this guard had to sleep without shelter. 
He wrote to Drucour, the governor of Louisbourg, asking for 
aid in his defence. He also despatched a courier with infor- 
mation to the marquis du Ouesne, and ordered the vessels that 
were at bale Vcrtc to go back to Canada. He sent a message 
to captain de Villeray, who commanded the fort of Gaspereaux, 
in baic Verte, to be on his guard, and directed Baralon, a cadet 
or ensign, who was in charge of a small fort called potit a Biioi, 
to burn it down. 

Fort Beausejour, built in the form of a pentagon, was situa- 
ted upon a small rising ground, where it commanded the bay 
of Chignecto, from which it was separated by marshy grounds. 
It was but scarcely half a league distant from Fort Lawrence, 
(about I 1-4 miles), one league (2 1-2 miles) kom pojit a Buot, 
and five leagues (about thirteen miles) from baie J'^crte. The 



1755- History of Nova-Scotia, 26 



o 



ditches had only been begun. The works had languished for 
want of hands. The fortress was about 260 or 280 feet in 
width. Its garrison consisted of one hundred and fifty men of 
the troops of the marine, commanded by fourteen officers from 
Canada and Louisbourg. It had twenty-one guns, and a mor- 
tar of 16 inches, mounted, and was abundantly provided with 
ammunition and provisions. On Wednesday, the 4 June, at 
5, A, M., the English troops came out of their encampment, 
and marched on the road to Buot. Some Acadians sent there 
had raised an entrenchment, and were supported by a few 
volunteers. This party, the English state, were 450 hi num- 
ber. The English, who had three field pieces, six-pounders, 
with them, advanced proudly at 2 o'clock, to lay down their 
bridge, in order to pass the stream of the Missiguash. The 
Acadians fired on them, and the English returned the fire 
from their guns and their musketry. Some Indians, who were 
along with the Acadians, ran away, and thus created a panic, 
men and officers fleeing without order. I?y the English state- 
ment, there was a block-house there on the French side of 
the Missiguash, built to defend the passage of the river. The 
French and Indians, four hundred and fifty in number, were 
posted there. They had mounted cannon in the block-house, 
and thrown up a strong breastwork of timber for covering 
their men ; and thus entrenched, made a stand for about an 
hour, but were forced by the British troops, with some loss, 
from their position, and retired, leaving the block-house and 
the pass of the river clear. The English then laid their bridge, 
crossed it quietly, and encamped at the buttc Aniiraiidc, (or 
Mirande), half a league distant from the fort of Beausejour. 
On this, it was the opinion of Vergor and le Loutre that the 
church, the houses and out-buildings around the fort, and 
those 7!i\. pout a Buot, should be burnt, and they were so des- 
troyed immediately. In this encounter there were four men 
wounded of the French side. Two hours after, (4 o'clock), the 
English flag was flying at the biitte a. Roger. The English 
brought up their small vessels, armed with swivel guns, to the 
place where they crossed the stream, and the attempts of the 
besieged to fire on them from their cannon, and some mus- 



264 , History of Nova-Scotia, *755- 

ketry acting along the river shore, proved quite ineffectual. 
On thursday, the 5 June, the English were busied in establish- 
ing a bridge over the Missiguash, near the htttc a Miraiidc\ 
where they had encamped. Forty of them spread themselves 
on the open ground below the biitte a Roger, to collect cattle 
to draw their guns over, and were fired on by the French. 
On friday, 6 June, some officers of the French garrison, among 
whom were Barallon and Montarville, cadets, and 12 or 15 
habitants, among whom were the two Beausoleils, went into 
the plain to fire upon the English, who were bringing up one 
of their boats in the Missiguash, near to the butte a la Mirandc, 
whence they had sent out three detachments to endeavor to 
surprise the small number of the French. The English boat 
had fired several shots from its swivel guns on the French 
party, who returned to the fort after some hours without hav- 
ing lost a man. The engineer Jacan de Piedmont had, by this 
time, constructed bomb-proof works on the bastions. In the 
evening, M. de RoUilly, who had 60 men with him, went out, 
but effected nothing. Saturday, 7 June, great exertions were 
used in the interior of the fort. The casks of lard, pease, 
flour, &c., were taken out of the casemates, in order that the 
inhabitants might be lodged therein. At 10, a. m., an English 
deserter, apparently a seaman, who seemed to be either weak 
minded or drunk, was brought in, and being unable to answer 
satisfactorily, was put in irons by the commandant. On Sun- 
day, 8 June, an English party went to reconnoitre towards the 
butte a Charles. The French musquetry was used against 
them, but with no effect. A party of Indians this day cap- 
tured an English officer, named Hay, who was returning at 
break of day from Fort Lawrence to the British encampment 
at the butte a Mirande. The Indians were disposed to put 
him to death, but Beausoleil prevented it. The French ran- 
somed him from the hands of their savage allies — treated him 
with great politeness, and notified colonel Monckton of his 
capture. This day the garrison began to demolish the roofs of 
all the buildings in the fort, and went on with the work, which 
heavy rain had checked at noon. Hay's eyes had been ban- 
daged before he got to the fort, and he had been stripped by 



1755- History of Nova-Scotia. 265 

the Indians, so that the French officers had to supply him 
with Hnen and clothing. During dinner he told them that the 
English had about 2300 men, of whom 300 or 400 were regu- 
lar troops, the rest being persons enlisted in New England, — 
that they had six i8-pounders and nine mortars, of different 
diameters. He asked and obtained leave to write to the 
general and to his wife. In one of these letters he mentioned 
his fear of being long detained. Barallon was selected to carry 
these letters, and having been well regaled, returned to Beau- 
sejour. He reported that he had seen six i8-pounders and 
one mortar, on which Hay remarked that he had not seen all. 
At this time, Vergor was seeking everywhere for help. The 
Acadians were deserting him, openly stating that they did not 
wish to stay in the fort during the siege, as its contracted space 
would cause the destruction of them all by fire and by misery. 
He sent them orders upon orders. They often answered that 
he should have used them better when they were in his power. 
At last he addressed father Germain, the Jesuit missionary at 
the river St. John, and begged him to send him his people. 
Germain replied by stating that his post was equally in danger, 
and his Indians could not resolve to abandon it. Vergor wrote 
again to the commandant there to send them to him, but his 
request received no attention. On monday, the 10 June, the 
works were but slowly carried on, the weather being adverse. 
In the evening, fifteen men volunteered to go out. It was 
ascertained that the people from baie Vcrtc were at the Lake, 
but had no disposition to come into the fort. 

Tuesday, 10 June, the English sent a strong party to recon- 
noitre the ground for erecting their batteries, where they had 
a skirmish with their opponents. The works at the French 
fort were a little more earnestly advanced, the abb6 le Loutre 
in his vest, and with his pipe in his mouth, urging on the 
Jiabitans. Forty of the settlers at the Lake came in, and by 
their account it was feared that the English would go and 
carry off the oxen to draw their artillery. Some of the Jiabitans 
of baic Vcrtc, who are now at the Lake, declare that they have 
seen two vessels near cape Tourmcntin. A great number of 
Indians were now expected by the French to come in aid of 



266 History of Nova-Scotia. i755« 

their defence, and rumors of a French fleet expected were 
prevalent. The EngHsh still remained encamped near the 
biitte a Mirandc, and occasionally were seen on the biitte d, 
Roger. Wednesday, 1 1 June. The works of the fort advan- 
ced. The curtain had been strengthened and raised, in the 
middle of which was the gate which they had masked. At 
10, A. M., a detachment of about 200 English came upon the 
rocks on this side of the pcre Charles. At 4, p. m., twenty 
Indians and some Jiabitans from bale Verte, came into the Fort, 
Thursday, 12 June. At 2, a. m., the sieur de Vannes left the 
fort with a party of about two hundred men, soldiers and Aca- 
dians, to try to surprise some of the English, He came back 
at 8, a. m., without having fired a shot or effected anything, and 
his men were quite dissatisfied with his conduct. At 3. p. m., 
news arrived of three French frigates, with troops on board, 
destined for bale Verte, being at Louisbourg. At 6, p. m., the 
English, who had made a road across the woods and ravines 
to transport their artillery as far as the cotcmt CJiarles, about 
700 feet from the Fort, came to occupy the ground. Some 
Indians and about thirty French, under the command of the 
sicitr caput de Bailleul, a brave officer, left the fort, and fired 
for some time, but supposing the enemy were weaker than 
they really were, being deceived by the woody screen that hid 
their number, he advanced too far, and received a severe wound. 
On this his party retired, covered partly by cannon from the 
fort. 

Friday, 13 June. At break of day it was seen that the Eng- 
lish were entrenching themselves upon and behind the rock 
beyond the house of St. Omer, on the side oi pere Charles, 
nearest to Beausejour, where they had appeared the evening 
before. From this place they began in the morning to fire 
bombs. A fragment of the 54th shell discharged wounded 
Jean Hugon, junr., in the head, who survived the injury but a 
few moments. The place known as la butte a Charles was 
parallel with the fort, and was the only spot from which it 
could be advantageously attacked. It is called also coteait 
Charles. The earth and fascines were ready, so the English 
worked there on the 12th and 13th at opening their trenches. 



1755- History of Nova-Scotia. 267 

completing them so as to be safe from attack by the morning 
of the 13th, and erected their mortar battery, which replied to 
some cannon shot from the fort by sending above 50 bomb- 
shells into the works. It was reported in the evening that 
three guns had been heard at bale Verte. Vergor was led to 
hope that three frigates from Louisbourg, in which he expect- 
ed twelve hundred regular troops, had now come to his assist- 
ance. In the afternoon of the same day forty Malecite Indians 
arrived at the Fort, who went throi»gh their war dance, and 
made every demonstration of their inclination to fight. 

On Saturday, the 14 June, the PZnglish, in the morning, dis- 
charged thirty bombshells, which did not produce any remark- 
able damage in the fort. The French, in return, fired fifty 
cannon shot to disturb the work of the besiegers. Vergor, 
this day, received a reply to his request for help from the gov- 
ernor of Louisbourg. Drucourt's letter pointed out the impos- 
sibility of his sending succor to the fort, and stating that an 
English squadron was cruising in that direction, and came 
often in sight of Louisbourg. Vergor called his officers toge- 
ther, and, making them acquainted with the contents of the 
letter he had received, asked their opinion. They advised him 
to hold out as long as it was possible, carefully concealing this 
news from the Acadians. This reasonable precaution failed 
to be observed, and the bad news was speedily divulged, as 
much, it was said, by the indiscretion of some officers who dis- 
liked their situation under siege, as by Vergor's having allow- 
ed one of his domestics to be present at the meeting. Scandal 
said that the servant's wife, though ugly, possessed the art of 
pleasing the master, and the husband's impertinent manners, 
which Vergor did not check, gave confirmation to the rumor. 
The afternoon of this day was pretty quiet. Many of the 
Acadians escaped from the Fort, but seventeen of them were 
caught and brought back again. It was planned that Beau- 
soleil and some Indians should make a sortie the ne.xt evening. 
The Jiabitans seemed to be discouraged, and the works for 
defence proceeded but slowly. Sunday, 15 June. This morn- 
ing the Acadians, alarmed by the discourse of some of the 
officers, came to Vergor and represented that they could no 



268 History of Nova-Scotia. -fySS* 

longer remain in a fort so little capable of defence, and prayed 
leave to go out, which they might easily do, as the place was 
not invested, and was attacked on one side only. The English 
continued their work, without firing a shell, till i, p. m., after 
which they threw in twenty, some of which were of 250 lb. 
weight. Two of that magnitude fell within the fort. Pierre 
Saunier, an inhabitant, was killed by a splinter from one. The 
main body of the caserne, the only one subsisting, was greatly 
shaken and much damaged. No bombshells were fired oft" 
during the night. 

Monday, 16 June. This morning the besieged fired cannon 
at the English working parties, to which the besiegers replied 
with bombshells. At half-past 8, a. m., a shell of 250 lbs. fell 
on the casemate, which served for a prison. Mr. Hay, the 
English officer, who was a prisoner — Raimbault, an officer of 
the garrison — Ferment, an interpreter, and M. Billy, a clerk, 
were killed. Messrs. St. Laurent and Montarville were woun- 
ded and almost suffocated. This melancholy accident, and 
the noise and disturbance the bombshell had made in a place 
supposed to be especially safe, and directly opposite to the 
other casemate where M. Vergor, the two priests, and some 
of the officers were at the time, and which was till then suppo- 
sed to be out of danger of bombshells, induced Vergor, le Lou- 
tre, and the officers of the garrison, to incline to surrender. 
Terror and inexperience united to produce this result, and but 
a few persons were opposed to giving up the place. M. Louis 
de Courville, who had been commissioned as a notary for 
French Acadie, by Bigot, 28 May, 1754, and acted also as secre- 
tary to Vergor, was employed to draw up conditions of surren- 
der. M. de Vannes, the oldest of the lieutenants, a relation of 
Vergor, and who had commanded a sortie that proved useless, 
was sent with a letter from the commandant to Monckton, 
requesting a suspension of arms for forty-eight hours, to pre- 
pare and agree upon terms of capitulation. Monckton replied 
by stating the terms of surrender to which he was prepared to 
consent. It was in vain that some brave officers insisted on 
holding out longer. Le sieur Jacan de Piedmont, who, during 
the siege, had done everything in his power, was specially 



1755* History of Nova-Scotia. 269 

zealous for the safety of the Acadians — to demand honorable 
and advantageous terms for them, and not to come to terms 
unless this was granted, but to stand yet on the defensive. 
M. abbe de la Loutre loudly proclaimed that he would rather 
bury himself in the fort than surrender it. M. de Vannes 
returned about noon, and some time after, Mr. Shirreff, an 
English officer, came to the fort from Mr. Monckton. Several 
messages were sent to Monckton, who stated that unless the 
place was delivered to him by 7, p. m., he would make use of 
his batteries and guns, and he would grant no more than he 
at first proposed. Finally, M. de Rouilly was sent to the Eng- 
lish, and the capitulation was signed and exchanged. Monck- 
ton had good reasons to adhere to the terms he at first pre- 
scribed. All this day division reigned in the Fort. The offi- 
cers of the garrison were busied in pillaging and drinking 
and could hardly be got away to sign the terms of sur- 
render. The soldiers saw this, but did not interfere. The 
Acadians were sent away, most of them laden with whatever 
effects they could carry off. At 7 in the evening the English 
entered the fort, and remained in battle array in the centre ot 
the place. The French troops were drawn up near their 
casernes, and English parties were detached to the several bas- 
tions. M. le Loutre went out a little before the English came 
in. In the evening the officers supped with M. Vergor. 

The terms of surrender agreed on were as follows : i. The 
commandant, officers, staff and others, employed for the king, 
and the garrison of Beausejour, shall go out with arms and 
baggage, drums beating. 2. The garrison shall be sent direct 
by sea to Louisbourg, at the expense of the king of Great 
Britain. 3. The garrison shall have provisions sufficient to 
last until they get to Louisbourg. 4. As to the Acadians, — 
as they were forced to bear arms under pain of death, — they 
shall be pardoned. 5. The garrison shall not bear arms in 
America for the space of six months. 6. The foregoing terms 
are granted on condition that the garrison shall surrender to 
the troops of Great Britain by 7, p. m., this afternoon. 

(Signed) Robert Mon'ckton. 

At the camp before Beausejour, 
16 June, 1755. 



270 History of Nova-Scotia. i755' 

The blow inflicted on le Loutre by this event must have 
been intensely severe. For many years his power and influ- 
ence must have been growing in this region. He had the full 
confidence and entire support of the government of Quebec, 
from which quarter he derived constant supplies in the shape 
of powder, shot, clothing and provisions, which he distributed 
at his will among the refugee Acadians and Indians. His 
visits to France had filled his purse with large sums to build 
an aboiteau, and he had obtained the rank of an abb6 in parti- 
bus infidcliiim, and the authority of Vicar general of the bishop 
of Quebec, in Acadie. By means of the latter ofifice, most of 
the missionaries, — Daudin, Chauvreulx, pere Germain, the 
Jesuit priest at the river St. John, Manach and others, — had 
become his agents in reducing the Acadians and Indians to 
the most abject submission. He managed, by his Indians, to 
intercept nearly all the correspondence of the Halifax gover- 
nors with their outposts, and was generally believed to have 
caused the massacres of our out-settlers and the tragic murder 
of How. The French Canadian commandants at Beausejour, 
St. John river, &c., and their officers, were most clearly sub- 
jected to his control, so that, in effect, he was for years the 
sole despot of this region, as far as French, Indian, or French 
Acadian influence extended. But as he had concentrated his 
resources in Chignecto, the fall of Beausejour terminated his 
political career. The whirlwind of disappointed ambition 
which rent his soul we may faintly conceive but can hardly 
realize. Assuming that the letter in October, 1754. from the 
bishop of Quebec to de Loutre is genuine, of which I feel 
little doubt, the latter must now have felt the force of the good 
advice and prophetic warnings it contained. While the bishop 
explains the policy of the French government was to retaia 
the Acadian refugees and induce them not to return to their 
former homes under British rule, he most distinctly points out 
that this matter is a temporal question, and is not within the 
scope of an ecclesiastic's duty. He advises a perfectly neutral 
line of conduct for his Vicar general, and expressly warns him 
of the evils that attend on a priest's meddling with temporal 
affairs. He deems it essential that it they returned under the 



1755- History of Nova-Scotia. 271 

British flag, they should make strict bargains for the security 
of their priests and their worship ; but he says : " Is it suit- " 
" able to refuse them the sacraments — to threaten them with " 
" having no priest, and with the hostility of the Indians. I " 
" wish they could conscientiously abandon the lands they " 
" held under English rule. Is it so clearly proved that their " 
" going back to them could not be justified, setting aside any " 
" peril of their being perverted from their faith .-' I think the " 
" question too embarrassing to be made the subject of a " 
" mandement" (episcopal charge or manifesto), " and I avow " 
" to you, that I should have much trouble to decide it, even " 
" in the tribunal of penitence." — " Meanwhile you have deci- " 
" ded publicly what you would ask me to adjudge now." The 
bishop speaks of the ruin of the refugees, sure to come sooner 
or later, and tells de Loutre they will blame him for it, A few 
short months had passed, and this expectation was literally 
fulfilled. We may find something to admire in the energy, 
activity and tenacity of purpose that de Loutre exhibited, but 
his habitual stirring up the malignant passions of his Indian 
catechumens — his leading them on to war under the ramparts 
of Annapolis — the deception he constantly practised, and the 
utter worldliness of his ambition and its objects, must convince 
us that his presence in the country was fraught with mischief, 
and was most especially injurious to the Acadians and Indians, 
whose friend and protector he pretended to be, while he inces- 
santly struggled to prevent pacification. The priests under 
his control were urged to take part in his secular policy, both 
by his example and precepts. It must nevertheless be remem- 
bered that we have derived our information of this person 
from sources not friendly to priests of his church, — the French 
of that period being tinged with the philosophy of Voltaire, 

Whether Vergor could have held out much longer, is a ques- 
tion for military readers. If the statements of contemporary 
writers can be trusted, some of his officers were little to be 
relied on. The sortie and sudden retreat of de Vannes, say 
little for his prowess. The pillage by officers after surrender 
was proposed, give us but a low conception of their character ; 
and the presence of Pichon, with his pocket filled with English 



272 History of Nova-Scotia. I755« 

guineas, and his desires strong for the success of the besiegers, 
could have had but a damaging effect on the harmony of the 
garrison. De Loutre's influence, though opposed to surrender, 
was an anomalous power, which must always tend to weaken 
the just authority of the commandant, and from the moment it 
was ascertained that the arrival of troops from Louisbourg in 
aid was improbable, the refugee Acadians in the Fort were 
beset with visions of the punishment for treason they had a 
claim to receive on the eventual capitulation. So many 
elements of discord and disaffection being at work in his little 
command, it is possible that Vergor did no more in coming to 
terms of surrender, than vvas reasonable and prudent. There 
is a dif^culty in judging from the universality of slander and 
detraction, ever too prevalent, but, as far as I can judge, most 
especially rife in the middle of the i8th century, and particu- 
larly so in the affairs of Canada and the posts dependant. 
Bigot, Vergor, and others, may have been bad enough, but the 
mss. memoirs and letters that survive have not failed to paint 
their moral portraits in the blackest colors, insomuch that one 
is naturally tempted to think that envy and malice had over- 
charged the picture. 

The supper which, Pichon says, Vergor gave to the oflScers 
on the evening of the surrender, 16 June, we may believe inclu- 
ded the victors and the vanquished : one party, the English, 
proud of their success, — the others, perhaps, as well pleased 
with the booty they had realized out of the French king's 
stores and military chest. This supper reminds one of the 
banquet at Mines, in 1747, given by the French oflficers, then 
victors, to the surviving officers of colonel Noble's troops, after 
a much more tragic conflict, though one of less important 
bearing on the destinies of Nova Scotia than the fall of Beau- 
sejour ; and it is just possible that there might have been 
some guests at this supper who had been present at the enter- 
tainment of eight years before. One remark may be allowed, 
that on both occasions, the urbanity, cheerfulness and polite 
character of French gentlemen must have been conspicuous ; 
and in this last case, that healthy turn of mind which enables 
them, under the most depressing circumstances, to efface the 



1755' History of Nova-Scotia. 273 

wrinkles of over-anxious care, and to innocently enjoy the 
pleasures of social intercourse. 

Tuesday, 17 June, the French troops evacuated the place 
before 1 1, a. m., and col. Scott took possession. The Acadians 
had previously withdrawn, and in the evening embarked in 
schooners. The English commissary wished to have a signed 
account of the munitions of war, provisions and merchandize, 
left in his charge ; but the French storekeeper, (garde-maga- 
zin), replied to him, and to M. de Vergor, who was with him, 
that he would sign no account, for if he did, he would make 
himself responsible for what was deficient, and the robbery and 
pillage that had been carried on in the sight of the comman- 
dant, without any check put on it, in spite of his protestations, 
would fall upon him, and bring him into difficulties. So no 
more was said on the subject. It was observed that almost 
all the bales of goqds, although placed under the care of cen- 
tinels, had been opened, and extensively robbed, and in this 
the French had been more successful than the English. The 
French officers and their valets had made considerable pack- 
ages. M. de Vergor and M. de Vannes had different habitants 
to work for them in this, who were of their kinsfolk ; and the 
valet of Vergor, named St. Germain, had not been idle. — 
Monckton set up his tent this day near the only gate of the 
fort that was open. — Wednesday, 18 June. The English set 
up their flag in the fort, and fired off all their guns, after which 
they gave three hurras. 

Monckton sent a detachment of 300 men to offer to captaim 
Villeray, who commanded the party posted at the fort at Gaspe- 
reaux, baie Verte, the same terms that he had given the garri- 
son of Beausejour, which he accepted, and on the i8th colonel 
Winslow took possession ; and on the 24th, the troops who hadl 
been in garrison at both forts sailed for Louisbourg, and arrived 
there on the 6 July. Meanwhile, Joseph Brossart, called Beau- 
soleil, came in under a safe conduct to propose a peace with 
the Indians, praying pardon for himself. The pardon was 
granted him, subject to the approval of governor Lawrence. 
Jacob, Maurice, who is said to be a kinsman of M. Vergor,. 
came in also with some habitans of bale Vcrte, to make terms.. 
B18 



2 74 History of Nova-Scotia, I755' 

On the 20, 21 and 22 June, many of the inhabitants of the 
country came in and surrendered their arms. On the 22, 
(sunday), Vergor and de Vannes dined with colonel Monckton, 
and slept in the fort. The anniversary of the accession of 
king George the second was celebrated by the firing of cannon 
at both forts. Pichon says that he and M. Marsal were robbed 
of a thousand crowns, out of their trunks, which were in a 
locked-up cellar, guarded by a centinel, and all attempts to 
recover the money proved ineffectual. 25 June, news from 
Halifax was received at fort Beausejour that two French fri- 
gates, the Alcide and the Lys, had been brought in there as 
prizes, having been captured by admiral Boscawen. Thursday, 
26 June, the abbe de Guerne, the only priest who remained 
there, was introduced by Pichon to colonel Monckton, who 
received him politely. 

After the departure of the French troops, Monckton ordered 
the Acadians to come into the fort. He offered them pardon, 
on condition of their taking the oath of allegiance. They 
brought in and gave up their arms, but would not take the 
oaths. Le Loutre had left them, after stating that he would 
sooner take his own life than yield ; and finding that his 
opinion was overruled, he was afraid of falling into the hands 
of the English, and, disguising himself, left the fort, and made 
his way to the river St. John and thence to Quebec.' There 
he met with but a cold reception, and bitter reproaches from 
his bishop. In August he embarked for France. The vessel 
was captured by the English, and de Loutre was sent as a 
prisoner to Elizabeth castle, in the island of Jersey, where he 
remained in confinement for eight years, until the peace of 
1763 enabled him to go back to France. He had been origi- 
nally sent to Canada, in 1737, by the Society of Foreign Mis- 
sions at Paris, and is called Louis Joseph de la Loutre. \^N. Y. 
Docs., V. 10, p. II, note. Mcmoires siir le Canada, p. 59.] The 
news of the surrender of Beausejour, and the smaller fort on 
the river Gaspereaux, at bale Verte, reached governor Lawrence, 
at Halifax, on the 21st June. The French had their principal 
magazine for supplying the Acadians and Indians, at the baie 
Verte fort, and the victors found a great quantity of provisions 



1,755* History of Nova-Scolia. 275 

and stores of all kinds in both forts. Al Beausejour they had 
twenty-six cannon mounted, while the English had not yet 
raounted any guns except their mortar battery for throwing 
bombshells, so that they captured the place after scarcely four 
days' bombardment, Josing of the besiegers twenty killed and 
about the same number wounded. Major Preble, of the irre- 
gulars, was slightly wounded in the shoulder. Ensign Tonge, 
of major-general VVarburton's regiment, acting as sub-engineer, 
received a shot in his thigh as he was taking a survey of the 
ground for the trenches and batteries to be raised against the 
fort, and ensign Hay, of colonel Hopson's {40"!-), was, as men- 
tioned before, killed while prisoner. (Hay and the five French 
officers were at breakfast at the time.) As the English had 
not men enough to invest the fort, many of those who had been 
in it got away. On its surrender, there remained one hundred 
and fifty regulars, and about three hundred inhabitants, inclu- 
sive of several wounded, officers and men. The number of 
the French killed in the siege was not known to the conquer- 
ors ; but as several lay half buried on the parade, they believed 
it was not trifling. 

Monckton gave the fort Beausejour a new name, calling it 
Fort Cumberland, (a name which was afterwards transferred 
to the township, and since to the present county of Cumber- 
land.) This fort, Lawrence says, is an infinitely better one 
than fort Lawrence, and he directed Monckton to leave a 
garrison in it, and proceed to St. John's river, and reduce the 
French post there. Monckton gave great praise to the troops 
he commanded. Captain Rous, who commanded the naval 
part of the expedition, and Mr. Brewse, the chief engineer, were 
both praised by Lawrence. 

As soon as the forts on the Isthmus were taken, capt. Rous 
sailed thence with three 20-gun ships and a sloop, to look into 
St. John's river, where, it was reported, that there were two 
French ships, of 36 guns each. He anchored off the mouth of 
the river, and sent his boats to reconnoitre. They found no 
ships there ; but on their appearance, the French burst their 
cannon, blew np their magazine, burned everything they could 
belonging to the fort, and marched off. The next morning 



276 History of Nova-Scotia. ^755 

the Indians invited captain Rous on shore — gave him the 
strongest assurances of their desire to make peace with the 
Enghsh, and stated that they had refused to assist the French. 

About the end of June, governor Lawrence, writing to the 
lords of trade respecting the three baLtei'ies on the beach in 
front of the town of Hahfax, which were begun 25 January, to 
hold each ten 24-pounders, says : " they are 1 2 feet high " 
" above high water mark, 246 feet in length, and 75 feet in " 
" breadth, each. These dimensions regard the ramparts. " 
" The parapet raised on them is seven feet high. The mate- " 
" rials employed in the building consisted of 9500 logs, of 25 " 
" feet long each, 1280 tons of which are squared. This tim- " 
" ber is framed hollow, and filled up with 25CXX) tons weight " 
" of gravel, stones, earth and sand. The workmanship and " 
" materials, when all will be completed, may amount to about " 
"^5,300." Fifteen guns were already mounted — in a few 
days the work would be ready for five more, and in a very 
short time the whole would be completed. I-^wrence had 
received orders to augment the three regiments of regulars in 
the province to 1000 each. He says the 2000 provincial 
troops now in pay here, as they are engaged for a year, will, in 
the meantime, be more than equivalent tO' the augmentation ; 
and if it cannot be done otherwise, he will try to enlist a suffi- 
cient number of them to fill up the regiments. 

The two prizes, Alcide and Lys, had separated from the 
French squadron off the banks of Newfoundland, and fell in 
with part of vice admiral Boscawen's fleet, off cape Race, about 
the 8 June. After five hours' fighting with the Dunkirk, capt, 
Howe, afterwards lord Howe, and the Defiance, capt. Andrews, 
they were taken. The Alcide was a vessel of 64 guns and 
480 men, commanded by M. Hocquart, chevalier of St. Louis, 
He. had been taken in the Medea, in 1744, and in the Diamond, 
in 1747. The Lys was pierced for 64 guns, but mounting 
only 22, commanded by M. Lageril, having eight companies of 
land forces on board. The Dunkirk was said to have lost 
ninety men in this engagement. The chevalier de Rostaing, 
lieut. colonel of infantry, was killed. Godart d'Helincourt, 
aide-de-camp, captain of infantry — Dubois de Crance, commis- 



1755* History of Nova-Scotia. 277 

sary of war — messes- Dumoulin, cadet Geofifroy, Aguitton, 
engineers in ordinary, were on board the Alcide, and made 
prisoners. The prizes and the prisoners were sent to Halifax 
harbor. 

On the 6 May, the French fleet sailed from Brest, under 
Macnamara, an Irish gentleman. It comprized 25 ships of the 
line, besides frigates and transports ; and 3000 or 4000 regu- 
lar troops were embarked, under baron Dieskau, a German, 
intended for Canada and Cape Breton. Macnamara returned 
to France with part of the fleet, while the rest got to Louis- 
bourg under M. Bois de la Mothe, except the Alcide and Lys. 
It was about this time that the English man-of-war, the Mars, 
of 70 guns, was lost at the mouth of this harbor. The crew 
and guns were saved. The Mars rock still retains the vessel's 
name. [This summer the marquis du Quesne was succeeded 
in the government of Canada by Pierre Francois Rigaud mar- 
quis de Vaudreuil Cavagnal, third son of the late Philip de 
Vaudreuil, who died at Quebec. His commission was dated 
I January, and registered at Quebec 10 July, 1755. He had 
served in Canada under his father, and had also been a gover- 
nor of Louisiana, and a navy captain.] 

While victory attended the English by sea and land in this 
region, in another part of America they met a sad reverse. 
General Braddock had commenced to advance, 10 June, from 
fort Cumberland, at Wills' creek. His army was in two divi- 
sions. The first, under his own command, was of from 1300 
to 1500 strong, with four howitzers, four 12-pounders, and 
thirteen artillery waggons ; and by the 9 July, (the day of the 
slaughter), had marched to within about seven miles of fort du 
Ouesne, on the Monongahela. Colonel Dunbar commanded 
the rear division, having most of the provisions, stores, and 
heavy baggage with him. This last party were many miles 
behind. Beaujeux, the captain in charge of fort Duquesne, 
came out with a party of French and Indians, whose number 
has been variously stated from 300 to 1000, and they were 
posted behind the trees in a spot which the English had to 
pass by. The whole' division had crossed the river Mononga- 
hela, when the vanguard, being suddenly aud unexpectedly 



278 History of Nova-Scotia. I755* 

attacked by shot from unseen foes, fell back, and panic spread 
among the whole of the English troops. Not listening to their 
officers, they fired away their ammunition recklessly, and then 
fled, leaving the guns, stores and baggage to the enemy. The 
sudden and unlooked-for appearance of enemies — the frightful 
war cry of the Indians — their strange figures, naked, and cov- 
ered with the war paint in different colors, were calculated to> 
intimidate the soldiers. The officers sacrificed themselves in 
vain. The general, after five horses were killed under him,, 
was mortally wounded, surviving but four days. His two aide- 
de-camps, Orme and Morris, wounded. Major GcoTge Wash- 
ington, extra aide-de-camp, " had two horses shot under him, "■ 
" and his clothes shot through in several places, behaving '^ 
" the whole time with great courage and resolution." Sir 
Peter Halket was killed. In all, 26 English officers were 
killed, (of whom 7 were provincials), and ^y were wounded, — 
only 22 officers remaining unhurt ; and of the men, about 6o(> 
were killed and wounded. Wm. Shirley, the general's secre- 
tary, was among the killed. Of the damage done to the French 
we only know that M. Beaujeux, their leader, (Leonard Daniel, 
ecuyer, sieur de Beaujeux, capitaine d'infanterie), was killed, 
and his place taken by M. Dumas. This melancholy result is 
attributed to the total absence of the usual precautions in pas- 
sing through a closely wooded country, and Braddock is said 
to have been unwilling to take advice or listen to suggestions, 
and particularly to have entertained contempt for the militia 
of the provinces, and to have disgusted the Indian allies by 
haughtiness. Much of the stores and heavy articles were des- 
troyed by Dunbar on his retreat to Philadelphia. I have felt 
it requisite to give an outline of the affair, as it influenced the 
minds of the British in all the provinces, and probably the 
alarm it created tended much to confirm the decision just 
arrived at in Nova Scotia, of expelling the French Acadians. 
The ruin of the expedition — the flight of a column, in which 
were the 44th- and 48t'i- regiments, some of the best troops of 
New York and Virginia, artillery, engineers, and a detachment 
of the seamen of the royal navy, with officers of the highest 
courage and character, spread a funereal gloom over all the 



1755- History of Nova-Scotia. 279 

English colonies. Mr. Orme, aide-de-camp, was so badly 
wounded, that he could not use a pen, but a friend wrote, at 
his dictation, on 18 July, at Fort Cumberland, where a garrison 
of militia remained with the sick and wounded. His letter, 
containing the best account given of the affair, was copied and 
transmitted to all the governors of the provinces, the news of 
this battle reaching Halifa.x: by the end of July. 

It may not be amiss to notice here the liberal grants of par- 
liament for the settlement of Nova Scotia, in the first seven 
years of Halifax : — 

In 1749, ;^40,ooo o o 

1750, 57,582 19 3I 

1751, 53,927 14 4 

1752, 61,492 19 4i 

1753, 94,615 12 4 

1754, 58,447 2 o 

1755, 49-418 7 8 



;^4i 5,484 14 III 



The author of the British Empire in America, v. i, p. 213, 
complains of this expense, and praises the French for their 
economy in making settlements. The event has shewn that 
this vaunted parcimony lost all New France, while the English 
gained it by a contrary course, and spread their race and lan- 
guage over the whole continent. 



2 8o History of Nova-Scotia. ^755* 



CHAPTER XX. 



The forced removal of the French Acadians, who called them- 
selves neutral French, occurred in this year. The first step in 
the affair took place on thursday, 3 July, 1755. — At a meeting 
at the governor's house in Halifax, at which were present 
lieutenant governor Lawrence, and hon. councillors Green, 
Collier, Cotterell and Belcher, the lieutenant governor laid 
before the council two memorials from the deputies and inha- 
bitants of Mines and Piziquid, that had been transmitted to 
him through captain Murray, the commanding officer at Fort 
Edward. 

In the first of these, signed by twenty-five persons, they 
express themselves sensibly affected by the conduct of the 
government towards them, — of the doubts entertained of their 
sincerity ; refer to their past conduct, wherein they allege they 
have kept their oaths, tho' solicited and menaced by another 
power to break them ; state their disposition to continue 
loyal and true as heretofore, as long as the king leaves 
them the liberties he has granted them. — They complain that 
they are charged with carrying grain to the enemy at Beau- 
sejour and St. John, which they deny — of being debarred 
from carrying corn by water from one settlement to another ; 
state that some of the refugees had taken away their own 
cattle, — ask for the use of their canoes to carry what they 
need from river to river, or to fish for their subsistence, of 
which freedom they were never before deprived. Their guns 
they look on as their own property ; they have been taken 
from them, though they were essential to protect their families 



1755- History of Nova-Scotia. 281 

and their cattle from the wild beasts, which are increasing 
since the Indians no longer frequent these quarters, and are 
daily destroying their stock. That the taking away their guns 
was a weak security for their allegiance. That having a gun 
will not make a man a rebel, nor taking it from him make him 
loyal ; but it depended on conscience, which would induce 
him to keep his oath. They then refer to an order dated 
4 June, 1755, in his excellency's name, signed by capt. Murray, 
requiring them to carry their guns and pistols to fort Edward. 
If they have any arms left, after the exact search that had 
been made for them, it would be dangerous to obey this com- 
mand. The Indians may come to threaten and pillage them, 
and reproach them with furnishing arms to kill them with. 
They beg, on the contrary, the return of the weapons of which 
they have been already deprived, to preserve themselves and 
their cattle. They finally complain that Pierre Melancon, of 
river aux Canards, was seized with a loaded boat, having had 
no previous notice of any order to the contrary. The second 
memorial, signed by forty-four inhabitants, is to beg a favor- 
able interpretation of the other document, if any part of it is 
too harshly or improperly expressed. 

Captain Murray had informed the governor that for some 
time before the delivery of the first of these memorials, the 
French inhabitants in general had behaved with greater sub- 
mission and obedience to the orders of the government than 
usual, and had readily delivered in to him a considerable num- 
ber of their fire arms, but at the delivery of the memorial they 
treated him with great indecency and insolence. This made 
him suspect them of having some information not received by 
the government. Lawrence believed it was a report of a 
French fleet being in the bay of Fundy, as any hope of French 
assistance led them to display an insolent and unfriendly 
feeling. 

The signers of the first memorial had been ordered to come 
to Halifax, and fifteen of them appeared, the rest being sick. 
They were reprimanded for their insolence. The memorial 
was taken up paragraph by paragraph — was read over to 
them, and comments made on it, to make clear their disaffec- 



282 History of N'ova-Scotia. -."SS* 

tion and insincerity — the lenity and protection they had 
received, and indulgence shewn them hitherto : they were told 
the laws of England forbid Roman catholics possessing arms. 
They were then called upon to- take oath of allegiance. They 
replied they were not come prepared to answer on this point. 
This was treated as evasive, as they had been for six years 
past frequently called on to take the oath. On this they de- 
sired to return home, and consult the body of their people. 
This was refused, and they retired for an hour to consult 
among themselves. On coming back, they reiterated that they 
could not do it without consulting the great body, but were 
ready to take it as they had done before, (that was, condition- 
ally.) They were told that the conditional oath had been dis- 
approved of by the king, and the council could not accept any 
oath but an absolute one, such as all other subjects took. 
They still declining, they were allowed time till the next morn- 
ing at 10, A. M., to come to a resolution. 

On friday, 4 July, the lieutenant governor and council being 
again assembled, viz : colonel Lawrence, and mess's- Green, 
Collier, Cotterell and Belcher, the French deputies were 
brought in. They declared that they could not consent to 
take the oath in the form required without consulting the body. 
They were then told that the council could no longer look on 
them as British subjects, but as subjects to the king of France, 
and they were ordered to withdraw. ' The council, after con- 
' sideration, were of opinion, that directions be given to capt. 
' Murray to order the French inhabitants to choose and send 

* to Halifax new deputies, with the general resolution of the 
' said inhabitants in regard to taking the oath, and that none of 
' them, for the future, be admitted to take it, having once refused 

* so to do, but that effectual measures ought to be taken to remove 
' all such recusants out of the province! The deputies were then 
called in, and were informed of this resolution ; on which they 
submitted, and were willing to take the unconditional oath, 
but they were not permitted to do so, on the ground that- it 
would be the effect of compulsion and force ; and the English 
act of I Geo. i, stat. 2, c. 13, s. 10, was alleged as making their 
first refusal final. On the 15 July, the lieut. governor assem- 



1755- History of Nova-Scotia. 283 

bled at his house, in Halifax, messes- Green, Collier, Cotterell 
and Belcher, councillors, and, at his particular request, vice 
admiral Boscawen and rear admiral Mostyn. The recent pro- 
ceedings of the council were laid before the two admirals, who 
approved of what had been done, and " gave it as their " 
" opinion, that now was the properest time to oblige the said " 
" inhabitants to take the oath of al'egiance to his majesty, " 
" or to quit the country." Captain Rous's letter, stating the 
destruction of the fort at St. John river, was read, and it was 
resolved so to leave it ; also to retain and pay the 2000 New 
England troops at Chignecto, under the command of colonel 
Monckton. 

On the 18 July, lieutenant governor Lawrence wrote to Sir 
Thomas Robinson, the secretary of state. He says in his let- 
ter : " As the French inhabitants of this province have never " 
"yet taken the oath of allegiance to his majesty unqualified, " 
*' I thought it my duty upon this occasion to propose it to " 
" them ; and as the deputies of the different districts in Mines " 
" Bason were attending in town, upon a very insolent memo- " 
" rial they had delivered to the council, I was determined to " 
" begin with them. • They were accordingly summoned to " 
"appear before the council, and after discussing the affair of* 
" the memorial, article by article, the oath was proposed to " 
" them. They endeavored, as much as possible, to evade it, " 
"and at last desired to return home and consult the rest of" 
" the inhabitants, that they might either accept or refuse the " 
" oath in a body ; but they were informed that we expected " 
" every man upon this occasion to answer for himself ; and " 
" as we would not use any compulsion or surprise, we gave " 
" them 24 hours time to deliver in their answer, and if they " 
"should then refuse, they must expect to be driven out of" 
" the country ; and though they should afterwards repent of" 
" their refusal, they would not be permitted to take the oath. " 
" The next morning they appeared, and refused to take the " 
" oath without the old reserve of not being obliged to bear " 
" arms ; upon which they were acquainted, that as they refu- " 
" scd to become English subjects, we could no longer look " 
"upon them in that light : that we shouli send them to" 



284 History of Nova-Scotia. i755« 

" France by the first opportunity, and till then they were " 
" ordered to be kept prisoners at George's island, where they " 
" were immediately conducted. They have since desired to " 
" be admitted to take the oath, but have not been admitted, " 
" nor will any answer be given them until we see how the " 
" rest of the inhabitants are disposed. I have ordered new " 
" deputies to be elected and sent hither immediately, and am " 
" determined to bring the inhabitants to a compliance, or rid " 
"the province of such perfidious subjects." 

On friday, the 25 July, a council was held at the governor's 
house in Halifax, at which It. gov'r. Lawrence, mess''=^- Greene, 
Collier, Cotterell, John Rous and Jonathan Belcher, council- 
lors, and vice admiral Boscawen and rear admiral Savage 
Mostyn were present. A memorial to the lieutenant gover- 
nor, signed by 207 French inhabitants of Annapolis river, was 
read. They had assembled under his excellency's order of 
12 July, and profess great respect and fidelity, &c. They have 
chosen thirty delegates to go to Halifax, whom they have 
instructed to say or do nothing opposed to H. M. council 
" but we enjoin on them not to engage in any new oaths, we ' 
" being resolved and willing to adhere to that which we have ' 
*' already taken, and which we have faithfully kept under ' 
" existing circumstances ; for the enemies of his majesty ' 
" solicited us to take arms against the government, but we ' 
" have taken care not to do so." The deputies from Annapolis 
being called in, stated for themselves and their constituents, 
" that they could not take any other oath than what they had " 
" formerly taken, which was with a reserve, that they should " 
" not be obliged to take up arms ; and that if it was the " 
" king's intentions to force them to quit their lands, they " 
" hoped that they should be allowed a convenient time for " 
" their departure." After some remarks from the council on 
their misconduct in aiding the Indian enemy, &c., they were 
told they must now resolve, either to take the oath without 
any reserve, or else to quit their lands, for that affairs were 
now at such a crisis in America, that no delay could be admit- 
ted, — that the French had obliged us to take up arms in our 
defence against their encroachments, and it was unknown 



1755- History of Nova-Scotia. 285 

what steps they might take further. For which reasons, if 
they, the inhabitants, would not become subjects to all intents 
and purposes, they could not be suffered to remain in the 
country ; upon which, they said, they were determined, one 
and all, rather to quit their lands than to take any other oath 
than what they had done before. 

The council then told them they ought very seriously to 
consider the consequences of their refusal. That if they once 
refused the oath, they would never after be permitted to take 
it, but would infallibly lose their possessions. That the coun- 
cil were unwilling to hurry them into a determination upon an 
affair of so much consequence to them, and therefore they 
should be allowed until next monday, at ten of the clock, in 
forenoon, to reconsider the matter, and form their resolution, 
when their final answer would be expected. 

On monday, 28 July, the lieut. governor, and messi's- Green, 
Collier, Cotterell, Rous and Belcher, councillors, and admirals 
Boscawen and Mostyn, being present, a memorial received from 
Pisiquid, signed by 103 inhabitants, and one from Mines and 
river aux Canards, signed by 203, were read. They were dif- 
ferently worded, but each refused in positive terms to take 
any unqualified oath of allegiance. The deputies of Piziquid, 
Mines, &c., and those of Annapolis river, were then called in, 
and they all peremptorily refused to take the oath of allegiance 
to the king of England, whereupon they were all ordered into 
confinement. As it had been before determined to send all 
the French inhabitants out of the province if they refused to 
take the oaths, nothing now remained to be considered but 
what measures should be taken to send them away, and where 
they should be sent to. After mature consideration, it was 
unanimously agreed, that, to prevent, as much as possible, 
their attempting to return and molest the settlers that may be 
set down on their lands, it would be most proper to send them 
to be distributed amongst the several colonies on the conti- 
nent, and that a sufficient number of vessels should be hired 
with all possible expedition for that purpose. 

Lieutenant governor Phips, of Massachusetts, about this 
date, in a letter to colonel Lawrence, after commenting on 



286 History of Nova-Scotia. i755« 

the defeat of Braddock, says : " I must, on this occasion, 
also propose to your consideration, whether the danger with 
which his majesty's interest is now threatened will not remove 
any scruples which may heretofore have subsisted with regard 
to the French neutrals, as they are termed, and render it both 
just and necessary that they should be removed, unless some 
more effectual security can be given for their fidelity than the 
common obligation of an oath, for by the principles of their 
religion this may easily be dispensed with ; and although they 
may expose themselves to be treated as rebels, yet what con- 
fidence can be placed in subjects who are inclined to revolt 
whenever they can do it with safety ?" 

The different memorials of the French inhabitants are long 
and argumentative, and are couched in respectful language. 
They all proceed from the basis of the conditional oath of 
allegiance, and most explicitly and firmly refuse to take any 
other, a refusal which they had uniformly persisted in ever 
since the conquest. The fact that, notwithstanding reiterated 
demands on them on many occasions to take the oath without 
reserve as other British subjects do, they had been suffered, 
from the conquest in 1710 to this time, a period of over forty 
years, to retain their lands and reside in the country upon a 
footing of neutrality, (a state of things partly owing to kindness 
and indulgence of government, and partly to weak and tempo- 
rizing councils), had, no doubt, led them to believe that this 
was their rightful position. Under the governors and presi- 
dents at Annapolis, they persisted in thus thinking, expressing 
and acting, while the government confined its assertion of a 
sovereignty to arguments and reprimands, with no apparent 
power or design to enforce its views. It would be the acme of 
absurdity to go on thus with a province, the chief part of the 
population feeling either a hostile sentiment, or at least indif- 
ferent to the success and progress of its rulers, and closely 
attached to a foreign power. On the settlement at Halifax 
taking place, the tone of the provincial government became 
more firm and menacing, but unfortunately the habitans now 
looked on their neutrality as a vested right, sanctioned by 
long enjoyment ; and as the major part of them had adhered 



1755- History of Nova-Scotia. 287 

as faithfully to the terms of the oath they had taken, in the 
light in which they had been taught to view it, as could well be 
expected of persons in their circumstances, I doubt not that 
they were, most of them, sincere enough, when, in their 
remonstrances, they appealed to their past fidelity to their 
engagements. The occasional breach of the neutrality by 
individuals, and even the desertion of several hundreds to 
Beausejour, were not inconsistent with the pacific and honest 
intentions of the greater number. In the disturbed state of 
the country from French encroachment and Indian bands 
cutting off couriers and checking settlement, the milder rules 
of action must be abandoned, and military necessity produced 
measures that one may regard as cruel but unavoidable ; but 
the day had arrived when the British colonists believed them- 
selves justified, in self-defence, to claim and enforce the true 
rights of their empire over this land ; and while the mea- 
sures adopted were severe and. harsh, and in some particulars 
cannot be justified, it would be difficult to point out any other 
course that would have consisted with the safety of the Eng- 
lish. There can be no room to doubt that such a neutrality 
as had been suffered, but never sanctioned by the British 
crown, was wholly incompatible with its just rights of sovereign- 
ty, and that all measures requisite to end it — to bring the land 
and all its dwellers under unconditional submission to the 
laws of the empire, were now essential to the dignity of the 
nation, and to the preservation of its territory, so encroached 
and menaced by the French and their Indian allies. 

Lieut, governor Lawrence, writing to lieut. colonel Monckton 
31 July, (forwarded by capt. Croxton's party, Aug't. 2"^-), after 
mentioning the resolve of removing the French of Mines, 
Annapolis, &c., says : " And as to those about the Isthmus, " 
" most of which were in arms, and therefore entitled to no " 
" favour from the government, it is determined to begin with " 
" them first." Transports and instructions will be sent him. 
This is to be kept secret, and he is instructed to use strata- 
gem to arrest all the men, and detain them until the transports 
arrive. Their cattle and corn is forfeited, and must be applied 
towards the great expense of removal ; " nor will they be " 



288 History of Nova-Scotia. -^ySS* 

" allowed to carry away the least thing but their ready money " 
" and household furniture." He, Monckton, is to send a 
strong detachment to Tatamagouche, to prevent their sending 
their cattle that way to Louisbourg. He is to detach four 
hundred irregulars to Piziquid, by water if possible. If colonel 
Winslow wishes, he is to go with this party. " I would have 
you give orders to the detachment you send to Tatamagouche 
to demolish all the houses, &c., they find there, together with 
all the shallops, boats, canoes or vessels of any kind which 
may be lying ready for carrying off the inhabitants and their 
cattle." In a subsequent letter, sent by captain Goreham, he 
orders the destruction and demolishing of the villages of 
Jediack, Ramseck, &c., to prevent the French rising or joining 
in bodies. 8 August, Lawrence writes to Monckton a third 
letter, with confirmation of Braddock's defeat — orders him to 
demolish all the villages to the North and North West of the 
fort of Beausejour, and to try to save the cattle and crop. 

Instructions were sent to major John Handfield, command- 
ing the garrison of Annapolis Royal, and to lieutenant colonel 
John Winslow, commanding H. M. troops at Mines. They 
bore date on 1 1 Aug't., 1755. Of the same date were circulars 
from governor Lawrence to the governors of Massachusetts, 
New York, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, North and South 
Carolina, &c., to which the Acadians were sent. Major John 
Handfield is told that transports will be sent from Boston to 
Annapolis to receive 1000 persons, reckoning two persons to 
a ton, — and from Boston to Mines for a similar purpose ; 
while vessels are engaged at Halifax to carry away the people 
from Chignecto, it being designed to disperse them among the 
English colonies on the continent, lest they should return to 
the province, or join in strengthening the French ol Canada 
or Louisbourg. As Annapolis is the place whence the last of 
the transports will sail, any of the vessels that may not receive 
their full complement up the bay will be ordered there, and 
colonel Winslow, with his detachment, will follow by land, and 
bring up stragglers to embark there. When the transports 
CDme, he is to put on board as many of the inhabitants as can 
be collected by any means, particularly the heads of families 



1755- History of Nova-Scotia. 289 

and young men. Mr. George Saul, who has charge of the 
provisions, will arrive there from Chignecto. 

From Annapolis, 300 persons are to go to Philadelphia. 
200 " " to New York. 

300 " " to Connecticut. 

200 " " to Boston. 

The masters of the vessels were to be on their guard, lest 
the passengers should seize them, and were to allow only a 
small number to be on deck at one time, — suffer none to carry 
arms on board with them. If requisite to get them on board, 
Handfield was to use measures of compulsion, and deprive any 
who should escape " of all means of shelter or support, by " 
" burning their houses and destroying everything that may " 
" afford them the means of subsistence in the country. " 
Winslovv, if requisite, will send him reinforcements. As the 
vessels are paid by the month, he is to use all possible des- 
patch to save the public money. When the transports are 
ready to sail, a man-of-war is to convoy them. 

Winslovv's instructions are similar in most points. From 
Mines, river Canard, Pisiquid, Cobequid, &c., 

500 persons are to be sent to North Carolina. 
1000 " " to Virginia. 

500 " " to Maryland. 

He is to concert measures with capt. A. Murray, who com- 
mands fort Edward. When he has completed his task, he is 
march a detachment to Annapolis, to pick up stragglers and 
assist Handfield. A subsequent letter of same date, adds : 
" You must collect the inhabitants together, in order to 
" their being transported, in the best manner in your power, 
" either by stratagem or force, as circumstances may require ; 
" but above all, I desire you would not pay the least atten- 
" tion to any remonstrances or memorial from any of the 
" inhabitants whatever, who may be desirous of staying 
" behind, but embark every person, if possible, according to 
" the instructions herewith sent, without any further applica- 
" tion to me." If the tonnage prove insufficient, he is to send 
express, but not delay the embarkation. The people and their 
bedding are to go on board, and afterwards, if there is room^ 
B 19 



290 History of Nova-Scotia. 1755- 

any furniture, but not to incumber the vessels. The water 
casks are to be all filled. The circulars of 1 1 August to the 
English governors, intended to justify the expulsion, I have 
put in the appendix to this chapter. 

A man-of-war, captain Proby, and eight transports, arrived 
at Chignecto, Wednesday, 20 Aug't., and two other vessels on 
the 24th- Mr. Jedediah Prebble, an officer there, wrote to 
colonel Winslow, at Mines, congratulating him with his having 
such good quarters, and says : ' As you have taken posses- ' 
' sion of the friar's house, hope you will execute the office of 
' priest.' Governor Lawrence writes, 26 August, to lieutenant 
colonel Monckton. He thinks 500 men for fort Cumberland, 
20D at fort Gaspereau, and 100 at fort Lawrence, will be enough 
for the ensuing winter. Tells him Winslow has taken post 
with his detachment at the church at Mines, but has not pro- 
vision or ammunition to serve any time. Has sent him some, 
and wishes Monckton to send more. Regrets that he had not 
been able to secure the St. John's Lidians in the English 
interest. " The provisions you sent down are put on board " 
" the fleet, together with three priests of Mines, Piziquid and " 
" Annapolis. I forgot to tell you to lay hold of the priest at " 
" Chignecto, Miniac, I think they call him, that he might be " 
" sent with the rest ; if it is not too late, I wish you could do " 
" it still." All the cattle that can be brought in from the vil- 
lages of Petitcoudiac, Memramcook and Chipody, he wishes 
distributed, as many amongst " our people of Chignecto" as 
they think they can support during the winter, and the rest 
to be used as rations for the troops. This despatch, which 
contains many other details, is printed in the New York His- 
torical Magazine of i860, pp. 41, &s. Lieutenant Pernette, of 
the Rangers, was sent, with an escort, to carry it and other 
letters to capt. Murray, at Fort Edward. He was specially 
instructed to secrecy, and his party were to be silent with the 
French Acadians as to anything they had heard, and no pri- 
vate letters were to be delivered. 

Murray went on to Mines without delay, and it was agreed 
between Winslow and him that the capture of the people should 
ttake place on friday, 5 September, to give them time to put 



1755' History of N'oz'a-Scotia. 291 

their corn into the barns. The camp at Grand Pre had been 
picquetted in. Winslovv tells Lawrence, " although it is a " 
" disagreeable part of duty we are put upon, I am sensible it " 
" is a necessary one, and shall endeavor strictly to obey your " 
" Excellency's orders to do everything in me to remove the " 
'' neighbours about me to a better country : as to poor father " 
" L3 Blanc, I shall, with your Excellency's permission, send " 
"him to my own place." While in all the districts of Alines 
and Pisiquid no suspicion or apprehension of the coming event 
existed, one of the Boston transports arrived at Annapolis, and 
about a hundred heads of families fled to the woods, taking 
their bedding with them, and Handheld applied to Winslovv 
for reinforcements to enable him to bring them in. 

At the villages round fort Edward all the people were quiet 
and busy with their harvest. At the river Canard was a fine 
country, full of inhabitants, a beautiful church, abundance of 
worldly goods, and plenty of all kinds of provisions. At the 
village Melangon, on the Gaspereau, and also in the South 
front of Winslow's camp, everything was prosperous. Such 
was the condition of these lands in the beginning of Septem- 
ber, a season peculiarly calculated to exhibit Acadian scenery 
in its richest charms. Although all the features of war may 
be thought repulsive and odious, and the concussions which 
political necessity inflicts painful to consider, the scene we are 
now to contemplate has very remarkable features of a distres- 
sing character. The contrast is striking between the state of 
a cheerful peasantry living in the lap of comparative luxury, 
suddenly torn from their homes and transported as beggars to 
a distant land ; and one is apt, at first view of these deplorable 
circumstances, to afiix unlimited blame on those who ordered 
and those who executed the removal. But we must remember 
that all the governors and rulers of this province had decided 
that the Acadians ought to be removed, unless they would 
honestly become British subjects. As no man can serve two 
masters, the position they held was tenable no longer than the 
weakness or lenity of government permitted it ; and now the 
game was for a great stake, for France was aiming to drive a 
million English settlers out of this continent, and to become 



292 History of Nova-Scotia. ^1S^ 

mistress of America and ruler of the ocean. At the very- 
moment that the last despatches were sent by Pernette to 
Murray, Winslow and Monckton, 28 August, colonel Dunbar 
was entering the city of Philadelphia, from Monongahela, with 
about 1000 men, the remains of general Braddock's army, 
greatly fatigued, and almost naked. \_London Magazine, 1755, 

P- 498-] 

On the 2 Sept'r. Winslow issued a written order, addressed 
to the inhabitants of Grand pre, Mines, river Canard, &c., com- 
manding all the men, old and young, to attend at the church at 
Grand pre, on iriday, the 5th-. at 3, p. m., to hear from him the 
governor's resolution respecting the matter proposed to the 
inhabitants, " being desirous that each of them should be " 
" fully satisfied of his majesty's intentions, which he has also " 
" ordered us to communicate to you, such as they have been " 
" given to him." All of 10 years old and upwards are ordered 
to attend without excuse, under pain of forfeiting goods and 
chattels, &c. In consequence of this notice, four hundred 
and eighteen men assembled in the church, Winslow and 
his officers were in the midst. He thus addressed them : 
" Gentlemen. I have received from his excellency, governor " 
" Lawrence, the king's commission, which I have in my hand, " 
*' and by his orders you are convened together, to manifest to " 
" you his majesty's final resolution to the French inhabitants " 
" of this his province of Nova Scotia, who, for almost half a " 
" century, have had more indulgence granted them than any " 
" of his majesty's subjects in any part of his dominions ; what " 
" use you have made of it, you yourselves best know. The " 
" part of duty I am now upon, though necessary, is very dis- " 
" agreeable to my natural make and temper, as I know it " 
" must be grievous to you, who are of the same species ; but " 
" it is not my business to animadvert, but to obey such orders " 
*' as I receive, and therefore, without hesitation, deliver you " 
" his majesty's orders and instructions, namely, that your " 
"lands and tenements, cattle of all kinds, and live stock of" 
" all sorts, are forfeited to the crown, with all other your " 
*' effects, saving your money and household goods, and you " 
" yourselves to be removed from this his province. Thus it " 



1755- History of Nova-Scotia. 293 

" is peremptorily his majesty's orders, that the whole French " 
-" inhabitants of these districts be removed ; and I am, thro' " 
" his majesty's goodness, directed to allow you liberty to " 
" carry off your money and household goods, as many as you " 
^' can without discommoding the vessels you go in. I shall " 
" do everything in my power that all these goods be secured " 
•' to you, and that you are not molested in carrying them off ; " 
" also, that whole families shall go in the same vessel, and " 
" make this remove, which, I am sensible, must give you a " 
" great deal of trouble, as easy as his majesty's service will " 
" admit ; and hope that, in whatever part of the world you " 
"may fall, you may be faithful subjects — a peaceable and" 
" happy people. I must also inform you, that it is his " 
" majesty's pleasure that you remain in security under the " 
" inspection and direction of the troops that I have the honor " 
■" to command." And he then declared them the king's pri- 
soners. 

The whole number of persons collected at Grand pre finally 
amounted to 483 men and 337 women — heads of families, 
527 boys and 576 girls, — in all, 1923 souls. Their stock con- 
sisted of 1269 oxen, 1557 cows, 5007 young cattle, 493 horses, 
8690 sheep, 4197 swine. Some escaped to the woods, but all 
possible means were resorted to, to recapture them ; and it is 
said the country was laid waste to deprive them of subsis- 
tence. In the district of Mines alone, 255 houses, 276 barns, 
155 out-houses, II mills and one church, are stated to have 
been destroyed during the evacuation ; and by September 10 
these prisoners were embarked in the transports, [i Halibur- 
tojis history, pp. 175, 332, &c., where the speech and several 
letters are given.] On the day of the meeting in the church, 
Winslow issued a proclamation, declaring all the property, 
landed or moveable, of the inhabitants, forfeited, and forbid 
any one touching it without orders ; and another order, that 
the French should all be in their quarters in the church at 
tattoo, and in the day time should not walk beyond his quar- 
ters on the East. A serjeant and 12 men to patrol round the 
church constantly, and all centinels to be doubled ; and he 
adds this to the record of his orders : — V. S. Sept. 5. The 



294 History of Nova-Scotia. ^755- 

French people not having with them any provisions, and many 
of them pleading hunger, begged for bread, on which I gave 
them, and ordered that for the future they be supplied from 
their respective families. Thus ended the memorable fifth day 
of September, a day of great fatigue and trouble. J. W. 

Captain Murray had, on the 5 Sept'r., got 183 men into his 
possession, and looked for more from distant rivers. He sent 
father le Blanc's son to Winslow to accompany his parent. 
On the S^h- he wrote to colonel Winslow thus : 

Dear Sir. I received your favour, and am extremely pleased 
that things are so clev^er at Grand Pre, and that the poor devils 
are so resigned ; here they are more patient than I could have 
expected for persons so circumstanced, and what still surprises 
me, quite unconcerned. When I think of those at Annapolis, 
I appear over thoughtful of summoning them in ; I am afraid 
there will be some difficulty in getting them together. You 
know our soldiers hate them, and if they can but find a pretext 
to kill them they will. I am really glad to think your camp is 
so well secured, (as the French said at least a good prison for 
inhabitants.") I long much to see the poor wretches embarked, 
and our affairs a little settled, and then I will do myself the 
pleasure of meeting you, and drinking their good voyage, 
&c. &c. 

Meanwhile the progress of this business was more difficult 
in the vicinity of Chignecto. Serious resistance was made to 
the forces sent out to destroy the villages. Major Fry, with 
capt. Brentnall, Thomas Speakman, Mr. Endicott, Dr. March, 
lieut. Billings, and 200 men, embarked on board the sloop 
York, capt. Cobb, and the schooner Warren, capt. Adams, and 
the same evening landed at Chippoudie, a village 8 leagues up 
the river, having instructions to bring off all the inhabitants 
and set fire to the houses. Upon their first landing they 
marched with an advance and two flank guards to the village, 
but found all the inhabitants were fled, except 25 women and 
children, who were taken prisoners. They set fire to the 
buildings, and burnt down 181 houses and barns, with all the 
hay, grain, &c., therein. After this they proceeded to the 
mass house, which, with what was therein, was burnt to ashes. 



1755- History of Nova-Scotia. 295 

Then putting the prisoners on board one of the transports, 
they embarked again on 3 Sept. Two of the officers, with 62 
men, were ordered to Petitcoudiak, and having landed within 
sight of the armed vessels, they found the houses entirely 
evacuated ; and by the first of September they laid the build- 
ings in ashes for 15 miles in length, on the Northerly side of 
the river, and about 6 on the other side ; and when they came 
in sight of a Mass house, they discovered foot tracks lately 
made, and soon after perceived a smoke. The mass house 
being close to a wood, they posted proper guards, and as they 
were preparing to fire the house, a signal gun was fired by the 
enemy, and before the guards and the few men with them 
could repair to the main body, they found themselves almost 
surrounded by them ; upon which they were obliged to rush 
through them as well as they could, firing their pieces and 
receiving their fire ; and while thus retreating, the Indians 
gained ground — killed doctor March, who acted as a leader 
contrary to orders, and lieut. Billing, and ten more were woun- 
ded, and five or six privates killed. But a serjeant, with six 
men, coming from a copse of wood, stopt their pursuit, so that 
the rest of our men gained the dyke and secured their retreat. 
All this time it was impossible for major Fry to come to their 
assistance, on account of the rapidity of the river, being driven 
by the current three-fourths of a mile below the intended land- 
ing place ; but landing the rest of his men as soon as he pos- 
sibly could, he drew up the whole body and made a stand. 
Upon this the enemy, commanded by Boishebert, likewise drew 
up in a body, besides the dykes being lined with Indians, and 
parties (supposed to be upwards of 300) scouting in the woods ; 
but they were not inclined to engage the English forces in an 
open manner, tho' with such a number they might have done 
almost as they pleased. At high water the two armed vessels 
got in as near the shores as they safely could, and, covering 
each of the flanks, sent their boats to take the men on board, 
the vessels, during the embarkation, firing their cannon, and 
keeping the rebels off. The French acknowledge only one 
Indian killed and 3 wounded. 253 houses and barns, besides 



296 History of Nova-Scotia. -."5 5* 

the mass house, were burnt. \^Sce London Magazine, 1755, 
/. 627. I Haliburton, 336, 337-] 

Lieut, governor Lawrence wrote, 18 Oct'r., to the lords of 
Trade. He states that, tho' every means was used to point 
out to the deputies their true interest, and sufficient time given 
them to dehberate, nothing could induce them to acquiesce in 
any measures consistent with H. M. honor and the security of 
the province. He says : " We easily foresaw that a driving 
Ihem out by force of arms to Canada or Louisbourg, would be 
attended with great difficulty, and if it had succeeded would 
have reinforced those settlements wath a very considerable 
body of men, who were ever, universally, the most inveterate 
enemies to our religion and government, and now highly 

enraged at the loss of their . The only safe means that 

appeared to us of preventing their return or their collecting 
themselves again into a large body, was distributing them 
among the colonies from Georgia to New England. Accord- 
ingly vessels were hired at the cheapest rates. The embark- 
ation is now in great forwardness, and I am in hopes some of 
them are already sailed, and that there will not be one remain- 
ing by the end of the next month. As soon as the French are 
gone, I shall use my best endeavours to encourage people to 
come from the continent to settle their lands, and if I succeed 
in this point, we shall soon be in a condition of supplying 
ourselves with provisions, and I hope, in time, be able to strike 
off the great expence of victualling the troops. This was one 
of the happy effects I proposed to myself from driving the 
French off the Isthmus ; and the additional circumstance of 
the inhabitants evacuating the country will, I flatter myself, 
greatly hasten this event, as it furnishes us with a large quan- 
tity of good land ready for immediate cultivation — renders it 
difficult for the Indians, who cannot, as formerly, be supplied 
with provisions and intelligence, to make incursions upon our 
settlers, and I believe the French will not now be so sanguine 
in their hopes of possessing a province that they have hitherto 
looked upon as already peopled for them, the moment they 
could get the better of the English. As the three French 
priests, mess^'s- Chauvreulx, Daudin and Lemaire, were of no 



1755- History of Nova-Scotia. 297 

further use in this province after the removal of the French 
inhabitants, admiral Boscawen has been so good as to take 
them on board his fleet, and is to give them a passage to 
England." 

Father Germain had gone to Quebec, while M. Boishebert 
was left on the river St. John to collect and unite the Acadians 
in that quarter. Vaudreuil calculated on many advantages to 
be derived from Boishebert being in command on the St. John. 
In his letter to M. de Machault, of 18 October, referring to 
Boishebcrt's position, he says : " He will occupy himself in 
like manner to reunite the Indians, and will form an equally 
considerable corps of them ; he will correspond with M. Manach, 
missionary of Miramichi, and according to the exigency of the 
case, will join the Indians of that mission to his own, to oppose 
the progress of the enemy. He will be in a position to have 
spies constantly at Beausejour and Halifax, and to make some 
prisoners, who will inform him of the situation and strength 
of the English." " He will be able to organize parties of 
Acadians and Indians, to continuall}^ harrass the enemy at 
Beausejour, and to prevent them cutting firewood. By hold- 
ing the river St. John, I shall be able to obtain news at all 
times from Louisbourg ; and it will be necessary only to cross 
from the island of St. John to Chedaik, or, after having crossed 
the gut of Canso, to keep along the coast to Chedaik or 
Cocagne." 

Governor Lawrence, in his letter to Sir Thomas Robinson, 
of 10 Nov'r., 1755, explains the movements of the deserted 
French inhabitants who left the English side of the Missiguash 
and swore allegiance to the king of France, and being joined 
by other Acadian French, who took refuge under the protec- 
tion of fort Beausejour, were reckoned at 1400 men, capable of 
bearing arms. They had before that sworn allegiance to the 
English king, with a reserve of not bearing arms. After the 
fall of Beausejour, it being found that the rest of the French 
inhabitants were as far from loyalty as the deserters, the reso- 
lution to banish them all was taken. The greater part of 
them, if not the whole, had then sailed. He proposes in the 
spring to repair and garrison the fort at St. John's river, 



298 History of Nova-Scotia. ^755- 

The vessels employed in transporting the French Acadians 
were 17 in number, paid by Apthorp and Hancock, in which 
2000 or 3000 persons were carried to the other colonies, 50 of 
whom were sent direct from Halifax to North Carolina. On 
the 8 Sept'r., 1755, major general Johnson, (Sir W'!!-), nephew 
of admiral Warren, gained a victory over general Dieskau, near 
lake George, (lac du St. Sacrement.) Johnson is said, by the 
French accounts, to have had 3000 men, while the French 
troops were 222 regulars, 600 Canadians and 760 Indians, (total 
1582 men.) John Herman Dieskau, major gen'L, was wounded, 
and made prisoner. He died in 1767, at Surene, in France, in 
consequence of the wounds he received in this engagement. 
6 or 7 officers and 83 men of the French forces were killed, 
and 130 wounded. On the English side, Johnson was woun- 
ded, 40 Indians and 130 English killed, and 60 wounded. 

In closing the account of this eventful year, the English 
colonist can look back with deep satisfaction at the fall of 
Beausejour, a fortress erected in defiance of every principle of 
fairness, justice, and international law ; but in the melancholy 
fate of the French Acadians, removed by force, scattered in 
strange lands, among an uncongenial people, the retrospect is 
anything but agreeable. While we see plainly that England 
could never really control this province while they remained in 
it, all our feelings of humanity are aftected by the removal 
itself, and still more by the severity of the attendant circum- 
stances. Sent to the other colonies without any previous 
consent on their part to receive them, and with little or no 
provision made for their support when they arrived there, — 
scattered among communities to whom their religious worship 
was odious, and deprived of all their property without compen- 
sation, it is not to be wondered at that the poet and the novelist 
have made capital of their sufferings. They were the victims 
of great error on their own part, and of delusive views that 
false friends had instilled into their minds, and the impulses of 
national ambition and jealousy precipitated their fate. It is, 
however, some consolation to know that very many of the 
exiles returned within a few years to their native land, and 
though not restored to their original farms, they became an 



1755- Histo7'y of Nova-Scotia. 299 

integral and respected portion of our population, displaying, 
under all changes, those simple virtues that they had inherited 
— the same modest, humble and peaceable disposition, that 
had been their early attributes. On many parts of our Atlantic 
shore — in Cape Breton, in Prince Edward Island, and the 
Magdalen islands, and in portions of New Brunswick, the 
Acadian French still exist in considerable numbers, and tho' 
most of their gentry left the province at Nicholson's conquest, 
we have yet among us lineal descendants of the great Latour 
^.n the female line, in the family of Dentremont, and other 
branches. The love of country must have been strong indeed 
in the Acadians to induce them to return at the first opportu- 
nity and begin the world anew, without money or patronage, 
and to build up, by patient industry and economy, communi- 
ties, prosperous and valuable, such as, for example, the settle- 
ments of the district of Clare. 

" However rugged be the strand, 

" I love, I prize my native land. 

" On no compulsion would I change 

" For fairer clime or wider range. 

" Here where my infant joys were found, 

" To me is ever holy ground. 

" My country ! how can I unfold 

" The love I bear thee, words are cold." 

1755- 30 December, licut. colonel Montague Wilmot, and 
Charles Morris, esq'r., were appointed members of the council, 
and took the oaths and their seats. The other members pre- 
sent \vere messes- Collier, Cotterell, Monckton and Rous. 



APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XX. 

(I.) 

[The scroll or draft of this in ms. is endorsed " to the governors on the 

continent."] 

Halifa.v, Nova Scotia, nth Aug., 1755. 
Sir. The success that has attended his majesty's arms in driving the French 
lut from the encroachments they had made in the province, furnished me with a 



300 History of Nova-Scotia. 

favorable opportunity of reducing the French inhabitants of tliis colony to a pro- 
per obedience to his majesty's government, or of forcing them to quit the country. 
These inhabitants were permitted in quiet possession of their lands, upon condi- 
tion they should take the oath of allegiance to the king within one year after the 
treaty of Utrecht, by which this province was ceded to Great Britain ; with this 
condition they have ever refused to comply, without having (at the same time) from 
the governor an assurance in writing that they should not be called upon to bear 
arms in the defence of the province, and with this general Philipps did comply, 
of which step his majesty has disapproved ; and the inhabitants therefrom pre- 
tending to be in a state of neutrality between his majesty and his enemies, have 
continually furnished the French and Indians with intelligence, quarters, provi- 
sions and assistance in annoying the Government ; and while one part have 
abetted the French encroachments by their treachery, the other have countenan- 
ced them by open rebellion ; and three hundred of them were actually found in 
arms, in the French fort at Beausejour, when it surrendered. 

Notwithstanding all this former bad behaviour, as his Majesty was pleased to 
allow me to extend still further his Royal grace to such as would return to their 
duty, I offered such of them as had not been openly in arms against us, a contin- 
uance of the possession of their lands, if they would take the oath of allegiance, 
unqualified with any reservation whatever. But this they have audaciously as 
well as unanimously refused ; and if they would presume to do this when there 
was (is) a large fleet of ships in the harbor, and a considerable land force in the 
province, what might we not expect from them when the approaching winter de- 
prives us of the former, and when the troops, which are only hired from New 
England occasionally, and for a short time, have returned home. 

As by this behaviour the inhabitants have forfeited all title to their lands, and 
any further favour from the Government. I called together his Majesty's council, 
at which the Hon. Vice Admiral Boscawen and Rear Admiral Mostyn assisted, 
to consider by what manner we could, with the greatest security and effect, rid 
ourselves of a set of people who would for ever have been an obstruction to the 
intention of settling this colony, and that it was now, from their refusal of the 
oath, absolutely incumbent upon us to remove. 

As their numbers amount to near seven thousand persons, the driving them 
off, with leave to go whithersoever they pleased, would have doubtless strength- 
ened Canada, with so considerable a number of inhabitants ; and as they have 
no cleared land to give them at present, such as are able to bear arms must have 
been immediately employed in annoying this and the neighboring colonies. To 
l^revent such an inconveniency, it was judged a necessary and the only practical 
measure to divide them among the colonies, where they may be of some use, as 
most of them are healthy, strong people ; and as they cannot easily collect them- 
selves together again, it will be out of their power to do any mischief, and they 
may become profitable, and, it is possible, in time, faithful subjects. 

As this step was indispensibly necessary to the security of the colony, upon 
whose preservation from French encroachments the prosperity of North Ame- 
rica is esteemed, in a great measure, dependant, I have not the least reason to 
doubt your Excellency's concurrence, and that you will receive the inhabitants I 
now send, and dispose of them in such a manner as may best answer (our design) 
in preventing their reunion. 
As the vessels employed in this service are upon monthly hire, I beg the favor 



History of Nova-Scotia, 301 

of you to expedite, as much as possible, their discharge, and that they may be 
furnished with a certificate of the time thereof, agreeable to the form enclosed. 
I am, sir, your most obedient and most humble servant, 

Chas. Lawrence. 
For his Majesty's especial service. 

To the Hon. Arthur Dobl)s, Esq., captain general and ^ 
commander-in-chief of his Majesty's province of 
North Carolina, in America, or to the commander- 
in-chief of the said province for the time being. 
North Carolina. j 

(2.) 

(From Thxchcr's History of the toum of Plymo^lth. Boston, 1S3.5,//. 142, 143.^ 
Speaking of General John Winslow, a descendant of the early governors 01 
that name in New England, he says : — 

" In 1740 he commanded a company in the expedition against Cuba, and after- 
wards rose to the rank of major-general in the king's service." That as colonel, 
he was second in command in the expedition under Monckton, in 1755 ; that 
" so great was the popularity of colonel Winslow, that in an incredibly short " 
" time he raised for this expedition 2000 men." That " in 1756 he commanded " 
" at Fort William Henry, on Lake George. He was also a counsellor of the " 
" province" (of Massachusetts.) " He died at Marshfield in 1774, at the age " 
" of 73." That he resided several years in Plymouth. That he was remarkable 
for his skill in horsemanship. That he left two sons. Pel ham and Isaac, both 
attached to the Royal cause in the American revolution. 



JO 2 History of Nova-Scotia, i75^« 



CHAPTER XXI. 



1756. The governor and council at Annapolis in the period 
during which it was the capital of the province, had occasion- 
ally passed ordinances. These were either temporary regula- 
tions to regulate the trade in grain of the bay of Fundy, or 
else local rules affecting the people of the village. After the 
government was established at Halifax, many important laws 
were passed by the governor and council, some of which impo- 
sed duties on trade, to raise a revenue. It seems that som.c 
person had questioned their power of legislation, for we have 
the opinion of the attorney and solicitor general of England, 
Murray and Lloyd, dated 29 April, 1755, who, having con- 
sidered the governor's commission and royal instructions, and 
the observations of Jonathan Belcher, esq'r., the chief justice, 
gave their opinion, " that the governor aad council alone are " 
" not authorized by his majesty to make laws. Till there can " 
" be an assembly, his majesty has ordered the government of" 
" the infant colony to be pursuant to his commission and " 
" instructions, and such further directions as he should give, " 
" under his sign manual, or by order in council." [i Chalvicrs' 
Opinions, 261, 262.] This official decision appears to have 
made the constitution of a representative assembly a desirable 
proceeding to meet the requirements of the times. Such an 
idea at all events prevailed, but governor Lawrence was not 
over anxious to forward this view. In his letter to the lords 
of trade, 8 Dec'r., 1755, he says, very truly, that the question 
of the validity of these ordinances is altogether a point of law. 
He asserts that the laws passed were chiefly such as were 



1756. History of Nova-Scotia. 



0^0 



indispensably necessary for the good regulation of the town of 
Halifax, and encouragement of its commerce. The merchants 
and people concerned had never questioned the authority of 
these enactments. He says that laws were passed in Virginia 
in the same manner prior to the convening an assembly. He 
refers them to the 86fl''- instruction, and shews it cannot be 
practically complied with, as there is but one township (Hali- 
fax), erected. The chief justice's proposition to elect twelve 
members at Halifax, (as a county election), for the province, 
he thinks would give the merchants the whole power, and 
exclude the landed interest. If ordered, he will jDunctually 
execute instructions on this matter, but states that the expence 
of a house for the assembly to meet in — payment of their 
clerk and officers, must be provided for, as the people here are 
not able to defray these charges. 

Mr. Green, one of the council, was, in January, at Boston, 
instructed to communicate with governor Shirley on the affairs 
of Nova Scotia. Lawrence wrote to Shirley at this time, that 
the sentiments of the latter concerning the French inhabitants 
had turned out to be directly just in every particular, and that 
they proved to the very last the faithless and perfidious 
wretches he had always described them, and would certainly, 
in case of a rupture with France, have worked out the des- 
truction of the province, had they been suffered to remain in 
it He had instructed Green to propose to Shirley the re- 
peopling the evacuated lands in Nova Scotia with Protestants 
from the continent, and the fortifying the river St. John. 
Lawrence was called on by the Massachusetts assembly and 
government to indemnify them for expences they incurred in 
receiving and supporting the French Acadians. On the 
10 Feb'y. parliament voted ;i^5 5,032 19 o for the support of 
the colony of Nova Scotia. This sum does not include charges 
of forces and garrisons. Shirley tells Lawrence that the New 
England people are accustomed to be ruled by a governor, 
council and assembly, and to charter constitutions ; that pub- 
lication of the terms on which they are to be encouraged to 
settle, and protection from French or Indian enemies, will be 
all that can now be done to induce them to migrate to Nova 



304 History of Nov a- Scotia. 1756. 

Scotia. He also asks to have 2000 stand of arms returned. 
Shirley, after the death of Braddock, was commander-in-chief 
of the army, and was now engaged in plans for a new cam- 
paign on the Canadian borders. The earl of Loudon was made 
governor of Virginia and commander-in-chief in North Ame- 
rica. 

One of the transport vessels that sailed from Annapolis 
Royal, bound for Carolina, with thirty-six families of Acadians, 
numbering 226 persons, was taken possession of by her pas- 
sengers, and carried into the river St. John. In February, 
Lawrence sent a party of Rangers in a schooner to St. John, 
the men clothed like French soldiers and the vessel wearing 
French colors. His intention was to obtain intelligence, and, 
if possible, to bring off some of the St. John river Indians. 
The officer in command of the schooner found the English 
transport there, and would have brought her off", had not their 
disguise been rendered useless by an accident. The French, 
finding they were foes, set fire to the ship, and some shot 
w ire exchanged. They brought back with them one Acadian 
Frenchman, whom they took by a stratagem. There were no 
Indians there at the time, part of them being with Boishebert, 
at Gedaique, (Shediac), and the rest at Pasimaquadie. Up the 
river, at a place called St. Anns, there was a French officer, 
with about twenty men. Lieut, colonel Scott, at Chignecto, 
went with a strong detachment after Boishebert, who was at 
head of some Acadians and Indians. Not finding him where 
expected, he was returning to his fort, and was attacked in 
the rear on his march, and lost two men of the Regulars. He 
had reason to believe that the enemy lost six or seven Indians 
in this skirmish. A schooner, belonging to Mr. Winniett, 
carrying six guns and having a crew of ten men, McNeale, 
master, bound from Boston to Annapolis Royal, laden with 
provisions for the garrison, in which captain-lieutenant Martin, 
of the artillery, was going to his duty at the fort, was surprised 
and captured by the Indians, (in February), at Pasimaquadie, 
where she lay at anchor. At this time it was estimated that 
about five hundred of the French inhabitants were lurking 
about in the woods in Nova Scotia, and an attack on Anna- 



1756. History of Nova-Scotia. 305 

polis in the spring, by French and Indians, was projected ar>d 
rumored. Shirley urged on governor Lawrence to send an 
expedition in the spring to drive the French from the river 
St. John, and to build a fort 90 miles above the mouth, where 
the French held their upper post. The two Massachusetts 
regiments were now preparing to return home from Nova 
Scotia, and Massachusetts could not send aid, as they were 
raising a large body of men for an expedition on the continent 
in the coming summer. 

Early in April, a battalion of general Shirley's New Eng- 
land regiment, under command of major Jedediah Prebble, lay 
in Halifax harbor, embarked in two schooners and ten sloops, 
and a detachment of 37 officers and men of the artillery in 
another sloop. The New Englanders were on their return to 
Boston, the term of their enlistment having expired, and the 
artillerymen were to be taken to New York, to join general 
Shirley. This flotilla were to sail under convoy of H. M. S. 
Vulture, John Scaife, commander. As there were many French 
Acadians in the neighborhood of cape Sable and port Latour 
still unremoved, governor Lawrence ordered them to put into 
cape Sable or some of the adjoining harbors on their way to 
Boston. Prebble was directed to land troops — seize as many 
of the inhabitants as possible, and carry them to Boston. He 
adds : " You are, at all events, to burn and destroy the " 
•' houses of the said inhabitants, and carry their utensils and " 
" cattle of all kinds, and make a distribution of them to the " 
" troops under your command, as a reward for the perform- " 
" ance of this service, and to destroy such things as cannot " 
" conveniently be carried off." 

Governor Lawrence had obtained from the two New Ens:- 
land regiments, raised the year before for the siege of Beause- 
jour, one hundred and eight men, who took service in the 
regular troops in Nova Scotia ; but as the assembly of Massa- 
chusetts disapproved of this, and governor Shirley, as comman- 
der-in-chief, objected, he was obliged to discharge these men 
again. One of the New England battalions had left this pro- 
vince, and the other was (28 April) waiting only for transports. 
The troops he had left (being under 2500) were but enough to . 

B 20 



3o6 History of Nova-Scotia. ^756. 

protect Halifax, Lunenburg, Annapolis and Chignecto. The 
escaped Acadians, under Boishebert, were still lurking about 
the North side of the bay of Fundy, but Lawrence could not 
prudently send out detachments to check them. In his letter 
of 28 April to the lords of trade, he tells them that the differ- 
ent provinces to which the French inhabitants were sent, had 
received them, and that his orders to major Prebble to destroy 
the French settlement at cape Sable and carry off the inhabi- 
tants, had been executed. Three men of the 40*'^- regiment 
(Hopson's) were sentenced 15 April, hanged 17 April, and 
their bodies hung in chains. They had seized on a schooner, 
and endeavored to take her to Louisbourg. 

The fort at bale Verte had been re-named Fort Monckton. 
On the 26 April, lieutenant Bowen was out from this fort with 
a party of 30 men, in order to get wood. They were attacked 
by a body of Indians, who killed and scalped nine of the men, 
and wounded another. Colonel Scctt, who commanded at 
Beausejour, sent 200 men of his own (New England) battalion 
to bale Vcrte, with a Serjeant and ten men of the regulars. 
He replaced the men that were killed, and caused three weeks' 
supply of wood for fort Monckton to be laid in. On 27 April, 
the Indians killed one of the regulars, and carried off one of 
the irregulars. These two men had strayed beyond their 
limits down to the side of the river Tintamarre, opposite West- 
coque, about the break of day. Scott proposed to raise two 
companies of rangers from amongst his men, with 25s. bounty 
per man, a dollar to the enlisting officer — to serve for eighteen 
months, and found it indispensable to offer them payment for 
prisoners and scalps. About 20 had enlisted, after two days' 
consideration. Scott offered them ;^25 for each male Indian 
prisoner above 16 years old — ^20 for Indian female prisoner 
— JQ20 for the scalp of a man, and ;!^io for child prisoner. 
He engaged to ask the governor to raise the price of scalps, 
and to grant similar bounties for Acadian prisoners or their 
scalps, " as they now act in conjunction with the Indians." 

The horrors and atrocities of this kind of warfare were not 
confined to the Isthmus. A gentleman named Payzant came 
to Halifax in 1754, with a recommendation to Lawrence, then 



1756. History of Nov-a-Scotia, 307 

president, from Mr. Pownal, secretary to the lords of trade. 
(I find in the London magazine for 1757, among the deaths, 
' July 23. James Payzant, esq : a clerk in the secretary of 
state's office, aged 100.) Mr. Payeant decided on settling with 
his family in the vicinity of the new German town of Lunen- 
burg, and Lawrence gave him a letter to colonel Sutherland, 
who commanded there, requesting that he should be favored 
and protected in his design. Payzant established his resi- 
dence, building a house on an island in Mahone bay, a delight- 
ful region, not far from another island then called Rous island, 
on which there was also a settlement belonging to capt. Rous. 
A party of Indians went to Rous's island — took off a boy, 
whose hands they tied, and forced him to guide them to Pay- 
zant's place, the islands being numerous, and then probably 
all covered with wood. They killed and scalped Payzant him- 
self, a woman servant and a child — carried off Mrs. Payzant 
and four children, and also killed and scalped the boy guide. 
The man who lived on Rous's island was also found scalped. 
It was the practice of the Indians then to carry any prisoners 
whose lives they spared to Canada, where they were disposed 
of for a money ransom, which the humanity of the French 
inhabitants or the policy of the Quebec rulers provided ; and 
after^'years of exile, the survivors got back to the British colo- 
nies, on exchange of prisoners, re-payment of ransom, or at a 
general peace. In this instance, one, if not more, of the four 
children of Payzant were, after a long time, restored to Nova 
Scotia. A son of this family got back from Canada, and in 
after life was a religious teacher of great piety and virtue at 
Liverpool, Nova Scotia, and the name is still found in the pro- 
vince, growing in esteem. — On friday, 14 May, the lieutenant 
governor assembled his council at his own house, in Halifax, 
ct which raessrs. Green, Cotterel, Rous, Collier, Monckton and 
Wilmot, met him. He laid before them the letters he had 
received from Scott and Sutherland, detailing the circumstan- 
ces of the Indian warfare, and they resolved to offer bounties 
for Indian prisoners and scalps. 

The following is re -printed from one of the placards then 
issued : 



3o8 History of Nova-Scotia, 1756. 

[royal arms.] 

BY 

CHARLES LAWRENCE, Esq; 

Lieutenant-Governor and Commander in Chief of His Majesty's Province of 
Nova-Scotia, or Accadie. 

A PROCLAMATION. 

Whereas nohmthstanding the gracious O^ers of Friends 'li "> and Prelection madf 
by us, in his Majesty s Name, to the Indians inhalnting this Province, and the 
Treaty of Peace concluded with a Tribe of the Mick macks, hearing Date the 
22d November, 1752, the Indians have of late, in a tnost treacherous and cruel 
Manner, killed and carried away divers of his Majesty s Subjects in different 
Parts of the Province. 
For these Causes We (by and watli tlie Advice and Consent of His Majesty's 
Council) do hereby autliorize and command all Officers, civil and military, and 
all His Majesty's Subjects, to annoy, distress, take and destroy the Indians inha- 
biting different Parts of this Province, wherever they are found ; and all such as 
may be aiding or assisting to them, notwithstanding the Proclamation of the 4th 
q{ November, 1752, or any former Proclamation to the contrary. 

And We do hereby promise (by and with the Advice and Consent of His 
Majesty's Council) a Reward of Tliirty Pounds for every male Indian Prisoner, 
above the Age of Sixteen Years, brought in alive ; for a Scalp of such Male 
Indian Twenty-five Pounds, and Tiventy-five Pounds for every Indian Woman or 
Child brought in alive : Such Rewards to be paid by the Officer commanding at 
any of His Majesty's Forts in this Province, immediately on receiving the Prison- 
ers or Scalps above mentioned, according to the Intent and Meaning of this Pro- 
clamation. 

Given at Halifax, this i^h Day of May, 1756, /;/ the z<)th Year of His Majesty'' s 
Reign. 
By His Excellency's Command, 

Chas- Lawrence. 

Wm. Cotter ell, Seer. 

GOD save the KIN G. 

Halifax : Printed by J. Bushell, Printer to the Government. 1756. 

This paper was about 1 2 inches long by five inches wide. 

It is not the duty of the historian to aggravate and color 
darkly the errors, the severities, or even the crimes he relates. 
Human nature is too open at all times to the influence of pas- 
sion, the seductions of ambition, and the prejudices of party 
and faction. It is impossible to read the solemn orders for 
destroying and annihilating the homes and their surroundings 
of our fellow creatures — the forcible capture and removal of 
•families — the rewards in money to the soldier for the scalp of 
an enemy, and many other proceedings of those in authority 



1756. History of Nova-Scotia. 309 

at this period, without strong sensations of pain and disgust. 
Those who were called savages, destitute of the supposed 
advantages of civilization and learning, which are said to 
humanize and soften the feelings, no doubt, in their attacks on 
the English, whom they were zealously and systematically 
instructed to believe not only enemies to themselves but hos- 
tile to their great French king and father, and to the religion 
they had been taught, did not stay much in their career, when 
on the war path, to enquire into the doctrines of Grotius or 
Pufifendorf as to the duties and rules that should govern 
belligerents. They only made war agreeably to the ancient 
practice and habit of their tribe. The same thing cannot be 
said in mitigation of the conduct of the Europeans. English 
and French alike adopted the Indian plan of scalping, and 
added to it a refinement unknown to the Indians, in giving a 
pecuniary recompense for the scalp of an enemy. This brought 
into active play one of the lowest, meanest, and most brutal- 
izing features of humanity — a miserable avarice — a thirst of 
gain, to be acquired by cruelty, and spent most probably in 
the most degrading sensual pursuits. Nothing could be cal- 
culated to lower and disfigure the character of the soldier more, 
than this appeal to his selfishness and his basest appetites. 
While, however, we pass in review the acts of those who dwelt 
in our country a century ago, let us not for a moment suppose 
that the harsh proceedings of that day which jar upon our 
sensitive modern nerves have become obsolete. Many occur- 
rences in the wars which sprang out of the French revolution 
— of the American war of independance — of that of the 
Crimea, and more especially the destruction of property and 
homes, and other cruel incidents, which the recent civil war 
in the United States produced, and the recent contests in 
China, New Zealand and Jamaica, are distinct proofs that, 
however men fancy they have improved and become pacific 
and humane, there is still ample room left for the destructive 
and cruel part of our nature to develope itself. In disapprov- 
ing, therefore, as we occasionally may, of the line of conduct 
pursued by our forefathers and their contemporaries — weigh- 
ing their actions coolly at a distance from the excitement and 



3IO History of Nova-Scofia. ^75^- 

tumult in which they lived, we may rightly say this was just 
and that was indefensible ; but we must always bear in mind 
that the same passions of the heart, and impulses or errors of 
the understanding', that may have occasionally caused them 
to pass beyond the true line of demarcation between right and 
wrong, are equally close to us as causes of error and delusion. 

On the 1 8 May, war was declared in a formal manner in 
London and Westminster against the French king. The 
"usurpations and encroachments made by" the "French" 
"upon" the Er!glish "territories and the settlements of" 
" British" subjects " in the West Indies and North America, " 
" particularly in" the " province of Nova Scotia," were placed 
in the first paragraph of the declaration, dated Kensington, 
17 May, as causes of the war. The French king's declaration 
of war was dated Versailles, 9 June. 

In connection with the affairs of this continent, we may 
mention that Mr. William Johnson, a native of Ireland, the 
nephew of Sir Peter Warren, who had settled in the Western 
part of the state of New York, and was equally successful as a 
lawyer, a merchant and a soldier, was, in 1755, made a baronet. 
He possessed the confidence of extensive Indian tribes in that 
region. His victory 8 Sept'r., 1755, near lake George, over 
general Dieskau, obtained him this rank. [Sir Loudon maga- 
zine, 1 75 5. A 550—1756,/. 432.] 

(A son of the hon. Mr. Morris had received a commission in 
the 45tl''- regiment from general Shirley. This young man 
died 22 May, 1756, and lieut. governor Lawrence, 29 May, 
requests general Shirley to grant the vacant commission to 
Alexander Morris, a brother of the deceased officer, stating 
that Mr. Morris, the father, was very deserving, and had been 
warmly recommended to him, Lawrence, by Shirley, and made 
a councillor in consequence.) 

The four governments of New England, and that of New 
York, had agreed to raise forces to attack Crown Point. By 
the last of May they had assembled eight thousand men 
for this purpose, at Albany, thirteen hundred of whom were 
furnished by the province of New York ; and as men were 
continually joining, they reckoned on the total number soon 



1756. History of Nova-Scoiia. 311 

reaching 9000. The Enghsh regiments, 44^1^- 48^11- 50^'^ and 
^ist — three independant companies, and the Jersey provin- 
cials, were destined for the campaign on lake Ontario, and 
mostly marched for Oswego, thence to be carried over in 200 
whale boats, which were then at the lakes. They were to 
attack fort Frontenac, and other French posts on the lakes. 
Upwards of 2000 batteau men were employed to navigate the 
batteaux, each one ton burthen, loaded with provisions and 
stores. They were to proceed from Albany up the Mohawk 
river, then through Oneyda lake and river, ctevvn to Oswego. 
Three hundred sailors were hired and sent up from New York 
to Oswego to navigate four armed vessels on the lake, built 
the year before, of 150 tons each, and two more were building. 
This little army was about 3600 men, not including officers. 
Pennsylvania had voted ;^ 100,000, and raised 1500 men, but 
they were acting only on the defensive. Maryland had voted 
£,j\Qjooo, an.1 Virginia ;i^45,ooo. This activity and zeal in the 
provinces was undoubtedly owing to the skill and perseverance 
of general Shirley, the governor of New England, a gentleman 
who displayed the highest administrative ability in both civil 
and military affairs ; and though he had no opportunities of 
distinguishing himself in the field, yet, by his prudence, fore- 
thought and perseverance, effected as much, if not more, for 
the preservation of our colonies and the extension of British 
dominion on the continent, than any other person in the ser- 
vice of the crown in those times. 

15 June. The governor and council, at the request of colonel 
Sutherland, authorized the erection of a block-house at Laheve 
river, and of another half way between that and Mushamush, 
at which latter place a private one had been already erected, 
(probably that of Ephraim Cook.) Rations were granted to 
such of the Germans as would occupy these posts. Musha- 
mush, I believe, is the charming little village and harbor called 
formerly Mahone bay, and lately named Kinburn. 22 June. 
Twenty-nine French prisoners, taken on board the Pontchar- 
train, were ci^nfined on George's island. The names seem to 
be all German. 

In the spring of this year many of the Acadian families 



312 History of Nova-Scotia. 1756. 

who had fled, found their way in vessels from Miramichi 
to Quebec, and those who remained in Nova Scotia caused 
a memorial to be presented in July to M. de Vaudreuil, in 
the following terms : ' The inhabitants of all Acadie, repre- 
sented by their deputies, have the honor to expose to you 
their melancholy fate, and that into which they are ready to 
fall, if you do not hold out the hand of succor. Can you, my 
lord, fail to feel affected by their lot, scattered here and there, 
persecuted by the English, deprived of all asylum, it seems as 
if nature regards them only as the object of public vengeance. 
They beg you to observe that the sole cause of their misery 
is their exclusive attachment to France, and their character 
of subjects of that crown, which the English have been unable 
to constrain them to renounce. Brought up by their fathers 
in uniform sentiments of attachment to their king, whose 
kindnesses they have, on different occasions, experienced, 
can they, without failing in duty to their religion and to them- 
selves, give in to the terms exacted of them, especially at a 
time when France in arms takes openly the part of avenging 
them. The inhabitants of Mines, those of Beaubassin, those 
of the rivers, are either straying in the woods or prisoners in 
the hands of the English. It is a rare thing to find a family 
actually reassembled, and there remains for those who are 
collected together only the desire of revenging themselves. It 
depends on yourself alone to put arms in their hands, but of 
favor grant them provisions, so that, all united together, they 
may place themselves under the laws of a king who becomes 
dearer to them by the visible protection with which he honors 
them. Do not their actual misery, that which they have done, 
and their constant refusal to obey the English, speak in their 
favor } and do they not destroy the bad impressions that some 
persons have tried to give you against them in the business of 
Beausejour ">. Observe, my lord, their perplexity at that criti- 
cal period : alternately intimidated and caressed by an English 
army superior to the French forces, they dared neither to act 
or speak. Besides, why were they not led against the enemy } 
It is true they were not inured to war. Your petitioners, to 
the number of 3500, have retired to Miramichi, because they 



1756. History of Nova-Scotia. 



3^0 



* think it the only place where families may more easily reassem- 

* ble, and where they may subsist better by aid of the fishery. 

* For this reason they beg for provisions ; but as in this critical 
' time it does not seem possible to send provisions sufficient for 
' so many people, they pray you will give them plenty of pease 
' and beans, and a very little of flour and meal, as the fishery 

* and chase will help them much. My lord, the inhabitants only 

* insist on staying at Miramichi, as they foresee the removal of 

* such a number of people this year is almost impossible, and 
' their settling here will be advantageous to Canada ; but they 
' would apprize you that the Micmacs are very bad neighbours, 

* although directed by M. de Menac, (the priest elsewhere called 
' Manach.) They destroy everything. On this account they 
' beg you will send to Miramichi a person of probity,' (Jiard to 
find at that time in Quebec, if the stories against Bigot, &c., are 
to be credited), ' who can make a just distribution of provisions, 
' as they do not wish to have any business with this missionary. 
' M. de Boishebert has promised to stop with them, but on con- 
' dition that he shall not have anything to do with these Indians. 

* If provisions were sent to these Micmacs, or they were sent 

* elsewhere, the French would not be injured more than the 

* English have been by them, as thieving and idling are their 

* characteristics.' They concluded their memorials by praying 
that no difference should be made between them and the other 
subjects of the ki:ig of France. 

Pere de la Corne, a Recollet, had been the predecessor of 
Menac in this mission. He acquired the nickname (soubriquet) 
of capitaine yean Barthe. (Barthe was a naval officer of great 
activity, who died in 1702.) La Corne was not only a clergy- 
man, but also a merchant. He used to come to Quebec to 
sell his goods and take back returns. He owned and acted 
as master of a schooner employed in this business. When he 
had amassed a large sum of money, and on pretence of ill 
health left his mission, returned to France, where, by the use 
of money, he got rid of his convent and his vows, and became 
quite a lady's man. Menac, his successor, had been missionary 
at baie Verte before the capture of Beausejour, and subservient 
to le Loutre. 



314 History of Nova-Scotia. 1756 

Brossard, called Beausoleil, fitted out a privateer in the bay 
of Fundy, and took some English vessels. Boishebert attacked 
the English in bale Vcrte — burnt a vessel of 200 tons they 
had on the stocks, and a schooner close by at anchor — killed 
seven Englishmen, and made one prisoner. 

I am sensible that many of the details respecting the French 
inhabitants and the proceedings of French officers that I have 
introduced, are comparatively uninteresting to the English 
reader, who naturally feels a desire to hear of his ancestors of 
his own race and- nation. It would, however, be a very defec- 
tive history of Nova Scotia which omitted to give a distinct 
and clear view of the adventurers of 1605, and of all the French 
who were actively connected with Acadie from that time until 
the last remnant of their Empire, was abandoned in America 
by the peace of 1763. 

On tuesday, 15 June, 1756, Robert Grant, esquire, by a 
mandauius from the king, was sworn in as a member of the 
council of Nova Scotia. 

Governor Lawrence, having received information that many 
of the French inhabitants who had been removed the year 
before, had procured small vessels and embarked on board 
them, in order to return to Nova Scotia by coasting from 
colony to colony, and that several of them were actually on 
their way, addressed a circular letter to all the English gover- 
nors on the continent, dated Halifax, i July, 1756, begging 
them to take measures to frustrate this design, by destroying 
any vessels prepared or in use for such a purpose, assuring 
them that the return of those people would be likely to prove 
fatal to his majesty's interest in this part of the world. On 
7 July, Lawrence writes to colonel Webb, who had arrived at 
New York early in June, and taken command of the troops 
till lord Loudon should come out. He explains how short he 
is of men since the New England troops left, insomuch that 
he has been unable to send a detachment to drive the French 
from the upper post on the St. John, or to repair and garrison 
the fort at St. John harbor, at the mouth of the river, and shows 
him that he cannot spare a man. Lieut, governor Spencer 
Phips, of Massachusetts, published a proclamation for raising 



1756. History of Nova-Scotia. 315 

forces to defend the colonies against the French, at the ex- 
pence of the crown. The recruits were not to be obliged to 
serve out of North America, and to be free from their engage- 
ment when hostilities should cease. Each man was promised 
300 acres of land in New York, New Hampshire, or Nova 
Scotia, at his choice. The irregulars of New England still in 
Nova Scotia were offered, if they would remain on duty there 
for six months longer, the choice of lands in Nova Scotia, New 
York, or New Hampshire, viz. : to a colonel, 1000 acres ; 
lieutenant colonel or major, 750 : captain, 500 ; lieutenant or 
ensign, 400 ; private soldier, 200. 

26 July, the earl of Loudon, commander-in-chief, arrived at 
New York. John Campbell, 4'li-, earl of Loudon, baron 
Mauchlane, one of the sixteen peers of Scotland, and F. R. S., 
was born in the year 1705, and succeeded to the title on the 
death of his father Hugh, the 3''d- earl, in November, 1731. 
On the landing of the Pretender, in Scotland, in 1745, the earl 
of Loudon repaired to Inverness, where he raised for the 
crown a regiment of Highlanders, of which he was appointed 
colonel in April. On the approach of the enemy, however, he 
abandoned his position, and retired to the isle of Skye, with- 
out making scarcely any show of resistance, [Svio//i'tt.] He 
was elected one of the sixteen Scotch peers in four successive 
parliaments. His regiment having been broke in 1748, his 
lordship became colonel of the 30tli- of foot, i November, 1 749, 
major general on the 17 February, 1755, and on the 25 Dec'r., 
1755, was appointed colonel of the 6oth- or Royal American 
regiment, which was to be raised in Virginia, of which pro- 
vince he was appointed governor in February, 1756, when he 
also became commander-in-chief of all his majesty's forces in 
North America. He sailed in the latter end of May for this 
country, where he arrived in the latter part of July, 1756. 
His career in America was distinguished mainly by ineffi- 
ciency, and his military operations confined principally to the 
celebrated " Cabbage planting expedition," at Halifax, 1757, 
so that, though promoted to the rank of lieutenant general in 
January, 1758, not only his military skill but his courage and 
integrity were questioned. It is, therefore, not surprising to 



3i6 History of Nova-Scotia. I75^» 

learn that " the multitude shouted at the news of his being 
recalled to England" in the course of the latter year. In 
1763 or 1764 he was appointed governor of Edinburgh castle, 
at a salary of ^300 a year, and on the 30 April, 1770, became 
colonel of a regiment of Foot guards, (Scotch), and a general 
in the army. His lordship died, unmarried, at Loudon castle, 
Ayrshire, on the 27 of April, 1782, aged j"] years. {^Nezu York 
Documents, vol. 7, /. 36.] 

On the 3 July, a party of English, under colonel Bradstreet, 
who had left Oswego in batteaux, were attacked by the French 
force, viz. : 180 regulars, 400 Canadians, and over 100 Indians. 
The action lasted two hours, and the English had 60 or 70 
killed and wounded, but claimed a victory. 

The private ship Seaflower, (a sloop, Wm. Knox, master), 
was commissioned by the lieutenant governor to cruise on the 
Eastern coast, against the enemy. 

Royal commissions were received, appointing Charles Law- 
rence captain general and governor in chief, and Robert 
Monckton lieutenant governor of Nova Scotia. The council 
being convened at the court house, in Halifax, on friday, 23 
July, 1756, the commissions were publicly read, and Lawrence 
and Monckton sworn in. After which, messrs. Monckton, 
Belcher, Green, Collier, Cotterell, Grant, Morris and Willmott, 
were sworn in as councillors, the usual proclamation adopted 
requiring officers to continue. An address of congratulation 
from the council to his excellency was presented, to which he 
made a suitable reply. 

Lieutenant governor Phips wrote to Mr. Lawrence, Boston, 
23 July, 1756, that seven boats, with about ninety of the French 
Acadians, had coasted along shore from Georgia or South 
Carolina, and put into a harbor in Massachusetts. Phips had 
ordered the boats and people to be secured, and three or four 
of the latter to be sent on to Boston, to be examined. He 
complains that more of these people had been received and 
supported already by Massachusetts than their proportion ; 
and in a subsequent letter, of 6 August, presses on Lawrence 
the claims of Massachusetts to be indemnified, (which the 
governor and council engaged to do, 16 Aug't.), and further 



1756. History of Nova-Scotia, 317 

states that these people had a passport from the governors of 
Georgia, South CaroHna, and New York. (Hon. Spencer 
Phips, lieutenant governor of New England, adopted son of 
Sir W. Phips, died in 1757.) Lawrence sent major Hale, of 
the 47''^- regiment, to Louisbourg, with a letter, dated 2 Aug't., 
1756, addressed to le baron de Dnicoiir, governor of cape Bre- 
ton, requesting the exchange of Mr. Martin, capt. lieut. of 
artillery, captured the autumn before by the Indians, under a 
French officer at Passamaquadie, where he had taken shelter 
from bad weather. Lawrence thinks that war had been decla- 
red, and requests Drucour to propose terms for a cartel of 
exchange of prisoners. The French man-of-war, the Arc eii 
Ciel, M. Belingant, commander, had been brought in as prize 
to Halifax. The captain and officers are destitute of funds 
and credit, and Lawrence can only supply them with the ordi- 
nary rations for prisoners. He therefore suggests that Drucour 
should send them letters of credit, as they have requested him. 
27 July, 1756. Commodore Holmes, in his own ship, the 
Grafton, with the Nottingham, and the Hornet and Jamaica, 
sloops, had an engagement with the French ships Heros, 74, 
Illustrious, 64, and two frigates, of 40 and 36 guns respectively, 
off Louisbourg. Holmes obliged the French to sheer off, and 
drove them back into Louisbourg harbour, whence they had 
come that morning. — In August, Lawrence was carrying on 
the works at George's island with all possible despatch. Lord 
Loudon had summoned all the governors of the British Ame- 
rican colonies to meet him at New York this fall, and Lawrence 
gives this as a reason to the lords of trade why he postpones 
carrying into effect their order to call an assembly in the pro- 
vince. 

The English had established a very strong post at Oswego, 
on the river Chouaguen, on the shores of lake Ontario. 
They had three forts there — old fort Oswego, fort Ontario, 
and fort George. It was a point for collection of military 
stores, from which they were to prepare detachments against 
the French posts at Niagara and Frontenac. In March, the 
French destroyed an English fort in this vicinity, and in June 
they captured some vessels there. The marquis de Montcalm 



o 



1 8 History of Nova-Scotia. 1756. 



having with him a force of about 3000 men, (of whom 1300 
were regulars), approached the EngHsh garrison cautiously, 
sending two vessels, one of twelve and the other of 16 guns, to 
cruise off Oswego, and posting a chain of Canadians and 
Indians on the road between Oswego and Albany, to intercept 
couriers. On the 10 August, his vanguard arrived at a creek 
within half a league of Oswego, and there erected a battery on 
lake Ontario. The nth. and 12th. were employed in making 
gabions, saucissons, and fascines, and in cutting a road across 
the woods from the place of landing to the place where the 
trenches were to be opened. The second division arrived on 
the 12th. in the morning, with the artillery and provisions, 
which were immediately landed. Tho' dispositions were made 
for opening the trenches at night, it was midnight before they 
could begin the trench, which was rather a parallel of about 
100 toises in front, and opened at a distance of 90 toises from 
the foss6 of fort Ontario, in ground embarrassed with trunks 
of trees, &c. 

This parallel being finished at five in the morning, the 
workmen began to erect the batteries. The fire of the enemy, 
which had been very hot from day break, ceased at six in the 
evening. They evacuated the fort, and retired across the river 
Oswego. Montcalm immediately took possession of fort 
Ontario, and ordered the communication of the parallel to be 
continued to the bank of the river, where, the beginning of the 
night, he began a grand battery, placed in such a manner that 
it could not only batter fort Oswego and the way from thence 
to fort George, but also the entrenchm.ents of Oswego. 

On the 14 August a body of Canadians and savages crossed 
the river, some by swimming, and others by wading, with the 
water up to their middles, in order to invest and attack the 
fort on the side of the woods. This bold action, by which the 
communication between the two forts was cut off — the celerity 
with which the works were carried on in ground that the 
English thought impracticable, and the fire of a battery of nine 
guns, forced the English to hang out a white flag. 

By virtue of the capitulation, that garrison surrendered pri- 
soners of war, and the French immediately took possession of 



1756. History of Nova-Scotia. 319 

Oswego and Fort St. George, which they entirely destroyed, 
agreeably to their orders, after removing the artillery, warlike 
stores, and provisions. There were at Oswego seven armed 
ships, viz. : one of 18 guns, one of 14, one of 10, one of 8, and 
three others mounted with swivels, besides 200 batteaux of 
different sizes, the officers and crews of all which were inclu- 
ded in the capitulation. The English had 152 men killed or 
wounded ; colonel INIercer, the commander, is of the number 
of the former. The French, as they stated, had only one engi- 
neer, one Canadian, one soldier, and one gunner killed, and 
20 slightly wounded. They made 1600 prisoners, including 
80 officers. These are Shirley's and Pepperell's regiments, 
and a part of Schuyler's regiment of militia. They found in 
the forts 121 pieces of artillery, 55 of which are cannon of dif- 
ferent bores, and 14 mortars, with a great quantity of ammuni- 
tion and provision. 

On the 9 August, war was publicly declared against France, 
at Halifax. — Two of the transports employed to carry off the 
French Acadians, had gone with them to the West Indies. 
The owner, capt. Cook, claimed freight, alleging that they had 
been obliged to take that course by stress of weather, and the 
papers being regular, the demand was paid. — In consequence 
of the fall of Oswego, it was determined by the governor and 
council, on 15 September, that the two small forts on the 
Isthmus be forthwith destroyed, and their garrisons placed in 
fort Cumberland, (Beausejour.) Governor Lawrence writes to 
Mr. Fox, 3 October, He says the Indian and French inhabi- 
tants that are still lurking about in the woods never fail to fire 
upon parties sent out for the service of the forts, and a few 
men have been thus lost. The fall of Oswego put a stop to 
the enterprise against Crown point, which had been planned 
by Shirley, and was now expected to be carried on by his suc- 
cessor, lord Loudon. 

The Acadians continued to get along the coasts of America 
towards their ancient homes ; and besides those who had been 
detained at Boston, a second party were stopped in their pro- 
gress through the province of New York. Lord Loudon at 
this time invited all the British governors of the continent to 



320 History of Nova-Scotia. ^756 

an interview with him at New York, and Sir Charles Hardy, 
the governor there, invited Lawrence to stay with him, offer- 
ing him an apartment in Fort George. — Sir WilUam Shirley 
withdrew finally from Massachusetts in September, 1756 — 
arrived in England 30 October, and was made governor of 
Bahamas. He returned in 1779 to Roxbury, Mass., being 
honorably poor, and died at that place in April, 1771. On the 
26 October the governor and council decided to address com- 
modore Holmes, and request him not to remove the squadron 
of the navy. The vessels under his command had from time 
to time visited bale Vcrte and St. John's river, and the French 
had not attempted to re-establish the old fort at the latter 
place. Fort Gaspereaux, in baie Verte, was burnt and evacua- 
ted on the 12 October. 

In November, Lawrence had given up his intention of going 
to New York to meet lord Loudon. Chief justice Belcher had 
returned from a visit to New England — the session of the 
supreme court had terminated, and the governor and council 
were about to take into consideration the business of a house 
of representatives, as recommended to them. Lawrence ap- 
prehends great difficulties in this affair. He says he knows 
not of one instance wherein his majesty's subjects have been 
in the least molested in the enjoyment of their rights and 
liberties to the full extent under the present form of govern- 
ment. He, as governor, has endeavored to give satisfaction to 
every person. He cannot redress grievances of which he 
never was informed, nor conjecture reasons that \}i\^ petitioners 
could state to shew the inconveniences they suffer for want of 
an assembly. Many who were forward to have an assembly 
in the time of his predecessor, Cornwallis, now seem to think 
it would at present serve only to create heats, animosities and 
disunion, when the enemy is at the door, and unanimity is 
essential to safety and defence. He suggests that there will 
be malevolent and ill-designing people under any government, 
who will misrepresent affairs from selfish views. He thinks 
the well disposed people here have no uneasy feeling under 
the present form of government, as they have never signified 
anything like it to him, and if any of them have joined in the 



1756. History of Nova-Scotia. 321 

petition, that they have been led into it thro' inadvertency 
and the specious pretences of designing men. 

Lawrence sent Heut. colonel Wilmot with 200 men, to fort 
Cumberland, to strengthen the garrison there. On the surren- 
der of Beausejour, there was no building of any consequence 
left standing, except one for officers' quarters, which was un- 
r-oofed, and general repairs and alterations were required in the 
fortifications. Most of this repair, and the buildings required, 
(guard houses, store houses, hospital, magazine, &c.,) were 
completed by this time. The materials had to be brought 
from Boston and Halifax, and artificers from New England. 
The curtain, ditch, covert way, glacis and palissadoes, on the 
side of attack, were finished, and a gateway and drawbridge 
remained to be completed. 

At this time, the sloop Yorlc, captain Cobb, 

•" schr. Monckton, Solomon Phips, master, 
" snow Halifax, captain Taggart, 
" sloop Ulysses, captain Rogers, 
were in the employ of the provincial government 



APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XXL 

7. Pennsylvania Records^ p. 239, dr'r. 

At a council held at Philadelphia, Friday, 2 vSeptember, 1756 : — 

" A petition was presented to the Governor, in Council, by the neutral French, 
which was read, in these words : — 

To His Excellency William Denny, esquire, Governor of the province of Penn- 
sylvania, &ca. iS:ca. 
My Lord — 

Inasmuch as your Excellency has been pleased to manifest to us all the good- 
ness that we could desire, particularly in assuring us that we should not stand in 
want of any neccEsarj, we apprehend at this time of pressing necessity, we cannot 
do better than to address ourselves to your Excellency. 

" The honorable gentlemen to whose care you have committed us, have assured 
us that that money which, by charity, had been provided for our subsistance, was 
exjjended on our account. In the melancholy situation to which we are now 
reduced, we must inevitably perish, we and our unhappy families, except your 
Excellency gives orders to the contrary, which we beseech you will please to de, 
B 21 



32 2 History of Nova-Scotia. 

by giving orders that we may be maintained as prisoners ought to be : Never- 
theless, as we doubt not but that we are a burthen to this Government, we be- 
seech your Excellency would please to cause us to be carried in our own country, 
or that we be suffered to join our nation in the same manner which it has pleased 
his majesty, king George, (whom may God preserve), to cause us to be transpor- 
ted here contrary to our will. 

" We have been told by several gentlemen that provisions were withheld from 
us, because we have refused to accept of several things which have been offered 
us, such as a Garden, a Cow, &ca. Its true we did refuse them, as we apprehen- 
ded it was contrary to common right to oblige such prisoners as we are to take 
engagements against their wills, which, wc must acknowledge to your Excellency, 
has appeared to us in some degree hard, inasmuch as Mr. Lawrence, Governor of 
Nova Scotia, assured us, before his Majesty's Council, that he took us prisoners 
of war in the same manner as the French were made prisoners, who had then 
been taken on board the Lys and the Alcide, two French vessels, which were 
taken by Admiral Boscawen ; and Governor Lawrence further promised us, that 
we should be carried amongst our own people, (i. e. the French.) Notwithstand- 
ing if your Excellency cannot cause us to be transported to our country, we be- 
seech that we may enjoy the same privilege which prisoners have always enjoyed, 
viz., : to furnish us with what is necessary to keep us alive, and not to let us 
perish whilst we are detained here against our will. It is very hard for us, my 
lord, to see that substance taken from us which has been granted to us by his 
Majesty, paying him the customary dues, and which we have improved by the 
sweat of our brows ; we say, my lord, its very hard to see ourselves deprived of 
this substance, notwithstanding the most solemn promises, and to find ourselves 
transported into strange lands, and there suffered to perish. We have been 
allowed by the Commissioners a pound of bread and half a pound of meat a per- 
son each day, but if this is wholly taken from us, we must inevitably perish if you 
do not help us. 

" Many of us had yet a little money, but it is now expended, having been em- 
ploy'd in such refreshments which were necessary for the better subsistance of 
our familys, so that we are ready to perish except assisted by your Excellency, 
or that at least you would be pleased to order that vessels suitable to our un- 
happy situation be provided, that so that we may be sent back either to our own 
country or to our country people. These are the sincere and ardent desires of 
those who are, with the deepest respect, my lord, your humble servants, 

Pierre Doucet. Joseph Tibaudo. 

Pierre Melanson. Philip Melanson. 

Jean Doucet. Charles le Blanc. 

Pierre Aucoin. Simon Babin. 

Baptiste Tibaudo. Pierre Landry. 

Daniel le Blanc. Paul Bourg. 

St. Pierre Babin. Pierre Babin. 

Charles le Bruice. Mathurin Landry. 

Paul Bujauld. Baptiste Babin. 

Olivia Tibaudo. Paul le Blanc. 

" Then the governor informed the house that, at the instance of the Speaker 
and some members oi the assembly, he had conferred with them on the claims 



History of Nova-Scotia. 323 

set forth in this petition, they having alledged in a petition of the same tenor to 
the assembly, that they were and ought to be treated as prisoners of war, and not 
as subjects of the king of England ; and on reading Governor Lawrence's letter, 
which was delivered to the late Governor by the captains who imported them 
here, and the proceedings respecting those neutrals in Carolina, and the other 
Governments ; and on considering the treaty of Utrecht in the articles of the 
cession and surrender of Nova Scotia, the Governor and Council were unan- 
imously of opinion that they were subjects of Great Britain, and to be treated on 
that footing and no other ; whereupon the Governor sent the following verbal 
message by the secretary to the speaker : 

" The Governor directs me to inform the speaker and the committee that it is 
the unanimous opinion of the council and himself that the French prisoners 
should not be treated as prisoners of war. That he recommends it to the house 
to provide for them in such a manner as they shall think fit. That it might be 
better they should be more generally dispersed and settled as far from the fron- 
tier as possible. 

" Governor Lawrence's letter is sent to shew the house under what circum- 
stances the neutrals came here. 

2d. September, 1756. 

" In the conference with the members of assembly, the Governor was requested 
to recommend it to the assembly of Newcastle, to take and provide for a proper 
quota or part of these neutrals, and to pray the same of the Governor of Jersey, 
with respect to his assembly." 



324 History of Nova-Scotia. i757. 



CHAPTER XXII. 

1757. Mr. Belcher, the chief justice, had returned to the pro- 
vince, and took his seat in council, and the oaths, on 3 Dec'r., 
1756. Governor Lawrence then laid before the board his 
correspondence with the lords of trade, concerning a house of 
representatives, and desired the advice of the council. They 
met and consulted, 3, 6, 8, 10, 21, 24, 29 and 30 of December, 
Saturday, i January, 1757, and on monday, January 3, adopted 
resolutions on the subject. The governor, lieutenant governor 
Monckton, chief justice Belcher, and messrs. Green, Collier, 
Grant and Morris, were present at their meetings, but Law- 
rence was not present at that of 3 January. Their resolutions 
were in substance — 

" That there shall be elected for the province 
at large, until the same shall be divided 



into counties, 




12 


members 


For the township 


of Halifax, 


4 


<< 


(( (( 


Lunenburg, 


2 


(( 


U (( 


Dartmouth, 


I 


(( 


M .( 


Lawrence town, 


I 


(( 


U « 


Annapolis Royal, 


I 


(< 


ii u 


Cumberland, 


I 


(( 



22 " 

This house, together with the governor or commander-in- 
chief for the time being, and H. M. council, to be stiled the 
General Assembly. 



1757- History of Nova-Scotia. 325 

The bounds of the above named townships were pointed 
out. When 25 qualified electors shall be settled at Pisiquid, 
Minas, Cobcquid, or any other townships which may hereafter 
be erected, each of the said townships so settled shall, for their 
encouragement, be entitled to send one representative to the 
General Assembly, and shall likewise have a right of voting in 
the election of representatives for the province at large. 

That the house shall always consist of at least 16 members 
present, besides the speaker, before they enter upon business. 

Members and voters must not be Popish recusants, nor 
under the age of 21 years, and must each have a freehold 
estate in the district they represent or vote for. 

Voters, if required, must take the usual state oaths and the 
test : a qualification oath was also prescribed. 

The governor is to issue a precept to the provost marshal 
or sheriff of the province, to summon the freeholders and hold 
the elections. The first precept to be made returnable within 
60 days from its date." 

The above are the chief features of the plan, but it contains 
several other regulations. 

It is gratifying at this distance of time, over a century hav- 
ing elapsed, to notice the attention and care bestowed by the 
men of that day on the frame of a representative government. 
Every existing and prospective interest was cared for sedu- 
lously ; local representation secured ; the principles of Eng- 
lish constitutional law guarded, especially in limiting the vote 
to those who had a direct connection with the land as freehold- 
ers ; and an arrangement adopted for the expansion of the 
assembly as new townships and settlements should arise. 
The election of 12 members, being more than half of the whole 
number, by the settlers of the whole province, was something 
original and anomalous, but, doubtless, under all the circum- 
stances, a wise measifre. The light taxation — the great 
economy, and honest application of provincial revenue — the 
steady improvement in roads and bridges, and the integrity 
that have all been habitual in our public affairs, and which yet 
give our little province honor and distinction, as well as the 
general loyalty and union of our people down to the present 



326 History of Nova-Scotia. I757« 

time, may be attributed justly to the serious deliberations of 
the governors and council of 1756-175 7, and their desire to 
promote the welfare of the province. They laid an excellent 
foundation for a free government. The experience and senti- 
ments of New England had, no doubt, much weight in their 
consultations. Mr. Belcher combined the Bostonian with the 
learned student of the Temple — the aristocratic feeling with 
a profound respect for the democratic element of British law. 
Messrs. Green and Morris were also from New England. 
Lawrence, Monckton and Collier, were English. Many chan- 
ges and some improvements in our constitution have since 
been adopted. Religious prejudice has disappeared, and with 
it test oaths, and other barriers between neighbor and neigh- 
bor. The broad rule of universal suffrage has extended the 
responsibility of government to all the governed ; but after all 
our modifications, we must not forget that the elements of 
civil liberty were planted broad and deep amongst us by the 
men of the eighteenth century. As all human institutions 
and arrangements partake of the imperfections of man, we 
must not be surprised to find that, in representative govern- 
ments, tumults, passion and party views occasionally disturb 
the working of the machinery — that popular excitements and 
restless demagogues sometimes induce doubts in the reflective 
mind of the real blessings of liberty ; while on the other hand, 
influence, private ambition and pitiful subserviency may give 
to a country with a free constitution the aspect of servility, 
sycophancy and slavery. But all these oscillations proceed 
from the people themselves, and not from any defect in the 
principles of free government. They also are evidently short- 
lived evils, and rarely last long enough to inflict a permanent 
injury on the constitution. Viewing the whole century in 
which the people of Nova Scotia have had a representative 
government, we may conclude that it has been a blessing, the 
value of which can hardly be overrated. 

Our poor Acadians turn up again in Pennsylvania. We find 
18 January, 1757, " A bill for binding out and settling such " 
" of the inhabitants of Nova Scotia, imported into this pro- " 
" vince, as are under age, and for maintaining the aged, sick " 



1757- History of Nova-Scotia. 327 

" and maimed, at the charge of this province," passed into a 
law. Here we fill these unfortunate beings, who had been 
living in comfort if not in affluence, exposed to the chill chari- 
ties of the people of Philadelphia, and the children separated 
from the parents. 

In February, Thomas Pownal, esq., governor of New Jersey, 
was made governor of Massachusetts, in the room of governor 
Shirley ; colonel Charles Lawrence made colonel of the 60^^. 
regiment, and colonels Hopson and Cornwallis made major 
generals. 

Lord Loudon now laid a general embargo on all shipping 
from Virginia, New England, New York and Pennsylvania. 
\Loiidon magazine, 1757, /. 258.] 

In March, a large force of French and Indians attacked fort 
William Henry, unsuccessfully. 

In May, bounties were granted at Halifax for sowing land 
in grass, — for stone fences, — for raising grain or potatoes, on 
the peninsula of Halifax, is. per quintal for codfish, &c. — A 
destructive fire occurred in Halifax this spring. In May, Mr. 
Pernette contracted to make a road from Mush-a-Mush (now 
called Mahone bay or Kinburn) to Halifax, 50 miles in length 
and 10 feet wide, for ^^300. 

In January, M. Boishebert, with a few French soldiers and 
1500 Acadians, were at Miramichi. He was aided greatly by 
pere Germain, a Jesuit. This priest, the reverend Charles 
Germain, was a missionary among the Abenakis, on the river 
St. John, as early as 1745. He was at Beaubassin in 1746, 
and also in 1756. He removed to Miramichi, where he was 
in 1757 and 1758, and finally retired to St. Francis, in Lower 
Canada, where he died 5 Aug., 1779. \^Ncw York Col. Docs., 
p. 547, &c., V. 10.] 

In April, admiral Holborn sailed for America, with a large 
squadron, 1 1 ships of the line, 50 transports with 6200 soldiers, 
who were commanded by general Hopson. 

On the 30 June, lord Loudon, with transports from New 
York, arrived at Halifa.x. At Louisbourg there were at that 
time eighteen French men-of-war. They were thus confident 
of safety. M. Dubois de la Mothe was there in command ; 



328 History of Nova-Scotia. I757- 

also the chevalier de Grasse, (afterwards count and marquis de 
Grasse Tilly.) On 9 July, admiral Holburnc, with the fleet 
and transports under his command, arrived at Halifax. 16 July 
lord Loudon had complained that fever was spreading among 
his troops from the rum sold them by unlicensed retailers, and 
the governor and council ordered all liquors held by merchants 
and traders to be secured in the king's stores v/ithout delay. 

In July, a detachment of 350 English, from fort William 
Henry, went out to attack the French advanced guard at 
Ticonderoga, but they were surprised on their way, at lake 
George. 160 were killed or wounded, and most of the remain- 
der made prisoners. The English took about thirty men in 
another skirmish previously. On 2 August, Montcalm be- 
sieged the fort, with 5500 French and Canadians and i<So6 
Indians. The garrison were 2400 strong, under col. IMonroe. 
On the 9 August the garrison capitulated, obtaining the hon- 
ors of war. 13 were killed and 40 wounded of the French, 
and 41 killed and 71 wounded of the English. The garrison 
were to go to the English fort Edward, and not to serve in this 
war for 18 months. [10 A'^ York Doc s., pp. 621-62^?^ After 
the surrender, the Indians attacked the English, killing about 
20 men, and carrying off many. 

When admiral Holborne got to Halifax in July, the troops 
were landed to refresh themselves. Several small vessels from 
Louisbourg brought information that the French there were 
superior in ships, and nearly equal in troops. The councils 
of war held here fluctuated much in their plans, as they be- 
lieved or doubted the reports of the vessels and of deserters 
from the French. At length it was determined to try the 
event, and 12000 men had been already embarked, when let- 
ters, that had been found in a captured French packet bound 
from Louisbourg to France, disclosed the facts that there were 
there 6000 regular troops, 3000 inhabitants and 1300 Indians, 
in all 10,300, with 15 men of war, of which 3 were 84's, 6 were 
74's, 8 64's, one 50, and 3 frigates. The English fleet had 
but 15 sail of the line, and one vessel of 50 guns, few of which 
were equal to the French vessels in guns, weight of shot, or 
number of men. On this the expedition was abandoned. 



1757- History of Nova-Scotia, 329 

Lord Loudon garrisoned Halifax with three battaHons, and 
sent two to the bay of Fundy. He then sailed for New 'York 
on 16 August, with the rest of his troops, with the professed 
view of protecting the frontier, but before he got there fort 
William Henry had surrendered. Admiral Holborne sailed 
on the same day, and arrived 20 August, off Louisbourg, and 
finding the French fleet there superior, and disposed to attack 
him, he returned to Halifax. Having been joined by two ships 
of 70 guns, and two of 60, he sailed 1 1 Sept'r. for Louis- 
bourg again, but found the French naval force was undimin- 
ished, and continued to cruise for some time in that direction 
until the 24 September, when, being about ten leagues South 
of Louisbourg, a terrible storm damaged and dispersed his 
fleet. Eight got safe to Portsmouth, with the exception of 
one missing and two wrecked ; the rest got to New York, 
much damaged. The French of cape Breton saved the lives 
of 200 men of the Salisbury. Three of the French men-of-war 
were driven from their moorings by this storm, (which lasted 
14 hours), in Louisbourg harbor. 

25 August, it was resolved to withdraw the soldiers from 
Lawrencctown, and the settlers left it also, owing to constant 
apprehension of the enemy. \\\ September, Jonathan Belcher, 
governor of New Jersey, formerly governor of Massachusetts 
from 1730 to 1741, and father of chief justice Belcher of Nova 
Scotia, died at Elizabethtown, N. J. — The small pox prevailed 
at« Halifax in this month. — In Virginia, many persons were 
killed and others carried off from Cedar and Stony creeks. 
Some of the murders took place within thirteen miles of lord 
Fairfax's house. 28 Sept'r., hon. Robert Monckton was made 
colonel of the 6o^i^- regiment. Governor Lawrence was sent, 
by order of lord Loudon, to the bay of Fundy, to relieve the 
garrisons and put them in good order, and lieutenant governor 
Monckton administered the government in his absence, in 
Sept. and Oct. Lord Loudon had left at Halifax for that place 
and for Lunenburg the three regiments formerly there, also 
the Royals. Bragg's regiment to be posted at Chignecto, and 
Kennedy's regiment at Annapolis and Piziquid. Li October, 
17 French ships of the line still continued to ride at anchor 



330 History of Nova-Scotia. I757» 

in Louisbourg harbor until the end of the month, when they 
all sailed, except two ships of the line and one frigate. On the 
I November Lawrence got back to Halifax. 

The successes of the French on lake Ontario, and their 
heavy armament at Louisbourg, had paralysed the English 
military power on this continent. The projected enterprises 
against Canada had been tacitly abandoned, and the move- 
ments of lord Loudon's forces carried dismay, not among the 
enemy, but among our own colonists. Apprehensions of attack 
prevailed everywhere in this province. Fears for the safety of 
Halifax, and the security of the other armed posts, were dom- 
inant. Lawrencetown, we have already noted, was abandoned. 
At Lunenburg the settlers were compelled to do much militia 
duty, and this, together with the scanty crops that a remark- 
ably dry, hot season suffered them to gather, left them still 
dependant on supplies of government provisions for subsis- 
tence, although in 1756 a party of 50 (fifty militia, who went 
from Mush-a-Mush, inland) had captured 60 or 100 French 
cattle at Mines. Governor Lawrence commends their industry 
in the highest terms. In his letter to the lords of trade, of 
9 November, he says that the addition of the three regiments 
make the demand for fuel so great that it was found impracti- 
cable to get wood sufficient, most of the laboring people having 
taken to privateering, {there were 39 privateers at this time 
belonging to New York alone), and he was under the necessity, 
though against the former orders of their lordships, to open 
the coal mines near Chignecto, without doing which, the three 
garrisons in the bay of Fundy, having a considerable force, 
would have been rendered untenable in the winter. Proposes 
to have these mines worked in future, ' as the price of fuel is ' 
' now grown to such an enormous height,' much saving would 
arise in supplying the troops. Explains that cutting firewood 
does not promote cultivation, or add to the value of the land. 
Lawrence had been to Boston, and found parties in New York 
were planning a settlement at cape Sable, but now had drop- 
ped the project, as the attack on Louisbourg not taking place 
created fear. From his knowledge of Chignecto, and the bay 
of Fundy in general, he says at least 20,000 families might be 



1757- History of Nova-Scotia. 331 

commodiously settled in the districts of Chignecto, Cobequid, 
Piziquid, Mines and Annapolis ; and if peace were restored, 
substantial and useful settlers would flock hither from every 
part of the American continent. The people of cape Cod are 
very desirous to settle at cape Sable. He has no personal 
knowledge of the place, but believes it may be suitable for a 
flourishing fishery. He then refers to the affair of calling an 
assembly as a question of great importance, but which has 
embarrassed him more than any other. The state of the times 
and the unpeopled condition of the evacuated settlements, 
" the most knowing — the most substantial, and the truest well 
"wishers of the colony," see objections to its present adoption. 
When he was among the people of New England last winter, 
he took every occasion of discovering their sentiments on this 
subject, as it had been reported that it was principally owing 
to the want of a house of representatives that the evacuated 
lands were not already settled. This idea, he found, had no 
foundation. On the contrary, they thought it chimerical 
to call a house of representatives under existing circum- 
stances. After further reasoning against this measure, he 
says that the military duties, &c., had made it impossible during 
the past year ; but if their lordships direct him now to go on 
with it, he will at once execute the plan formed for that pur- 
pose last winter. " I am this moment informed by admiral 
Holburne, that he proposes to take his departure for England 
in a few days time, and to leave eight ships, the remainder of 
his squadron to winter here for the protection of the colony." 
In December, 1757, major general James Abercrombie was 
made commander-in-chief in North America, and colonel-in-* 
chief of the Royal American regiment, consisting of four bat- 
talions, of 1000 men each. Lord viscount Howe, Edward 
Whitmore and Charles Lawrence, were made brigadier gene- 
rals in America only ; and John Bradstreet, deputy quarter 
master general. 



History of Nova-Scotia, 1758. 



CHAPTER XXIII. 



1758. When the earl of Loudon left Halifax, the military 
command in this province devolved on major-general Hopson, 
Several colonial promotions occurred in January, 1758. Lord 
Loudon was made a lieutenant general ; Paul Mascarene and 
William Whitemore, majors general ; George Haldane, gover- 
nor of Jamaica ; Francis Bernard, of New Jersey ; Francis 
Fauquier, lieut. governor of Virginia ; Thomas Hutchinson, 
lieut. governor of Massachusetts, and Robert Monckton, lieut. 
colonel commandant of the Royal American regiment. 

On the 2 January, some arms having been stolen from the 
army and secreted at Halifax, governor Lawrence issued a 
warrant to William Foy, esq., the provost marshal of the pro- 
vince, to search for them. On the 4 February, major general 
Hopson complained that a secret and treasonable correspon- 
dence was carried on between some people in Halifax and the 
French at Louisbourg, and that the house of one Thos. Poor, 
in Halifax, and its dwellers, were suspected of this, and of fur- 
nishing intelligence to the enemy. Lawrence gave his warrant 
directing Foy, the provost marshal, to enter Poor's house at 
10, p. M., that evening — to arrest all persons found there, seize 
papers, open locks, &c. We find no trace of further results of 
this affair ; and 22 March, lieut. governor Monckton writes to 
the right hon. William Pitt that everything remains in a state 
of tranquillity in this province. Not long after, the people of 
Lunenburg were much alarmed by movements of the Indians, 
and the farm settlers there requested the aid of government in 



1758. History of Nova-Scotia. 



JO. 



putting up block-houses between every ten families for addi- 
tional security, by finding them boards and nails only. This 
request was granted by the lieutenant governor and council, 
Saturday, 22 April. At the same meeting a demand from the 
government of Massachusetts, for ;^394 i6s. S^d., Mass. cur- 
rency, " expended by them for supporting a number of the " 
*' French neutrals, who had coasted it thither from the South- " 
" em colonies," was advised to be paid. 

M. Beaussier had sailed from Brest, for Louisbourg, with 
5 men-of-war and 16 transports, with 1270 soldiers, and great 
quantities of ammunition and provisions. 

On monday, 8 May, a fleet arriv^ed at Halifax from England, 
commanded by the hon. Edward Boscawen, who had been ap- 
pointed admiral of the blue in February, under whom was Sir 
Charles Hardy, knight, made at the same time vice admiral of 
the white. There were many ships of war and transports. 
This armament was destined to besiege Louisbourg. Amherst 
was to be the military chief 15 May, captain Fesch, 3 batt. 
Royals, was sent with a detachment to Lunenburg, to relieve 
captain Sutherland and the troops there. 

In the midst of all the hurry and excitement of the war, the 
preparatory measures for our representative assembly were 
adopted. On the 20 May, 1758, Saturday, a council was held 
in Halifax, at the governor's house, at which there were in 
attendance the governor, Lawrence, the lieut. gov'r. Monckton, 
Jonathan Belcher, John Collier, Montagu Wilmot, Benj. Green, 
Robert Grant and Charles Morris. The settlers at Luninburg 
had suffered much from the enemy recently, by the interrup- 
tion of their industry, and some of them were killed and others 
taken prisoners. An order was made to purchase out of the 
prizes in the harbor, or otherwise, 50,000 lb. pork, 14,000 lb. 
beef, and 136,000 lb. flour, for their use, and besides to give 
them rations of flour until July, 1759. The governor commu- 
nicated to the council a letter of the board of trade, dated 
7 Feb'y., 1758, approving, with some alterations, of the plan 
adopted by the council 3 Jan'y., 1757, respecting the General 
Assembly, on which the governor and council came to the 
following resolutions : 



334 History of Nova-Scotia. 1758. 

" That a house of representatives of the inhabitants of this 
province be the Civil Legislature thereof, in conjunction with 
H. M. governor or commander-in-chief for the time being, and 
his majesty's council of the said province." 

" The first House to be elected and convened in the follow- 
ing manner, and to be stiled the General Assembly, viz. : 

" That there shall be elected for the province at large, until 
*' the same shall be divided into counties, sixteen members ; 
" for the township of Halifax, four ; for the township of Lunen- 
" burg, two." 

" That until the said townships can be more particularly 
" described, the limits thereof shall be deemed to be as follows, 
viz. : 

" That the township of Halifax comprehend all the lands 
" lying southerly of a line extending from the westernmost 
" head of Bedford Bason across to the northeasterly head of 
" St. Margaret's Bay, with all the islands nearest to the said 
" lands, together with the islands called Cornwallis's, Webb's, 
" and Rous's islands." 

" That the township of Lunenburg comprehend all the lands 
" lying between Lahave river and the Easternmost head of 
" Mahone Bay, with all the islands within said Bay, and all the 
" islands within Mirliguash bay, and those islands lying to the 
" Southward of the above limits." 

" That when fifty qualified electors shall be settled at Pisi- 
*' quid, Mines, Cobequid, or any other townships which may 
" hereafter be erected, each of the said townships so settled 
" shall, for their encouragement, be entitled to send two repre- 
" sentatives to the General Assembly, and shall likewise have 
" a right of voting in the election of representatives for the 
" province at large." 

"That the house shall always consist of at least eleven 
" members present, besides the speaker, before they enter 
** upon business." 

" That no person shall be chosen as a member of the said 
" house, or shall have a right of voting in the election of any 
" member of the said house, who shall be a Popish recusant, or 
" shall be under the age of twenty-one years, or who shall not, 



1758. History of Nova-Scotia. 



00; 



" at the time of such election, be possessed, in his own right, 
" of a freehold estate within the district for which he shall be 
" elected, or shall so vote ; nor shall any elector have more 
" than one vote for each member to be chosen for the province 
" at large, or for any township, and that each freeholder pre- 
" sent at such election, and giving his vote for one member for 
" the province at large, shall be obliged to vote also for the 
•• other fifteen." 

There were several other regulations, among which are that 

*the electors, if required, are to take " the usual state oaths, " 

" and declare and subscribe the test ;" and a qualification oath 

is prescribed, in which the possession of a freehold, a negation 

of bribery, &c., are contained. 

The provost marshal or sheriff of the province is to hold the 
election, giving 20 days previous notice. 

The precept is to be made returnable on the 2nd. October 
next. The election for each township is to last two days, and 
that for the province at large four days. 

In case of two months' absence of a member from the pro- 
vince, the governor may, if he think necessary, issue a writ to 
choose another in his place. 

The council give as a reason for the late date of convening 
the first assembly, that the governor and lieutenant governor 
were both immediately to leave the province to go on the ex- 
pedition against Louisburg, and that the time appointed will 
be more convenient for the inhabitants than at present. 

A question was made by messrs. Green and Belcher, as to 
which of them were entitled to administer the government in 
the absence of the governor and lieutenant governor, Mr. Green 
claiming under H. M. instructions as the eldest resident coun- 
cillor. They desired the decision of his excellency and the 
council, and retired. It was decided that Mr. Belcher had the 
right. On the 22 May, governor Lawrence wrote to the lords 
of trade, that general Amherst had not yet arrived here, and 
brigadier Whitmore had committed to him entirely the con- 
duct of the preparations necessary for the expedition. That 
he, with the council, had corrected the former plan for calling 
an assembly, in the particulars their lordships had pointed out 



00^ 



History of Nova-Scotia. 



1758. 



for amendment, and that he had issued a writ for convening 
an assembly on the 2nd October next. He has left their 
directions as to settling the vacated lands to be considered by 
the council in his absence. The colliery cannot be undertaken 
now, as troops will be wanting to protect the workmen. 

Boscaivcn s Fleet, noiv at Halifax, (May, 1758.^ 



Namur, 


( admiral ) 
" ' ( Boscawen, \ 


Capt. Buckle. 


Royal William, 


Q \ V. admiral ) 
^4' I Hardy, \ 


Evans. 


Princess Amelia, 


\ com'dore. ) 
^°' ( Ph. Durell, i 


Bray. 


Dublin, 


74, 


Rodney, 


Terrible, 


74, 


Collins. 


Northumberland, 


, 70, 


Lord Colville, 


Vanguard, 


70, 


Swanton, 


Oxford, 


70, 


Spry. 


Burford, 


70, 


Gambler. 


Somerset, 


70, 


Hughes. 


Lancaster, 


70, 


Hon. G. Edgcumb, 


Devonshire, 


66, 


Gordon. 


Bedford, 


64, 


Fowke, 


Captain, 


64, 


Amherst, 


Prince Frederick, 64, 


Man. 


Pembroke, 


60, 


Simcoe. 


Kingston, 


60, 


Parry. 


York, 


60, 


Pigot. 


Prince of Orange, 


, 60, 


Ferguson. 


Defiance, 


60, 


Baird. 


Nottingham, 


60, 


Marshall. 


Centurion, 


54, 


Mantell. 


Sutherland, 


50, 


Rous. 


Being 23 ships of the line. There were also 18 frigates, viz. : 



the Juno, Diana, Boreas, Trent, Grammont, Shannon, Hind, 
Port Mahon, Nightingale, Kennington, Squirrell, Beaver, 
Hunter, Scarborough, Hawke, Etna, Lightning, Tyloe. The 
whole fleet, including probably a hundred transports, amounted 



1758. History of Nova-Scotia. 337 

when they left Halifax, to one hundred and fifty-seven vessels 
of all descriptions. 

The soldiers under general Jefifery Amherst, with whom 
were Wolfe, Lawrence, &c., were 11,936 foot, and 324 of the 
train of artillery, — total, 12,260. We have no official list of 
the regiments employed, but from the return of killed and 
wounded officers, and other sources, we find that there were 
all or portions of the ist Royals, r7th Forbes', 28th Bragg's, 
35th Otway's, 40th Hopson's, 48th Webb's, 58th Anstruther's, 
45th Warburton's, 63rd Eraser's Highlanders, besides the regi- 
ments of 47th Lascelles, Amherst, 60th Monckton's Royal 
American, Whitmore's, five companies of Rangers, and some 
artillery. 

The forces defending Louisbourg were : — Naval: President, 
74 ; Entreprenant, 74 ; Capricieu.x, 64 ; Celebre, 64 ; Bienfai- 
sant, 64 ; Apollon, 50 ; Diana, 36 ; Echo, 26 ; and three fri- 
gates, the Chevre, Biche and Fidelle. Land forces : 24 com- 
panies of the marine, and 2 companies artillery ; 2nd battalion 
Volontaires Etrangers ; 2nd batt. regiment of Cambise ; 
2nd batt. regiment of Artois ; 2nd batt. regiment of Bour- 
gogne. The soldiers were over 3000 in number. There were 
also about 700 Canadians. 

On Sunday, the 28 May, admiral Boscawen set sail from 
Halifax with the fleet and troops, and general Amherst met 
them coming out of the harbor, cc^lonel Monckton being left in 
command at Halifax. Bragg's regiment from tiie bay of Fundy 
joined the expedition in a number of sloops the same day. 
The English were actuated to more ardor than ever, by the 
desire to wipe off the supposed disgrace of the taking of 
Minorca by the French not long before. On 2 June, friday, 
the fleet, with about a third of the troops, anchored in Gabarus 
bay. Most of the transports got in the next day, but the surf 
and the fogs made a landing quite impracticable until tuesday, 
8 June. Before break of day, the troops were assembled in 
the boats in three divisions. About sunrise, the Kennington 
and Halifax snow, on the left, near Kennington cove, began to 
fire, followed by the Grammont, Diana and Shannon, frigates, 
in the centre, and the Sutherland and Squirrel on the right, 
B 22 



338 History of Nova-Scotia. 1758. 

near White point. When the fire had continued about a quar- 
ter of an hour, the boats upon the left rowed into shore, under 
the command of brigadier general James Wolfe, whose detach- 
ment was composed of the four eldest companies of grenadiers, 
followed by the light infantry, (a corps of 550 men, chosen as 
marksmen from the different regiments to serve as irregulars 
under command of major Scott, major of brigade. They were 
dressed some in blue, some in green jackets and drawers, for 
the easier brushing through the woods, with ruffs of black 
bear skin round their necks, their beard let grow on their 
upper lips ; they wore little round hats like seamen, and car- 
ried each a fusil, cartouch box and powder horn.) Then came 
the companies of Rangers, supported by the Highland regi- 
ment, and those by the eight remaining companies of grena- 
diers. Lieutenants Brown and Hopkins, and ensign Grant, 
with about one hundred light infantry, gained the shore, over 
almost impracticable rocks and steeps, to the right of the cove. 
General Wolfe, on this, directed the remainder of his com- 
mand to push on shore. Light infantry, Highlanders and 
grenadiers rushed on intermixed. Twenty-two grenadiers 
were drowned by their boats being stove. Among the fore- 
most was Wolfe, who jumped out of his boat into the surf, 
under a heavy fire of the enemy. The division on the right, 
under the command of brigadier general Whitmore, consisted 
of the Royals, Lascelles, IV^onckton's, Forbes', Anstruther's 
and Webb's. They rowed to the right by the White point, 
(cap Blanc), as if intending to force a landing there. The 
centre division, under brigadier general Lawrence, was formed 
of the regiments of Amherst, Hopson, Otway, Whitmore, 
Lawrence and Warburton. This division at the same time 
made a shew of landing at the Freshwater cove, near Flat 
point. The enemy's attention was thus drawn to every part, 
and his troops posted along the coast were prevented from 
joining those on their right. The enemy acted very wisely. 
They did not throw away a shot, but when the boats were 
near in shore, directed the whole fire of their cannon and 
musketry upon them. General Wolfe having landed just at 
the left of the cove, took post, attacked the enemy, and forced 



lyS^' History of Nova-Scotia. 339 

them to retreat. Many boats overset — several broke to pieces, 
and all the men jumped into the water to get on shore. As 
soon as the left division was landed, the first detachments of 
the centre division rowed at a proper time to the left and fol- 
lowed — then the remainder of the centre division as fast as 
the boats could fetch them from the ships, and the right divi- 
sion followed the centre in like manner. It took a great deal 
of time to land the troops. 

Amherst tells Mr. Pitt, then secretary of state, that the 
enemy's retreat was through the roughest and worst ground he 
ever saw, and the pursuit ended with a cannonading from the 
town, which was so far of use that it pointed out how near he 
could encamp to invest it. After this the regiments marched 
to their grounds and lay on their arms. The wind increased 
so that the English could not bring anything on shore. — 
On this occasion the English loss was, in killed, 4 officers, 
5 non-commissioned, and 41 privates ; in wounded, 5 officers, 

3 non-commissioned, and 52 privates, — one man missing ; — 
in all, 1 1 1 killed, wounded and missing. On the French side, 

4 officers and about 70 men were made prisoners ; an officer, 
an Indian chief, and several men, were killed. The French 
commander in the cove was colonel St. Julien. The English, 
on this occasion, captured three 24-lb. guns, seven 6-poundcrs, 
two mortars, fourteen swivels, and a furnace for red-hot balls, 
all of which had been placed alon^ the shore to prevent their 
landing, — with ammunition, tools and stores of all kinds. 
Soon after, the garrison took the seasonable precaution of set- 
ting fire to the barracks at the Grand battery, which they had 
before dismantled and ruined, and of destroying all their out- 
buildings in one general conflagration, which made a prodi- 
gious blaze all that afternoon and a great part of the night, and 
left nothing standing within two miles of the town walls but 
the towers at the Grand battery and some chimnies and gable 
ends of their wretched hovels. The French also destroyed the 
Light-house battery, leaving there only four cannon spiked. 

Bragg's (the 28th) regiment had been ordered on the 7th, in 
the sloops that brought them from the bay of Fundy, to sail, 
under convoy, past the mouth of the harbor to Lorembec. 



340 History of Nova-Scofia. ^ZS^* 

Artillery, intended to be used at the Light-house point, went 
with them. They were directed to make all the show they 
could of landing, but not to land till further orders, the inten- 
tion being to draw the enemy's attention to that side. On the 
9 June they returned. Some tents were got on shore, and on 
the nth some artillery stores and eight 6-pounders. On the 
same day a serjeant major and four men of Fischer's regiment 
Volontaires Etrangers, deserted to the English. On monday, 
June 12, Wolfe marched round with i30O men to the Light- 
house point, (while guns, &c., were sent thither by water), and 
took possession of the ground and other outposts which the 
French had abandoned. Amherst commenced three redoubts 
in front of his camp. A party of French came out, but were 
repulsed by the Light infantry, the French losing 5 killed and 
having 40 wounded in the skirmish. 14th. The French can- 
nonaded the besiegers. The weather was bad, and the fleet 
under Hardy was in the night blown off to sea. Four mortars 
were sent in a sloop to the Light-house battery, and on 17th 
two more mortars and three royals. Amherst says on the 
17th, (Saturday), I got colonel Bastide on horseback, and with 
colonel Williamson and major McKellar, we reconnoitred the 
whole ground as far as we could. 19th. The Echo, a French 
frigate of 32 guns, had gone out of the harbor on the night of 
the 13th, bound to Quebec, but was taken by the Juno and 
Scarborough, and now brought in as prize. On the 20th, the 
Island and ships began to fire at the batteries on shore. The 
bad weather delayed the English much in landing provisions 
and cannon. The plan of the besiegers, as suggested by colonel 
Bastide, engineer, was to make their approaches by Green hill 
— to connect the camp with the Light-house battery by a road, 
redoubts, block-house, &c., in rear of the town, and to use the 
Light-house battery in the destruction of the ships in the 
harbor and in silencing the Island battery. On the 23, colonel 
Messerve, and most of the carpenters under his command, 
were taken ill with the small pox, which was esteemed a very 
great loss to the English army. An /paiiletnent was made to 
Green hill of \ mile long, 60 feet wide and 9 feet deep, consist- 
ing of gabions, fascines and earth. The Light-house battery 



1758. History of Nova-Scotia. 341 

now began to fire with success upon the Island battery, and on 
the 25th, (Sunday), the Island battery was silenced ; their own 
fire had helped to break down part of their works. Cannon- 
ading continued, without any great result, and the English 
gradually strengthening their batteries and approaches towards 
the West gate. Wolfe continued at the Light-house battery. 
0\\ Wednesday, 28 June, colonel Messerve and his son both 
died. Of his company of io8 carpenters, all but 16 were suf- 
fering under the small po.x. The 16 acted as nurses to their 
sick comrades. On the 29th, the English were all working on 
the road tney had planned. The French now sunk four ves- 
sels in the mouth of the harbor : the Apollon, a two-decker ; 
the Fidele, of 36 guns ; La Chevre and La Biche, of 16 guns 
each, cutting off most of their masts. July i, (Saturday), a 
French party, who went out to get wood and palissades, were 
driven in by Wolfe and major Scott's light infantry ; 2nd, the 
French continued their cannonade, and sent out parties to 
skirmish ; and on the 3rd, their cannonade was heavy. At 
this time Wolfe was busy making an advanced work on his 
right to bear on the citadel bastion. On the 6th, the besieged 
sent out a sloop with flag of truce to Sir Charles Hard}^ with 
articles for their wounded, who were prisoners. Amherst 
says : " The many difficulties of landing everything, in almost " 
" a continual surf — the making of roads — draining and pas- " 
" sing of bogs, and putting ourselves under cover, render our " 
" approach to the place much longer than I could wish." On 
the 8th, colonel Bastide got a contusion by a musket ball in 
the boot, which laid him up in the gout. On the night of the 
9th July, (sunday), five picquets of the French, supported by 
600 men, under lieut. colonel Marin, of the regiment of Bour- 
gogne, made a sortie on the part of the English lines where 
Lawrence commanded. They came from Cap Noir ; and 
although the party of the besieged were drunk, they surprized 
a company of the grenadiers of the 17th, Forbes', commanded 
by lord Dundonald, who were posted in a fldchc on the right. 
Major Murray sent a company, who easily drove them back. 
Lord Dundonald was killed ; lieutenant Tew, wounded and 
made prisoner ; captain Bontein, engineer, prisoner ; a corpo- 



342 History of Nova-Scotia. I75^- 

ral and 3 men killed, 17 men wounded, and a serjeant and 
eleven men missing. On the French side, the chevalier de 
Chauvelin, captain, and 17 men, were killed ; a lieutenant, 
Jarnacle, and 4 men, wounded and made prisoners ; besides 
the wounded they carried back to the town, one of whom, a 
captain, Garseneau, of the colony troops, died immediately. 
The operations on both sides continued, the French cannon- 
ading without much damage to the besiegers, who were more 
hindered by the weather and the disadvantages of the ground 
on which their camp was pitched. On 15 July, (Saturday), the 
French frigate Arethuse went out, and Sir Charles Hardy's 
fleet got under sail and to sea, and on that night 100 
French came from Mire, where M. Boishebert had a party of 
300, and engaged capt. Sutherland's men, but were repulsed. 

On Sunday, i6th, Wolfe pushed on a corps, and made a 
lodgment within a quarter of a mile of the West gate. On the 
2ist, owing to an accidental explosion of powder, three French 
ships, viz., the Entreprenant, Capricieux, and Superbe, were 
burnt, leaving them only two, the Prudent and Bienfaisant. 
The forts of the besieged, and the various batteries raised by 
the besiegers, were daily at work, cannonading. On the 25tb 
July, a party from the fleet, of 600, under captains Laforey and 
Balfour, went into the harbor — burned the Prudent, which was 
aground, and towed off" the Bienfaisant to the N. E. harbor. 

By this time, Wednesday, 26 July, all the French batteries 
were in a ruinous state. They had hardly a dozen cannon left 
in a condition to be used. A practicable breach had been 
effected in the walls. All their men-of-war were destroyed 
or captured. Two Spanish ships, bringing succor, had been 
taken, and there was no appearance or expectation of relief 
from any quarter. Under these depressing circumstances, the 
inhabitants of Louisbourg petitioned M. Drucour to surrender, 
and sent their request to him by the intendant, M. Prevost, 
Articles of capitulation were then agreed upon, the English 
troops remaining that night in the trenches as usual. On the 
27th, major Farquhar, with three companies of grenadiers, 
took possession of the West gate, and Amherst sent in briga- 
dier general Whitmore to see the garrison lay down their 



1758- History of Nova-Scotia. 343 

arms, and to post the necessary guards in the town on the 
stores, magazines, &c. The arms were then brought out of 
the town, together with eleven colorSy which general Amherst 
sent to Mr. Pitt, under the care of captain William Amherst. 
He adds in this despatch, which is published in the London 
magazine for 1758, pp. 379, 380 : "As I have given in orders 
that I desired every commanding officer of a corps would 
acquaint the officers and men that I was greatly pleased with 
the brave and good behaviour of the troops, which has and 
always must insure success. I am to acquaint you, sir, that I 
took the liberty to add to it that I would report it to the king." 
Boscawen writes from Gabarus bay, 28 July, to Mr. Pitt, 
giving the account of the capture of the Bienfaisant and des- 
truction of the Prudent by the boats of the squadron, adding, 
" I have only further to assure his majesty, that all his troops" 
*'■ and officers, both sea and land, have supported the fatigue " 
" of this siege with great firmness and alacrity." It is stated 
by Pichon, that the evening before the English took possession 
of the town, the French soldiers were suffered to plunder the 
magazines, and that the priests spent the whole night in marry- 
ing all the gills of that place to the first that would have tliem, 
for fear they should fall into the hands of the heretics, (p. 38 1.) 
I receive this statement with but a moderate amount of belief 
in its accuracy, as Pichon was not there himself, and being 
soured with his own nation, and an open scoffer at the Priest- 
hood, without impugning his veracity, I may believe he v/as 
prone to believe any canards he heard that tended to disparage 
French authorities or religious men. It resembles too closely 
the harsh charges of pillage at Beausejour, for which we have 
only his assertion. 

Articles of Capitulation between their Excellencies admiral 
Boscawen and major general Amherst, and his Excellency 
the chev'alier Drucour, governor of the island of Cape Breton, 
of Louisbourg, the island of St. John, and their appurte- 
nances : — 

I. The garrison of Louisbourg shall be prisoners of war, 
and shall be carried to England in the ships oi his Britannick 
majesty. 



344 History of Nova-Scotia. 175^ 

2. All the artillery, ammunition, provisions, as well as the 
arms of any kind whatsoever, which are at present in the town 
of Louisbourg, the islands of Cape Breton and St. John, and 
their appurtenances, shall be delivered, without the least dam- 
age, to such commissaries as shall be appointed to receive 
them, for the use of his Britannick Majesty. 

3. The Governor shall give his orders that the troops which 
are in the island of St. John, and its appurtenances, shall go 
on board such ship of war as the Admiral shall send to receive 
them. 

4. The gate, called Porte Dauphin, shall be given up to 
the troops of his Britannic Majesty by to-morrow, at eight 
o'clock in the morning ; and the garrison, including all those 
that carried arms, drawn up at noon, on the Esplanade, where 
they shall lay down their arms, colours, implements and orna- 
ments of war ; and the garrison shall go on board, in order to 
be carried to England in a convenient time. 

5. The same care shall be taken of the sick and wounded 
that are in the hospitals, as of those belonging to his Britan- 
nick Majesty. 

6. The merchants and their clerks that have not carried 
arms shall be sent to France in such manner as the admiral 
shall think proper. 

Louisbourg, 26 July, 1758. 

(Signed) ' le chevalier de Drucour.' 

In the captured place there were 2 1 8 cannon and 1 8 mortars, 
7500 musquets, 600 bbls. powder, 80,000 musquet cartridges, 
13 tons musquet ball, 10,746 cannon balls of different kinds, 
1053 shells, 12 tons of lead, 6 tons of iron, and a variety of 
implements. The prisoners of the land forces were 3031 
" " sea forces, 2606 



Total number of prisoners of war, 5^37 

Madame de Drucourt, during the siege, fired three cannons 
every day to animate the gunners, and after the surrender she 
interested herself for the unfortunates. She received great 
tokens of respect from admiral Boscawen. 



1758- History of Nova-Scotia. 345 

M. Maillet de Grandville lost 150,000 livres (about ^7500, 
or 1^30,000, Halifax currency) by the capture. He had come 
to Quebec at the age of 17, and made a fortune by industry. 

There is a manuscript account of this siege by a French 
officer, who was at Louisbourg from 1750 to 1758. He says 
that there cannot be a worse situation for a fortified town than 
that of Louisbourg. It is commanded all round by heights. 
About 200 paces from the curtain between the West gate and 
the king's bastion, a height (Hauteur de la potence) overlooks 
a great part of the town, the parade, the wharves ; enfilades the 
battery of the Gr^ve, which defends the harbor, where the 
cannoneers of this battery, (whose platforms and cannons are 
entirely discovered from that eminence), may be marked out 
and killed from it with the musket. Opposite to the South 
gate, (porte de la Reine), there is another eminence, (Cap Noir), 
which is still much higher than the Hauteur de la potence, 
discovers all across the town down to the wharves, and is only 
betwixt 200 and 300 paces distant from the curtain. La Bat- 
terie Royale, a fort which faces and defends the entry of the 
harbor, is also domineered by a very high eminence about 300 
fathoms from it, where there is a sentry box for a vidette. 
Such, he says, was the insurmountable defect of the position 
chosen for a town of such importance ; but what is still more 
astonishing, is the negligence of the French in not re- 
pairing the fortifications of Louisbourg, that it might be at 
least in some state of defence. At the time they built the 
fortifications probably they had not the experience that sea 
sand is not fit for mortar, as it does not dry, bind and harden, 
as with river sand, which may be occasioned from the particles 
of salt it contains. All the walls of masonry, the embrasures, 
the counterscarp and the parapets, were tumbled down into 
the fosse, which was filled up with rubbish, the palissades were 
all of them rotten ; in many parts of the covert way they were 
crumbled away in a level with the ground, and there was 
scarce any vestige of glacis which had not been destroyed by 
the cows grazing there. All the planks of the platform were 
entirely rotten, as also all the carriages of the cannons. In 
short, that town had more the look of ancient ruins than of a 



346 History of Nova-Scotia. 1758. 

modern fortification, since the treaty of Utrecht. He says the 
visit of English ships of war in 1755 exposed the want of 
repair, and had a good effect. The palissades, platform and gun 
carriages were renewed — the fosses cleansed of rubbish, and 
a double covert way made at the West gate, (porta Dauphin.) 
The glacis was repaired, and a half moon begun between the 
porte de la Reine and cap Noir. In 1757 entrenchments were 
made along the coast for two leagues, to oppose the landing of 
enemies. In the siege of 1758, as all the mason work of the 
fortification was crumbled down, the walls were now lined with 
fascines, trenches made to shelter the garrison from the 
enemy's fire from the heights, a redoubt built at cap Noir, with 
5 guns, &c, all hasty and inadequate works. The officers and 
crews of the men of war were landed, leaving but a small 
guard in each, M. Goutte, their chief officer living in the town. 
M. Vauclin, of the Arethuse, 36 guns, alone kept his ship in 
order, and was as brave as a lion, and, after much exertion, left 
15 July, with despatches, for France, where he arrived safe. 
He describes the besiegers' works, viz. : 3 or 4 batteries on 
the road to Mire — 5 redoubts, palissaded, to protect their 
encampment, and several smaller batteries. During the bom- 
bardment, the barracks, government house and church were 
burnt. " Each cannon shot from the English batteries shook 
and brought down immense pieces of the ruinous walls, so 
that in a short cannonade the Bastion du Roi, the Bastion 
Dauphin, and the courtin of communication between them, 
were entirely demolished — all the defences ruined — all the 
cannons dismounted — all the parapets and banquets razed, 
and as one continued breach to make an assault everywhere." 
In the most cursory view of this second siege and capture 
of Louisbourg, there are many ideas that occur. I will first 
mention this, that the mistake of restoring this fortress to the 
French king gratuitously, as was done in 1748, could not be 
repeated while the great William Pitt presided over the des- 
tinies of England. Therefore, although the siege may not 
present as vivid, exciting occurrences as that of 1745, the 
result was more valuable to the English race. Next, we have 
to notice the great names of men, celebrated as land and sea 



1758. History of Nova-Scotia. 347 

officers, who were employed in the British force on this occa- 
sion. Among the soldiers of our nation, Amherst and Wolfe 
left names as glorious as history can record ; while Boscawen 
and Rodney are stars of the first magnitude in the naval annals 
of Great Britain. As to the different operations of the siege, 
there is not the romantic interest attached to the first capture. 
On the contrary, we have the slow, persevering motions of a 
force of regular troops of every arm against a smaller force in 
a poorly arranged fortress. The chief enemy the English had 
to combat in 1758 was the bad weather, that made the landing 
of their stores and artillery a work of weeks instead of hours, 
and the hard soil, diversified by bogs and swamps, on which 
they had to build roads, make causeways, and erect batteries. 
Our arms had been far from successful in America in 1755. 
Although Beausejour fell, yet the defeat of Braddock more 
than counterpoised that advantage. In 1756 and 1757 the 
English commander-in-chief, lord Loudon, had done no more 
than to paralyse the exertions which British America was 
ready to jiiake under the science and patriotism of Shirley, 
and we are yet to find that Loudon's successor in command, 
Abercrombie, — (while Boscawen, Amherst and Wolfe were 
establishing the fame of the British nation), — continued, by his 
imbecile conduct, to ruin, as far as possible, the English name 
in America. 

The fall of Louisbourg led to the English taking immediate 
possession, not only of the island of cape Breton, but also of 
the island of St. John. The inhabitants of the latter, accord- 
ing to Boscawen's official report, were then as follows : 
Point le Prince, 700 

N, E. River, 2000 

St. Peters, 700 

North point, 500 

West and North River, 200 



4100 
Lieut, colonel lord Rollo writes to the admiral that most 
of the inhabitants had brought in their arms. The admiral's 
letter further contains that, by the best accounts he can get, 



348 History of Nova-Scotia. i758» 

the island of St. John has been the only supply for Quebec 
of corn and beef since the war, except what has been brought 
from Europe, having at present above 10,000 horned cattle ; 
and many of the inhabitants declare that they grow, each of 
them, 1200 bushels of corn annually. They have no other 
market for it but Quebec. It has been an asylum for the 
French inhabitants from Nova Scotia ; and from this island 
has been constantly carried on the inhuman practice of killing 
the English inhabitants of Nova Scotia, for the sake of carry- 
ing their scalps to the French, who pay for the same. Several 
scalps were found in the governor's quarters when lord Rollo 
took possession. S^Sce London magazine, iy^2>, p. 537-] 



APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XXIII. 

(From Thacher's history of the tow)i of Plymouth. Boston, 1835 ; /. 175. J 

" 1745. This year a full company of soldiers, of which Sylvanus Cobb was 
captain, was raised in Plymouth for the expedition against Louisbourg ; and it 
was remarked that they were the first for that service who appearecF at Boston, 
whence they embarked and served with credit on that memorable occasion. 
Captain Cobb continued in public service in Nova Scotia, and in 1758 was selec- 
ted by general Monckton to conduct general Wolfe to a reconnoitre of the fortress 
previous to its capture. As they sailed into the harbor, no one was allowed to 
.stand on deck, but Cobb at the helm, and Wolfe in the foresheet making obser- 
vations, while the shot were flying thick around. General Wolfe observed that 
they approachea as near as he wished for his purpose, but Cobb made yet ano- 
ther tack ; and as they hove about, Wolfe exclaimed with approbation, " Well, 
" Cobb ! I shall never doubt but you will carry me near enough." Captain Cobb 
returned to Plymouth, and afterwards removed to Nova Scotia, and was employed 
on the expedition to Havana in 1762, where he died." 

He is called Sylvester Cobb in the list of officers at Louisbourg in 1745, and 
was a captain in Gorham's regiment at that siege. He wintered with his vessel 
at Chignecto some years, and had a house there, as mentioned by Tyrell, in 1754 
and 1755, and had leave to cultivate grouna near the English fort Lawrence. 
He afterwards settled at Liverpool, Nova Scotia, and built a house, which is said 
to be still subsisting. He had one child, a daughter, who was married to colonel 
Wm. Freeman, of Liverpool. His brother, Jabez Cobb, also settled at Liverpool, 
had a large family, and died alx)ut 1800. 

Sylvanus Cobb died from sickness at the siege of Havanna, and is said to have 
expressed his regret that he had not met a soldier's death in battle. He com- 
manded the armed sloop York, belonging to the provincial gov'mt. of Nova Scotia. 

I am indebted for some of these particulars to Wm. S. More, Esqr., of Halifax, 
one of the descendants of Jabez Cobb. 



1758. History of Nova-Scotia. 349 



CHAPTER XXIV. 



On the 5 July, 1758, major general Abercrombie, the comman- 
der-in-chief of the British forces in America, embarked on lake 
George, to attack fort Carillon, or Ticonderoga. Montcalm 
commanded this fort, and had a total of 3858 men, of whom 
2970 were regulars, 16 Indians, and 472 Canadians and others. 
Abercrombie had 6i6j regulars, and 9024 provincials, — in all 
15,391. These were embarked in 900 batteaux and 136 whale 
boats, the artillery to cover the landing being mounted on rafts. 
They landed early on the 6th, when an advanced guard of the 
French retreated ; but the British, pushing on their advance 
through the woods, got bewildered and confused, and broke 
their ranks. Lord Howe, at the head of a column, fell in with 
about 400 French. In the skirmish, lord Howe was killed the 
first man. On the 7th, the English retired to their landing 
place. On the 8th, the English army attacked the French in 
their entrenchments, which were strong, and surrounded with 
felled trees. After several repeated attacks, which lasted 
upwards of four hours, Abercrombie withdrew his forces. The 
English had 551 killed, 37 missing, 1356 wounded, — total 1944, 
(including 34 officers killed and 84 wounded.) On the 9th, 
the English reached their first encampment. The French at 
Carillon lost 104 killed and 271 wounded. As this singular 
affair has little to do with the chief object of my work, I will 
only remark that the inaction of Loudon did the English less 
harm than the movements of Abercrombie, and that the 
details of this affair exhibit a complete contrast to the proceed-, 
ings of the English at Louisbourg. 



350 History of Nova-Scotia. 175^. 

Fort Frontenac, garrisoned by 150 men, surrendered to 
colonel Bradstreet and 3000 provincials on the 27 August ; 
and 25 November, fort du Quesne was approached by large 
English forces, and then destroyed and left by the French 
garrison. 

To return to the Halifax settlement : On the 2 June, Monck- 
ton, the lieutenant governor, consulted the council on the 
expediency of putting the militia on a better footing in case of 
hostile attack, as the number of troops left was small, and 
many of them sick. They advised the raising a company of 
Rangers, to be 72 men, officers included, to serve for 3 months. 
The men to be paid is. per diem, besides rations, and 2 dollars 
each bounty. Subsequently they raised the mens' pay to 2s. 
a day. Captain Charles Procter was ordered to raise this 
company, but 10 Sept'r. he was ordered to dismiss this busi- 
ness. 21 June, the government entered into a contract with 
Josiah Marshall, to build a workhouse in Halifax, 50 feet long, 
20 feet wide, and 8 feet high in the clear, &c., for ^200 ster- 
ling. The building long known as the workhouse, near the 
gaol and poorhouse, has been recently removed. 6 Sept'r., 
Patrick Sutherland, captain 45th regiment, is sent to command 
at Lunenburg, to relieve captain Frasch (or Fesch.) 

About the end of August, governor Lawrence returned to 
Halifax, intending to preside over the first meeting of the 
Representative Assembly of the province in the autumn. He 
wrote to Mr. Pitt, suggesting that, in order to facilitate the 
reduction of Quebec, some small armed schooners, under con- 
voy of a frigate, should be sent into the river St. Lawrence in 
the spring, with able surveyors and pilots, to make a full sur- 
vey in May and June. — Mr, Handfield, who had long been in 
command at Annapolis, was now made lieutenant colonel of 
Hopson's regiment. Colonel Monckton was ordered to com- 
mand a body of troops sent to take possession of St. John's 
river. 

On the eve of the first meeting of the Assembly, Mr. Law- 
rence had still much misgiving about their conduct. 26 Sept. 
he tells the lords of trade that he hopes he shall not find in 
any of the representatives a disposition to embarrass or obstruct 



1758. 



History of Nova-Scotia. 



351 



Esquires. 



his majesty's service, or to dispute the Royal prerogative, 
though he observes that too many of the members chosen are 
such as have not been the most remarkable for promoting 
unity or obedience to H. M. government here, or indeed that 
have the most natural attachments to the province. 

On monday, 2 October, 1758, the newly elected members 
met at the court house in Halifax, pursuant to a summons 
from the provost marshal. Their names, as present : 

Joseph Gerrish, 

Robert Sanderson. 

Henry Newton, 

William Foye, 

William Nesbitt, 

Joseph Rundel, 

Jonathan Binney, 

Henry Ferguson, 

George Suckling, 

John Burbidge, 

Robert Campbel, 

William Pantree, 

Joseph Fairbanks, \ Gentlemen. 

Philip Hammond, 

John Fillis, 

Lambert Folkers, 

Philip Knaut, 

William Best, 

Alexander Kedie, 
(being nineteen members returned in attendance.) 

The members sent Nesbitt, Newton and Rundel to wait on 
the governor, who then appointed messrs. Green and Morris, 
two of the council, to swear them in. vXfter this was done, they 
received a message, requesting them to wait on his Excellency. 
They accordingly went to his house, where he was sitting in 
council. He directed them to choose a speaker. They with- 
drew, and elected Robert Sanderson, esquire, and returned to 
the governor, who confirmed their choice, and addressed them 
in a speech. In this he mentions their being convened " in " 



352 History of Nova-Scotia. 1758. 

" consequence of a plan some time since formed here for that " 
" purpose with the advice and assistance of H. M. council, " 
"and by me transmitted to the Lords Commissioners for" 
" Trade and Plantations, to be laid before his majesty for his " 
" approbation." He tells the representatives that he hopes 
they will promote " the service of the crown, or in other " 
" words the real welfare and prosperity of the people." That 
their " regard due to the civil rights and interests of your " 
" constituents," will lead them to this, as well as gratitude to 
the crown. He reminds them of the fleets and armies from 
time to time sent out for their protection from a merciless 
foe, and the grants of money for support of the colony still 
continued ; hints at their self-support by-and-bye ; expects he 
has to go away to attend the commander-in-chief on military 
duty ; urges their early passing a confirmation of acts of gov- 
ernor and council of a legislative character, and promises on 
his return to concur in all reasonable acts agreed on. The 
House then appoint 

Mr. David Lloyd, their clerk ; 

William Reynolds, doorkeeper ; 

John Calbeck, messenger. 

They resolved also that the members should all serve without 

reward this session. Nesbitt, Newton, Gerrish, Foy and Bur- 

bidge, committee to prepare answer to the governor's speech. 

The answer of the assembly was couched in the most loyal 

and polite language. They at the same time intimated that 

the work before them would necessarily occupy a considerable 

period. 

On the 13 October the house of representatives appear to 

have obtained an account of the revenue raised in the province 

by duties on spirituous liquors from June 25, 1751, to Oct. 12, 

1758, viz. : ;^7045 4 6 

Of this sum the treasurer had ) „ ^ ^ 

4840 6 7 
paid away ) 



Which left in his hands ;^2204 17 11 

October 19, they resolved to build a light house at Sambro. 
25th, The forms of sending bills from one house to the other 



1758/ History of Nova-Scotia, 353 

were agreed on, and other forms. Nov'r. 2. The Jew's burying 
ground to be taken for a workhouse. The governor objects to 
building a courthouse on the north end of the parade. Nov. 21. 
John Calbeck, the messenger, is to have 5s. a day, " and that " 
" he continue to ring the bell as usual," (probably to call the 
members together.) 24 Nov'r. Capt. Rous and others having 
given their opinion, the isle of Sambro was chosen as the site 
of the light-house. 27th. ^^ 1000 for light-house and ^^500 for 
work-house voted, and resolved to ask the governor for these 
sums, (probably out of the balance in Mr. B. Green, the trea- 
surer's hands, of the spirit duties.) Dec'r. 4. The house 
ordered different public officers to furnish lists of their fees. 
Next day, Mr. Collier, the judge of admiralty, returned the 
scale of fees in the probate court, but declined to furnish a 
table of fees in the court of admiralty. Wednesday, 6 Dec'r., 
the clerk of the council brought down the following message, 
viz. : " Mr. Suckling, one of the members of the house, yester- 
" day, in the presence of the governor and council, charged 
" Mr. Collier, the judge of vice admiralty and a member of the 
" council, and the other officers of the court of vice admiralty, 
" with taking such ffees as were grievous and oppressive, and 
" such as the subject was unable to bear, which was highly 
" reflecting on said court. The council therefore desire that 
" the assembly would give leave to Mr. Suckling to waive his; 
" privilege, and attend the council when required, in order toi 
" make good his said charge." Which, being considered, it; 
was voted that, as the words complained of were spoken by 
Mr, Suckling as a member of the assembly, he was entitled to> 
the protection of the house, and he himself declining to waive- 
his privilege, the following answer was sent to the council : 
' What was said by Mr. Suckling yesterday, in council, was as '" 
' a member of the assembly, and it is the opinion of the assem- ' 
' bly that he is accountable to them only for what was then " 
* said.' An address to the governor, suggesting a bill to regulate 
fees, (including vice admiralty), was then passed. — Thursday, 
the 7th day of December, 1758. The clerk of the council 
brought down the bill to exclude the members of the council 
and assembly from holding any employment or place of profit 
B23 



354 History of Nova-Scotia. 1758. 

under this government. Not agreed to. His Excellency was 
pleased to signify, by a member, that the house might recom- 
mend two proper persons to collect the duties of impost and 
excise, and that he should approve of such persons, &c. ; upon 
which it was agreed to recommend Mr. John Newton and Mr, 
Malachy Salter. 5 December., the council asked to appoint 
two collectors also. The house thinking four too many, pro- 
posed to farm the revenues at the upset price of ;i^2500, 
1 1 December. The house represent to the governor " that " 
" the officers who were collectors of the impost and excise " 
" duties, are, by the gout and other infirmities of body, " 
" rendered incapable," &c. His Excellency expresses himself 
highly satisfied not only with " the persons but with the " 
" impartiality of the assembly in their choice." Thursday, the 
14th day of December, 1758. " Mr. Pantree, one of the mem- 
bers of the house, complained that, yesterday, going in a 
peaceable manner from the house, he was accosted by Mr. 
Archibald Hinshelwood, in these or the like words : ' Damn 
you, sir ! what is this you complain against me .''' Upon Mr. 
Pantree's denying that he had complained against him, he, in 
a threatening and haughty tone, said : ' Damn you, you have — 
your house has ; by God sir, I'll not bear it. Take care for the 
future. I have but one life to lose, and by God, sir, I'll not be 
used so,' and much more to the same effect." Hinshelwood 
being summoned, attended and said, " that his mind had that 
" day been greatly disturbed on some other occasion, so that 
" he knew not what he said to Mr. Pantree, — that he asked 
" his pardon, and pardon of the whole assembly." Hinshel- 
wood was committed to custody of the messenger of the 
House, with verbal permission to confine Hinshelwood in his 
own house. The governor was notified, and the next day 
Hinshelwood, having signed a written apology in terms pre- 
scribed by the house, was set at liberty. 21 Dec'r. Thanks of 
the house to capt. Rous for signing deeds of Sambro island : 
and his brother, Joseph Rous, to be recommended to have the 
care of the light house, if agreeable to him. The governor 
this day adjourned the assembly until i Feb'y. next. 

On the 12 October, a proclamation was adopted in council, 



175^^ History of Nvva-Scviia, 355 

relative to settling the vacated lands in the province, in con- 
formity with the directions the governor had received from the 
board of trade. It recited that by th-e reduction of cape Breton, 
and the destruction of the French settlements of Gasp6, ]\Iira- 
michi, and St John's river, the enemy who formerly disturbed 
and harrassed the province and obstructed its progress, had 
been compelled to retire to Canada, and thus " a favorable " 
*' opportunity now presents for the peopling and cultivating " 
*■* as well the lands vacated by the French as every other part " 
" of this valuable province." The governor declares his readi- 
ness to receive any proposals " for effectually settling" the 
vacant lands or any other in the province. A description of 
the lands was ordered to be published pursuant to the foregoing 
proclamation, which consist of upwards of one hundred thou- 
sand acres of intervale plow lands, producing wheat, rye, bar- 
ley, oats, hemp, flax, &c. ' These have been cultivated for more 
than a hundred years past, and never fail of crops, nor need 
manuring. Also, more than one hundred thousand acres of 
upland, cleared, and stock'd with English grass, planted with 
orchards, gardens, &c. These lands, with good husbandry, 
produce often two loads of hay per acre. The wild and un- 
improved lands adjoining to the above are well timbered and 
wooded with beech, black birch, ash, oak, pine, fir, &c. All 
these lands are so intermixed, that every single farmer may 
have a proportionate quantity of plow land, grass land and 
wood land ; and are all scituated about the bay of Fundi, upon 
rivers navigable for ships of burthen. Proposals will be re- 
ceived by Mr. Hancock, at Boston, and by messrs. Delancie 
and Watts, at New York, to be transmitted to the governor, 
or, in his absence, to the lieutenant governor or president of 
the council, at Halifax.' \Jno. Duport, sec. cone] 

14 NovV., a proclamation issued at Halifax that soldiers 
should work for the people at i8d. a day for artificers, and 6d. 
a day for laborers, by general Auiherst's order, in consequence 
of the excessive rate of wages ; and 20 Nov'r. the assembly 
addressed the governor, thanking him and general Amhurst 
for this measure. The officers were to encourage all the men 
that could be spared, to work for the settlers at these rates. 



356 History of Nova-Scotia. ^758- 

26 Dec'r, Lawrence wrote to the lords of trade. He tells 
them that the assembly had met, and passed a number of laws. 
He hopes to get through the business in time, and with less 
altercation than, from the seeming disposition of the people, 
he had been apprehensive of He explains that there may be 
more time required in the session than in cases where the 
course of business has been established, but that not a moment 
has been lost or misspent. He says the Indians still infest 
and harrass the promising settlement of Lunenburg ; that 
they had just now destroyed a whole family remarkable for 
their industry and merit, and that in so bloody and barbarous 
a manner as to terrify and drive three parts of the people from 
their country lots into the town for protection. As captain 
Cotterell had left the province 16 months before, and had not 
written since, governor Lawrence appointed Mr. Bulkeley 
secretary of the province. The province sloop Ulysses, which 
attended colonel Monckton upon the expedition to St. John 
river, in the bay of Fundy, was lost in passing the falls of that 
river. 

In September, of this year, a petition from forty families 
then at cape Sable, of Acadian French, was sent to governor 
Thomas Pownall, at Boston, praying to be received under his 
government ; and in Pennsylvania the exiles presented a peti- 
tion for relief 

In December, the governor and council appropriated £,^00 
of the spirit fund, in the hands of the treasurer, towards finish- 
ing the church in Halifax ; ;:^ 100 to dissenting meeting house ; 
and as salaries to the judges of the common pleas, viz't. : to 
Charles Morris, £,60 ; James Monk, John Duport, Joseph 
Gerrish and Edmund Crawley, £,\o each. 

At this time Canada is said to have had about 80,000 popu- 
lation, of which 15,000 were able to bear arms. The English 
provinces contained above 1,000,000 as far back as 1756, as 
stated in the Boston almanac of that year. 



History of Nova-Scotia, 357 



APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XXIV. 

Messieurs Charles Morris, Joshua Mauger and Charles Procter were appointed 
to value the land at Gorham's Point, near Halifax, (now included in the Dock- 
yard.) 

(2.) 

9 Dec'r., 1758. Peter, marquis de Conti and Gravina, having, in Michaelmas 
term of the Supreme Court, being convicted of an assault, with intent to commit 
a rape, on the body of an infant under ten years, " was adjudged by the court to " 
" walk in custody of the sheriff and constables, between the hours of ii and 12 " 
■" this day, from the North to the South side of the Parade, and from thence to " 
" the Gaol, having a paper fixed on his breast with his crime thereon inscribed, " 
" and also to be close confined thereafter for three months, and fined in thirty " 
" pounds, and to remain in gaol till the same be paid." Governor Lawrence, in 
mercy, respites the execution of the first part of his sentence. 



358 Histojy of Nova-Scoiia, J759« 



CHAPTER XXV. 



1759. The year now opening was destined, by divine Provi- 
dence, to be one of most decisive success to British valor, and 
to be marked to posterity by the fall of Quebec, and the pre- 
mature death of the hero Wolfe, and that of his noble adver- 
sary Montcalm. 

Shirley, to whom the British colonies owe a debt of gratitude 
for his exercise of the powers of a great mind in the protection 
and aggrandizement of English influence in these regions, had 
been removed from Massachusetts and sent as governor to the 
Bahamas. Thomas Pownall, a gentleman of literary taste and 
classical style, whose brother, John Pownall, was secretary to 
the lords of trade and plantations, was sent to succeed Shirley 
as governor at Boston. He wrote to Lawrence, dated Boston 
Jan. 2, " with the compliments and every good of the season.' 
He' says he has imprisoned one Haskall, for trading with the 
' neutrals ;' that " Desenclaves, the priest, and the other neu- 
" trals, now prisoners with you, may possibly be evidence 
" against him. The fact was committed in your province. 
" If you think you could convict the man, and think of bring- 
" ing him to a trial, he may be sent to you." He then men 
tions the petition from the people at cape Sable. " As for 
" the case of the poor people at cape Sables, it seems very 
*' distressful, and worthy of any relief can be afforded them. 
" If policy could acquiesce in any measure for their relief, 
" humanity loudly calls for it. I send you a copy of their 
" petition ; and in the copy of the journal of council, which I 
" also inclose, you will see that general Amherst was willing 



1759- History of Nova-Scotia. 359 

" to relieve them, could it have been done here ; but by the " 
" same you will see that the council could by no means " 
" advice me to receive them." The English news was to the 
18 Oct'r., and in his next letter of 15 Jan., only to the 7 Nov'r. 
previous. In this last he says : " The bad weather has inter- " 
" rupted our posts between this and New York, so have not " 
" heard from thence this fortnight. I had a letter for you. " 
'* By the direction and seal, it is from our Jack," (John Pownal, 
secretary of the board of trade.) " I had not time to write " 
" myself to you when I received it, so gave it to Mr. Hancock " 
" to forward." " As to the ship in which I sail & am at ye " 
" Helm we go yet before y^ wind with a flowing sail. Sed " 
" non semper arcum tendit Apollo. The more & more I see " 
" of ye world of business the more my disgust to it encreases. " 
" I find myself unfitt for it, & I find it very unfitt for ye turn " 
*' of my temper. I will hold out while ye warr lasts, & will " 
" then ask leave to retire to home with a groom & a couple " 
" of hunters & my books." " I find I am gott into a vein of" 
" thought that ill suits with rising fortune, so permit so cir- " 
" cumscribe every good wish for you in wishing you all your " 
" great merit deserves, & to assure how proud I shall ahvay " 
" be to find myself one of your best friends & to be esteemed. " 
" yr faithfull & obd't. servant," 

" T. POWNALL." 

" His E.xcellency 

" Brig. Gen'- Lawrence, 

" Gov. &c. of N. Scotia." 
In consequence of the proclamation in October, 1758, res- 
pecting the desired settlement of the vacant lands in Nova 
Scotia, Thomas Hancock, who was agent for the province at 
Boston, was applied to by different persons, who wished to 
know — What terms of encouragement would be offered } How 
much land each person would get } What quit rent and taxes 
were to be exacted .'' What constitution of government pre- 
vailed .'' and what freedom in religion } Accordingly, at a 
council held thursday, 1 1 January, a second proclamation was 
approved. By this the governor states that he is empowered 
to make grants. Townships are to consist of 100,000 acres, 



360 History of Nova-Scotia. I759« 

or about 12 miles square. They are to include the best land, 
and the rivers of the vicinity, to front on the sea, &c. 100 
acres of wild wood land will be given to each head of a family 
of settlers, and 50 acres added for every person in the family, 
young or old, male or female, white or black, subject to a quit 
rent of is. per 50 acres, to begin ten years after the date of the 
grant. The grantees to cultivate or inclose one third of the 
land in 10 years — one third more in 20 years, and the residue 
in 30 years. No quantity beyond 1000 acres to be granted to 
any one person. On fulfilment of the terms of a first grant, 
the party will be entitled to another, on similar conditions. 
The lands on the bay of Fundi are to be distributed with pro- 
portions of interval plow land, mowing land and pasture, which 
plow lands, &c., produce wheat, rye, barley, oats, hemp, flax, 
&c., for more than 100 years past, never failing of crops, nor 
needing to be manured. That the government of Nova Scotia 
is constituted like that of the neighboring colonies, the legis- 
lature consisting of governor, council and assembly ; and every 
township, as soon as it shall consist of fifty families, will be 
entitled to send two representatives to the general assembly. 
The courts of justice are also constituted in like manner with 
those in Massachusetts, Connecticut, and the other Northern 
colonies. That as to the article of religion, full liberty of con- 
science, both by H. M. instructions and a late act of assembly, 
is secured to persons of all persuasions, (papists excepted.) 
No taxes have been imposed and no fees charged on grants of 
land. The governor is not authorized to offer any bounty of 
provisions to settlers. He is ready to grant lands on these 
conditions, and to send to England any proposals for settle- 
ment on other conditions. Forts garrisoned with Royal 
troops are established in the neigbourhood of the lands propo- 
sed to be settled. 

On thursday, i Feb'y., 1759, ^^ general assembly of the 
province met agreeably to the adjournment. On 10 February 
the journal of the house was ordered to be corrected for the 
press ; and on the 5 March, the printer was ordered to sus- 
pend printing the votes, and to get on with the acts. Great 
excitement appeared in the assembly against the admiralty 



1759- History of Nova-Scotia. 361 

court fees, on which the governor promised to enquire into 
the amount demanded in other colonies, and if those in Nova 
Scotia were excessive in comparison, to do all he could to 
remedy the complaint. 6 April. Archibald Hinshelwood took 
his seat as member, elected at Lunenburg, for the province at 
large ; and on 9 April he was unseated on petition of Richard 
Bowers. The house voted for its expences : ;^ioo to the 
clerk; ;^32 los. od. to the doorkeeper; ^^32 los. od. to the 
messenger ; ;!^50 to Mr. Walter Manning, for hire of room, 
fuel, &c., and ^^38 for other charges and contingencies, — in 
all, ;j^25o. On the 11 April, 1759, a joint committee of the 
council and assembly chose the town officers for Halifax, viz. : 
four overseers of the poor, two clerks of market, four survey- 
ors of highways, two fence viewers and two hogreaves. On 
the 17 April, the assembly was prorogued until the i August, 
ensuing. They had previously passed 36 acts, among which 
the most remarkable were : acts to establish a general registry 
of deeds ; an act which established the church of England, 
but with free liberty of conscience to protestant dissenters, 
banishing popish priests, under penalty of imprisonment, &c., 
any one harboring or concealing one to pay £,^0 — be set in 
the pillory, and find securities for good behaviour ; militia, 
with felonies, divorce, &c., were regulated, and some of the 
ordinances of the governor and council were re-enacted. This, 
the first assembly, met in its second session i August, 1759. 
William Nesbitt was chosen speaker. The governor opened 
the session with a speech. The assembly resolved to meet at 
the court house. On the 2d August they answered his excel- 
lency's speech. They passed seven acts — one to establish a 
house of correction or work house — one for maintaining Sam- 
bro light house, and one to the effect that any action to recover 
lands grounded on a French title should be dismissed ; and on 
the 13 August, 1759, this, the first assembly, was dissolved. 

At this time, Mr. Joseph Gerrish was employed as store- 
keeper of the Navy yard, at Halifax, with ;i^ioo a-year salary, 
and a clerk at £,^0. At Annapolis, T. Williams was store- 
keeper to the board of ordnance — Rumsey clerk of the cheque, 



362 History of Nova-Scotia. I759« 

and LaMont extra clerk. At Halifax, J, Jefferys was commis- 
sary of stores, and David Lloyd clerk of stores. 

Lawrence represents the assembly as entertaining idle jea- 
lousies of the council about particular rights and privileges, 
and says he has endeavored to reconcile and accommodate 
them. Having long acted with the council, he, no doubt, had 
more confidence in their disinterested patriotism and loyalty 
than he could be expected to have in the popular branch, who 
are to be commended nevertheless for a jealous and vigilant 
care of their privileges. He also found at this time that the 
people in NewEngland were eager to adventure in the settle- 
ment of the vacant lands in Nova Scotia. 

A singular misconception arose between governor Lawrence 
and his brother governor, Pownall, of Massachusetts. It seems 
that a letter to Lawrence from secretary Pownall had passed 
through the hands of his brother, the governor, in referring to 
which, Lawrence said : " You guess'd right about the letter " 
" seal'd with your seal." Pownall understood this to imply he 
had tampered with the letter, and being, as he says, shocked 
and uneasy at this suspicion, hopes Lawrence has kept the 
seal, saying, " Upon a second view, you will find my brother's " 
" wife's arms, together with the lion of the Pownall's ; but " 
" in my seal, you see the lion alone — a poor lonely bachelor, " 
" like his master." 

General Amherst was at New York in February and March, 
whence he wrote to Lawrence, directing the preparations for 
the ensuing campaign. In his letter of 16 March, he says he 
has received his majesty's orders to send a number of his 
forces in North America to rendezvous at cajDC Breton, about 
the 20 April, intended to form an expedition against Quebec, 
under the direction of brigadier general Wolfe, who is named 
major general for that service only. Wolfe was a fine, active 
young man, the son of a soldier, and full of earnestness and 
enthusiasm. He was a perfect contrast to the Loudons and 
Abercrombies, who had been previously sent to command. 
Wolfe was delicate in health, and suffered much from sea sick- 
ness, but nothing could diminish or break down his zeal and 
fervor. There are many anecdotes, of different degrees of 



1759- History of Nova-Scotia. 363 

credibility, all tending to shew the impression this young hero 
made on those under his command. At the siege of Louis- 
bourg, in 1758, he had ordered all the men in the boats to lie 
flat as they neared the shore, to offer less mark for the enemy^'s 
bullets. One of the old soldiers of a New England corps, par- 
tially disobeying orders, lifted his head to look about him, 
being in the same boat with Wolfe. He saw the general in 
his full uniform standing calm and erect, evidently setting at 
nought the danger he courted. On this, he made a remark to 
his comrades, to the effect that they had now got the right 
kind of leader to ensure success. (I can remember lord 
Keane's visit to Halifax, and was struck with his active, heroic 
and soldierly aspect, and can imagine Wolfe to have had some- 
thing of his restless vivacity of appearance.) It is said that, at 
a trying moment at Quebec, he stated to a brother officer that 
he would exchange almost any military fame for the poetical 
genius of Gray, as shewn in his celebrated ' elegy in a coun- ' 
* try church yard.' Though Wolfe died young, he lived long 
in the affections of the British Americans, as I can well 
remember seeing his likeness (an engraving) in many of the 
quiet and happy homes of my native town of Halifax, which 
had been preserved among the penates of the colonial hearths 
for half a century. I can recal the engraving well : the cocked 
hat, of antique pattern — the military garb — the bright, young 
face, and the inscription of ' General James Wolfe ;' astatis 33. 
I fancy this was the workmanship of a Mr. Hurd, of Boston, 
brother of Jacob Hurd, of Halifax, from whom Hurd's lane 
derives its name. 

It seems that although Lawrence had partaken of the glories 
of the capture of Louisbourg in 1758, he was shut out from 
participating in the campaign of 1759 j ^'^^ Amherst remarks, 
that if he had the disposition of the services, he certainly would 
not do anything but what would be perfectly agreeable to 
Lawrence, and that he imagined he was left at present in 
Nova Scotia as a province of the utmost importance, and 
which from the distance the army would be at, must require 
the care of an experienced and good officer. 

On 26 March, lieut. general Edward Wolfe, colonel of the 



364 History of Nova-Scotia. i759» 

8th Foot, died. He was, I believe, the father of general James 
Wolfe. 

M. Vaudreuil, in April, did not believe the English would 
attack Quebec, but in any event would leave garrisons at 
Carillon and fort Frederick to protect lake George. He thinks 
the farmers must be protected, as without their aid " succors " 
" from France, however liberal they may be, could not pro- " 
" vide for the subsistence of about 90,000 souls who are in " 
" this colony." In April, Montcalm writes to the markhal de 
Belleisle. He says : " Canada will be taken this campaign, " 
" and assuredly during the next, if there be not some unfore- " 
" seen good luck, — a powerful diversion by sea against the" 
" English colonies, or some gross blunders on the part of the " 
" enemy." He speaks of Vaudreuil as inactive and incapable, 
— of the intendant Bigot, as occupied in making a fortune for 
himself, his adherents and sycophants. Charges peculation, 
on a great scale, on the officials in Canada. The king will 
have to pay 36 millions this year, as expended on the Indians, 
not a fourth of which is given them. " The enemy can come " 
" to Quebec if we have not a fleet, and Quebec once taken, " 
" the colony is lost. Yet there is no precaution." He calcu- 
lates the effective troops for defence at eight battalions, making 
3200 men and 1500 colonials, and deems it insufficient. Bigot 
stated that he had to pay on certificates of commanders of 
forts, &c., which he had no means of correcting. 

In April, of this year, agents from a number of persons in 
Connecticut and Rhode island, who designed to become set- 
tlers on the vacant lands in the bay of Fundi, came to Halifax, 
They were, major Dennison, messrs. Jonathan Harris, Joseph 
Otis and James Fuller, from Connecticut ; and Mr. John Hicks, 
from Rhode island. On 18 April, (Wednesday), a council met 
at the governor's house in Halifax, governor Lawrence, and 
messrs. Belcher, Green, Collier and Morris, were present ; and 
the New England agents attended. The latter put several 
questions to the board, as to the terms of the proposed grants. 
As they were the first applicants, they were promised some 
aid from government to the poorer families. The vessels be- 
longing to the province were to be at the service of the settlers 



1759- History of Nova-Scotia. 365 

to bring them with their stock and furniture to Nova Scotia. 
Arms for a small number were to be given them, and protec- 
tion for the troops. The government also engaged that the 
settlers should not be subjected to impressment. The five 
agents expressed their satisfaction with the results of this con- 
ference, and were sent in the armed snow, Halifax, to visit 
the places in the bay of Fundi, proposed for settlement. Mr. 
Morris, member of council and chief land sur\'eyor, accompa- 
nied them, to give them information, and, if necessary, to lay 
out townships. An officer of artillery and eight soldiers of the 
Royal Americans were in the vessel. 

In May, the agents having viewed the vacated lands and 
returned to Halifax, the four gentlemen from Connecticut who 
represented 330 signers, proposed to settle a township at 
Mines, "joining on the river Gaspereaux, and including the " 
"great marshes, so called: which township to consist of" 
" 100,000 acres, to 200 families," the grants to be in fee simple, 
subject to the proposed quit rent. The block-houses Were to 
be built and garrisoned for their defence. 50 families of the 
number were to have from government an allowance of corn 
of one bushel to each person per month, or an equivalent in 
other grain, for one year, and arms and ammunition for de- 
fence. The people, with their moveables, stock, &c., to be 
transported at expence of the government. The township of 
Canard, 100,000 acres, to be settled by 150 families, on the 
same terms, with protection of one block-house, &c. All these 
propositions were agreed to by the governor and council, on 
Ihursday, 17 May, 1759, and the forms of grants were ordered 
to be prepared accordingly. May 21, the grants of the town- 
ships of Horton and Cornwallis being completed and approved 
of by the agents from Connecticut, were ordered to pass the 
seal of the province. Mr. John Hicks, (from Rhode island), 
and Mr. Amos Fuller, desired the governor and council to 
reserve lands for them and their constituents at Piziquid, for a 
township, on the North side of the river, they engaging to 
settle 50 families in 1759 and 50 more in 1760, on the same 
terms as accorded for Horton and Cornwallis ; and this was 
also agreed to. In June, a committee on behalf of intending 



366 History of Nova-Scotia. i759« 

settlers, attended before the governor and council, who offered 
to send them in a provincial vessel to view the ground. One 
committee, who were well acquainted with the place, proposed 
to settle the North side of Annapolis river without going 
there. On 27 June, the draft of a grant of Granville township 
was approved. In council, 29th June, 1759 • This grant, dated 
the 2'jtJi inst., of part of the lands in the toivnsJiip of Granville 
and Annapolis, to Mr. Crocker and Mr. Grant, and others, to the 
niunber of \}i^, signed by his excellency, was delivered to them, 
with a promise that they should have liberty to fill up the 
vacant shares to the number of forty. In July, a party of com- 
mittee men were landed by captain Cobb, at or near cape 
Sable, to view the lands in order to settlement, and were fired 
upon by 100 neutral French and Indians. A party of French 
and Indians, about the same number, appeared about this time 
before the fort at Pisiquid, and continued there some days. 
Three fishing vessels had been recently taken off Canso, by 
the Acadian French. Five persons had also been murdered on 
the East side of Halifax harbor, opposite Cornwallis (McNab's) 
island ; and the enemy had again of late frequently appeared 
in the environs of Lunenburg and fort Sackville. Under these 
circumstances the governor and council determined to post- 
pone the new settlements of Horton and Cornwallis until the 
next spring. — 19 July. Messrs. Liss Willoughby, Benjamin 
Kimball, Edward Mott, and Samuel Star, junr., a committee 
of agents from Connecticut, proposing to settle a township at 
Chignecto, were allowed a vessel to convey them to view the 
place, and promised a grant on their return. Tuesday, 24 July, 
Mr. Knowlton, on behalf of 52 others, applied for a tract of 
land at Cobequid. It was resolved to make a township there, 
to be called Onslow, with 102 shares. It was also resolved 
that a grant of a tract of land in the township of Annapolis 
should pass the seal of the province to messrs. Felch, Evans 
and Bent, and others, to the number of 112. In September, 
Mr. Edward Mott, and others, returned from Chignecto, pro- 
posed some alterations in the terms of their grant, which were 
acceded to. 

General Amherst wrote to governor Lawrence from New 



1759' History of A^ ova-Scotia, 367 

York, April 14th, 1759. He urges the completion of the 
works at fort Cumberland, (Beausejour.) He is greatly pleased 
with the resolution for building Sambro light-house. He says 
" This and the yard for the navy tell me that Halifax will " 
" flourish, the thoughts of which are very agreeable to me. " 
Amherst says he received a letter from Wolfe, of 6 March, and 
that Wolfe " is seasick as iisuaV,' but hopes to be early at 
Louisbourg. 

Governor Lawrence, in his letter to the lords of trade, dated 
Halifa.x, 20 April, 1759, tells them that the Indians have again 
opened the spring with fresh murders amongst the settlers at 
Lunenburg. " Five soldiers have been likewise killed and " 
" scalped near Fort Cumberland ; and a provision vessel, " 
" boarded by French and Indians in conjunction, was taken " 
" very lately in the bay of Fundy, and carried up the river " 
" Petitcoudiac." 

Admiral Saunders, with his squadron, arrived 21 April, off 
Louisbourg, but on account of the ice blockading the harbor 
was obliged to bear away on the 26th for Halifax, where he 
arrived on the i May. Lawrence, in his letter of May 8 to 
Mr. Pitt, says : " I was particularly happy in the satisfaction " 
" major general Wolfe expressed, on his arrival, in the prepa- " 
" rations made here for the expedition under his command. " 
On the 3 May, admiral Durell was despatched with eight ships 
of the line and some troops as far as the isle aux condrcs, 
(island of hazel trees), to prevent supplies getting to Quebec, 
On 14 May, admiral Saunders again reached Louisbourg, the 
harbor of which had been but a few days open. He sent 
two other ships to join Durell. Whitmore then commanded 
at Louisbourg. The land forces under Wolfe did not exceed 
7000 men. Amherst, writing to Lawrence, from Albany, 
29 May, says : " The distress I am in for want of money has " 
" forced me to march all the regiments, leaving the ration " 
" and baggage money unpaid. Three days since Mr. Mortier " 
" is come up from New York, with the very small remains of" 
" what was sent over from England, as my first care has " 
" been to supply Mr. Wolfe, who writes me word he has not " 
" a dollar, and this moment I have not a shilling, but that " 



368 History of Nova-Scotia. i759« 

" shall not by any means hinder H. M. service, as far as I " 
" can carry it on." One cannot but admire the noble genero- 
sity of this loyal and brave officer. 

In general Amherst we recognize the brave soldier, the skil- 
ful officer, the patriotic citizen. The project of the campaign 
was, that he should attack the French in all their strong posts 
at once ; to fall, as nearly as possible, at the same time upon 
Crown point, Niagara, and the forts to the South of Lake 
Erie, — whilst a great naval armament, with a body of land 
forces, should attempt Quebec. Amherst had, of regulars and 
provincials, about 12,000 men, with which force he was to cap- 
ture the French forts at Ticonderoga and Crown point, and 
then to enter the province of Canada, while Wolfe and Sanders 
took possession of Quebec. Niagara was, meanwhile, to be 
attempted by brigadier general Prideaux, aided by Sir William 
Johnson and the Indians of the Five nations, in the English 
interest. Ticonderoga and Crown point were rapidly aban- 
doned by the French, and Niagara capitulated to Sir William 
Johnson on the 25 July, after a severe and sanguinary conflict. 
(Prideaux was killed on 20 July.) 

I will now give a very brief sketch of the conquest of Que- 
bec. On the 26 June, the expedition under admiral Sanders 
and general Wolfe arrived at the isle of Orleans, a few leagues 
below Quebec. The next day a violent storm occurred. On 
27 and 28, the English troops landed on this island. At this 
time succours of all kinds had been thrown into Quebec. Five 
battalions of regular' troops, a large number of Canadians, and 
a body of Indians, had encamped along the shore of Beauport, 
from the river St. Charles to the falls of Montmorenci, where 
they had entrenched themselves. Monckton, with four bat- 
talions, on the night of 29 June, crossed the river and took 
post near the enemy. The English also established batteries 
on the isle of Orleans and at Point Levi, opposite the town. 
10 July, captain Danks' rangers were defeated by the Indians 
near Montmorency. 31 July, an attack was made by water on 
the enemy's entrenched forts, the grenadiers and other troops 
landing in boats from the fort ; but it proved unsuccessful, 
owing, in some measure, to the over eagerness of the English 



1759* History of Nova-Scotia. . 369 

soldiers. The English loss was 182 killed, 650 wounded, and 
15 missing. Wolfe became very sick, and despondency pre- 
vailed among the besiegers ; but on the night of the 12-13 
September, he led his men up the woody precipice to the 
heights of Abraham, where he formed his line, consisting of 
the Louisbourg grenadiers, Otway's, Bragg's, Kennedy's, Las- 
celles, the Highlanders, and Anstruther's regiments. The 
right was commanded by Monckton — the left by Murray, and 
the rear and left protected by colonel Howe's light infantry. 
Montcalm advanced with all his force from the Beauport side, 
intending to flank the left of the English. General Townshend 
was ordered thither, with Amherst's battalion. Two battalions 
of the Royal Americans joined him, and Webb's was drawn 
up as a reserve. The French lined the bushes in their front 
with 1500 Indians and Canadians, who kept up a galling fire. 
They had the regiments of La Sarre, Languedoc, Bearne and 
Guyenne, Roussillon, besides Canadians and Indians. They 
had two small pieces of artillery, while the English had but 
one. The English reserved their fire until they were within 
forty yards of their opponents. It was then that Wolfe fell at 
the head of Bragg's and the Louisbourg grenadiers, advancing 
with their bayonets. About the same time Monckton was 
wounded at the head of Lascelles'. In the front of the oppo- 
site battalion fell Montcalm. The English pushed on with 
the bayonet, and drove the French, part into the town and 
part to the bridge on the St. Charles. By the English official 
returns, they lost 57 killed, and had 594 wounded, and 3 mis- 
sing, in this battle. They took 250 prisoners. On 18 Sept'r,. 
M. de Ramezay surrendered Quebec, by capitulation, to admi- 
ral Sanders and general Townshend. The French forces 
engaged appear to have been about 3000 in number. Wolfe 
was only 32 years of age, " the parent of the soldier, and " 
" quite the humane and humble man." He was born in 1727 
— entered the army a boy of 13 in 1740, and was going with 
his father that year to the siege of Carthagena, but being taken 
ill, was sent ashore at Plymouth. He distinguished himself 
at Rochefort and at Louisbourg. At this last battle of Abra- 
ham's plains, he first was wounded in the wrist — received a 
B 24 



370 History of Nova-Scotia, i759» 

second shot in the belly — after that the fatal ball in his breast, 
when he fell backwards, and shortly after, enquiring and find- 
ing the French were repulsed, declared that he died content. 
The city of Quebec had been cannonaded for more than two 
months — i8o houses had been burnt by fire pots, and all the 
others riddled by shot and shell. Walls six feet thick had not 
resisted — vaults, in which private persons had placed their 
effects, had been burnt, shattered and pillaged during and 
after the siege, and the cathedral was entirely consumed. 
It is stated of Wolfe while before Quebec : " He asks no*' 
" one's opinion and wants no advice, and therefore as he con- " 

" ducts without an assistant, the honor or will be in " 

" proportion to his success." Jealousy against this hero pre- 
vailed in his camp. With this and delicate health, in so ardu- 
ous an undertaking, we can imagine his sufferings. The 
news of the great victory was received at Louisbourg by gen- 
eral Whitmore, then in command, on the ist October, and by 
him was transmitted to governor Lawrence, at Halifax. The 
whole of this campaign, including the operations of general 
Amherst by land on the Canadian frontier, as well as the 
achievements of the fleet and army against Quebec, and the 
defensive measures of the French of that province, are highly 
interesting. In my research for Acadian history, I have col- 
lected much material on this subject, but as it would occupy a 
large space, I do not feel justified to introduce it here. The 
fall of Quebec, however, was a turning point in the history of 
all North America. It led to peace, and produced security for 
the British colonists. Nova Scotia now obtained a new and 
valuable accession of loyal and industrious settlers ; and how- 
ever gradual, her progress has ever since been onward. 



APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XXV. 
(I.) 

Some gentlemen in the parish of Westerham, in Kent, have erected a plain 
monument to the late General Wolfe. " The table is of statuary marble, beau* 



History of Nova-Scotia. 371 

tifully executed by Mr. Love), near Cavendish square." (Is in white marble 
letters, inlaid in a ground of black marble.) 

James, 

son of Col. Edward Wolfe, and Henrietta, his wife, 

was born in this parish, January the 2d, 

MDCCXXVII, 

and died in America, September the 13th, 

MDCCLIX. 

Whilst George in sorrow bows his laurel'd head. 
And bids the artist grace the soldier dead ; 
We raise no sculptur'd trophy to thy name, 
Brave youth ! the fairest in the list of fame, 
Proud of thy birth, we boast th' auspicious year. 
Struck with thy fall, we shed a general tear ; 
With humble grief inscribe one artless stone ; 
And from thy matchless honours date our own. 

I decus I nostrum. 

\Anniial Re^ster for 1760, /. 99, and hi the Gentlemens' Magazine for 1 760, /. 20I.] 

Thomas Paine (afterwards remarkable for his republican and sceptical doc- 
trines) wrote a song on the death of Wolfe, very popular then and long after. 
It began thus : 

" In a mouldering cave, a wretched retreat," 
" Britannia sat, wasted by care," 

" And she mourned for her Wolfe, and exclaimed against &te," 
" And gave herself up to despair." 
I write from memory, having no copy of the verses. 

(2.) 
(From Dr. O'Callagkan's Note, 10 N. Y. Doc's., /. 1027.^ 
Lt. Col. Isaac Barre, born in Dublin, 1726, of French parents, entered the 
army in 1747 — lieut. 32d foot i Oct'r. 1755 — ^^'^^ ^^ Louisbourg in 1758, and ap- 
pointed major of brigade by Wolfe, 12 May, 1758, and 4 May, 1759, adjutant gen- 
eral of the army at Quebec — lieutenant colonel 19 Jan'y. 1761, (wounded at the 
siege 13 Sept.) Afterwards lord Shelburne got him a seat in Parl't. and the 
Gov't, of Stirling Castle, ;if 6 los. per diem. In 1766 he got a pension of ;^3200 
in lieu of it. He sided with the Americans in the debates. He died in 1802, 
having been totally blind for some time before. 

(3-) 

Robert Stobo was born at Glasgow in 1727. About 1747 he emigrated to Vir- 
ginia. In 1754 he was a captain of militia, under major Washington ; and on 
3 July, 1754, when Washington surrendered to M. de Villicrs, at fort Necessity, 
Stobo and another militia officer named Van Braam, were placed as hostages in 
the hands of the French for the return of Jumonville's party. Stobo being kept 



372 History of Nova-Scotia. 

at fort dii Qiiesne in a light kind of captivity, drew plans of the fort and its envi- 
rons, and sent them in a letter by an Indian to the English commanders at Wills' 
creek. After this he v^fas sent to Quebec, where he enjoyed almost perfect free- 
dom. In 1755, his letters and plans fell into the hands of the French when they 
captured general Braddock's baggage. Stobo was thereupon placed in close 
arrest at Quebec, and he and Van Braam were tried there for high treason in 
1755. Stobo was convicted and Van Braam was acquitted. By a previous order 
of the French king, the execution of his sentence was suspended. In May, 1759, 
he made his escape, (his third escape), and this time got off safely in a canoe to 
Louisbourg. He was at the siege of Quebec, in that year when his local know- 
lege proved of great use to general Wolfe. The assembly of Virginia voted him 
;^300 in 1756, and in 1759 their special thanks ; and returning there, they voted 
him ^1000, besides all arrears of pay while he was prisoner. In 1760 he visited 
England — was made captain in the 15th regt. of foot, 5 June, 1760. In 1762, he 
served in the West Indies. In 1767 he again went to England, and left the army 
in 1770, and is supposed to have died in that year. \io vol. New York Doc's., 
tP- 499, 970, io«3-] 

(4-) 

I saw and conversed with an Indian, (Micmac), who had been at the fall of 
Quebec. His name was captain Penall. He said he was born at St. Margaret's 
Bay, Nova Scotia, and that he went a boy of about 14 years with the English 
expedition to the capture of Quebec. He was taken great care of by his people, 
and nicely dressed with clean linen and blue cloth dress. He said the dead lay 
close together in the battle, holding up his fingers to express how close and thick 
the bodies lay there. I was told that in his manhood he was affluent — had built 
a brick dwelling house in the bay, and used to get his wine by the pipe or 
hogshead from Halifax. This may have been somewhat exaggerated, as I never 
saw any traces in the place of brick or stone building. The fur and fish trade 
in those days was extensive, and Penall may have also had some gratuities from 
the government. Some of the Indians of Nova Scotia have built framed or log 
houses, but at the same time have preferred, at least in summer, to live in their 
bark wigwams. I saw an instance of this, a few years since, at Gold river, in the 
county of Lunenburg. 



1759- History of Nova-Scotia. 373 



CHAPTER XXVI. 

The lords of trade had received a petition from I\Iary Magda- 
len How, the widow of Edward How, who had been killed at 
Chignecto by treachery, while engaged on the public service. 
She claims that ;!^ii8o i8s. 6d. was due to him by the pro- 
vince, and states her unhappy position, without means ot sup- 
port for herself and her three children. The board sent this 
claim to the governor and council, stating that, from the infor- 
mation of the former governor, Cornwallis, they have reason to 
think the demand may be just. This claim was considered in 
council, 26 June, 1759. They had Mrs. How before theci, 
and after hearing her statements, they ordered the sum of 
^^948 s. 6d. to be paid her, reserving the payment of the dif- 
ference for further enquiry. This sum they were authorized 
to charge to the contingent account of the settlement. 

29 June. The province vessels had returned from cape Sable 
with the remaining French inhabitants, who had concealed 
themselves from the party sent thither in the autumn of 1758, 
and the governor and council then determined that they should 
be landed on George's island, and victualled there, until they 
could be sent as prisoners to England ; and on the 5 July, the 
thanks of the council were expressed to major Erasmus Philips, 
for conducting a detachment from Annapolis to cape Sable, 
and taking these persons. — On thursday, 16 August, 1759, the 
places of William Cotterell, Robert Grant, and Montague 
Willmott, in council, becoming vacant by their absence, the 
governor appointed Richard Bulkeley, Thos. Saul and Joseph 
Gerrish, in their stead, who were sworn in, and took their seats 
accordingly. — Next day, the governor, and messrs. Belcher, 
Green, Collier, Morris, Bulkeley, Saul and Gerrish, attending 



374 History of Nova-Scotia, I759* 

in council, the province was divided into five counties — Anna- 
polis, King's, Cumberland, Lunenburg and Halifax. The 
boundaries of Annapolis county, beginning at a mile north of 
the harbor commonly called and known by the name of Cape 
Forchu harbor ; thence to run E. 34° N. on the true meridian 
lines, and to measure 'jy miles ; and thence N. 34^ W. to the 
bay of Fundy. King's, bounded westerly by the county of 
Annapolis, and of the same width, and from the southeasterly 
corner of said county to run E. 24° N. to the lake commonly 
called Long lake, emptying into Pisiquid river, and thence 
continuing near the same course to the river Chibenaccadie, 
opposite to the mouth of the river Stewiack ; thence up said 
river ten miles, and thence northerly to Tatmaguash, and from 
Tatmaguash, westerly, to the river Solier, where it discharges 
into the channel of Chignecto. Cumberland to consist of all 
the lands in the province of Nova Scotia lying north of King's 
county. Lunenburg, beginning at a brook at the bottom of 
Mahone bay, and on the easterly head thereof, and thence to 
run northerly till it meets the lake called Long lake, and to be 
bounded easterly by the said lake, and northwesterly by the 
county of Annapolis and King's county — southwesterly by the 
river Rosignol and Port Senior, and southeasterly by the sea 
shore to the first limits, comprising all the islands southward 
of the same. That the county of Halifax comprise all the 
main land and islands lying easterly of the county of Lunen- 
burg, and southerly and easterly of King's county ; and all the 
other lands and islands within the province of Nova Scotia, 
&c. 

August 22. The council, in consequence of the dissolution 
of the late assembly, which, as already stated, took place on 
13 August, and the time approaching for calling a new one, 
resolved that there should be elected 22 members, viz't, : 
For the township of Halifax, 4 

" the towns of Lunenburg, Annapolis, 

Horton and Cumberland, 2 each, 8 

" counties of Halifax, Lunenburg, An- 
napolis, Kings and Cumberland, 
2 each, 10 

22 



1759- History of Nova-Scotia. 375 

Eleven besides the speaker to be necessary to do business. 
Voters to have 40s. freehold in the town or county for which 
they vote. Popish recusants and minors under 2 1 not to vote. 
The returning officer not to be eligible. State oaths, test and 
qualification oaths, were prescribed. The provost marshal to 
appoint deputies to hold the elections. Freeholders of King's 
county not yet settled, may vote at Halifax. Several other 
regulations were added, and the writs were to be made return- 
able on 20 November next. 

It was a great stretch of power in the governor and council 
to alter and re-arrange the constitution of the representa- 
tive body of their own authority, but it seems to have been 
done with the best design for the public good, and being un- 
objected to, may be considered as sanctioned by the crown 
and the people. 26 October. A township, to be called Wolfe, 
on the river Chibenacadie, was resolved on, and the two large 
grants, each of 50,000 acres, in 1736, one at Chignecto and the 
other at Pisiquid, were ordered to be rescinded by a suit on 
behalf of the crown, in order to make room for settlers. J3oth 
grants were accordingly escheated 21 April, 1760. \^See this 
work, vol. I., //. 519, 520.] Early in November, governor Law- 
rence sent to England 1 5 1 French Acadians from cape Sable, 
who had been kept on George's island from the end of June. 
They had surrendered voluntarily. 

A return of the number of French prisoners taken at cape 
Sable, in the province of Nova Scotia, and shipped off on 
board the ship " Mary the Fourth," William Daverson, mas- 
ter, at Halifax, 9th November, 1759 : 

Men. Women. CJiildren. Total. 

56 46 49 151 

The masonry of the light house on Sambro island was finish- 
ed, and the Ian thorn was in progress of erection. Lawrence 
had a chart of the harbor of Halifax and its entrance, with 
directions for piloting in ships safely, prepared in duplicate, 
and sent to the board of trade and the admiralty. 

On the night of the 3-4 November, 1759, Saturday night 
and Sunday morning, the most violent gale of wind occurred 
at Halifax that had ever been known. Vast damage was done 



376 History of Nova-Scotia, i759« 

to wharves, and the salt and sugars in the stores on and near 
the beach were almost wholly ruined. Two schooners were 
driven ashore. Thousands of trees were blown down, and in 
some places the roads were rendered impassable. Several 
thousand pounds loss was computed to have been sustained. 
The tide was supposed to have been raised 6 feet perpendicu- 
lar above its ordinary level. {Gentleman s magazine, 1760, 
/. 45.] The storm broke down the dykes on the bay of Fundy 
everywhere, and the marsh lands now deserted were overflown 
and deteriorated. At fort Frederick, on St. John river, a 
considerable part of the fort was washed away ; and at fort 
Cumberland, 700 cords of firewood was swept off by the tide, 
in a body, from the woodyard although situated at least ten 
feet higher than the tops of the dykes. — 16 November, 1759. 
Alexandre Brussard, Simon Martin, Jean Bass and Joseph 
Brussard, came with a flag of truce to fort Cumberland, {Beau- 
sejour), as deputies for about 190 French Acadians — men, 
women and children, residing at Petitcoudiac and Memram- 
cook. They stated to colonel Frye, the commandant, their 
wish to surrender to the English government. They also said 
they had not provisions enough to keep them alive until spring. 
Frye told them to send 6^ of their number to his fort, to be 
maintained there. They testified gratitude for this relief, and 
went off next day, 17 Nov'r., leaving Alexandre Broussard as 
a hostage for their good behaviour. 17 Nov'r. Pierre Sufetz, 
Jean Burk and Michel Burk, arrived at the fort Cumberland, 
under flag of truce, as deputies for 700 persons resident at 
Miramichi, Richibucto and Buctouche. Their story was to 
the same effect as that of the previous party, Frye offered to 
receive 230 of their people to winter at Beausejour. They 
stated to him that they had captured, near Canso, in the past 
summer, twelve vessels, — they promised to bring in these ves- 
sels if the great storm had not destroyed them ; and on the 
20th Nov''r. this deputation left the fort. Shortly after this, 
51 persons arrived at Beaus6jour, under this agreement ; and 
on 4 Dec'r. four men came there from Richibucto. The more 
distant inhabitants were expected to come in December and 
January. Colonel Frye, writing to governor Lawrence from 



1759- History of Nova-Scotia. 377 

Fort Cumberland, Chignecto, Dec'r. 10, 1759, states his expec- 
tation that early in the spring there would be at that place and 
at the bale Vertc, about 900 souls, to be disposed of as his 
excellency should see fit. {On Saturday, 12 January, 1760, the 
governor and council decided to accept the submission of 
those Acadians, and assist them with provisions. Nov'r. 11, 
Sunday, general Sir W. Shirley, governor of the Bahama 
islands, arrived passenger in H. M. ship Mermaid, at Charles- 
ton, South Carolina.) 19 Nov'r. The returns for 12 members 
of the new assembly had been received, but those from Anna- 
polis Royal and Chignecto had not come in. Eleven of the 
members returned were in Halifax, not enough to form a quo- 
rum. It was thereupon resolved in council to postpone the 
meeting of the assembly until 4 December, and a proclamation 
accordingly issued. 

After the reduction of Quebec, about 200 inhabitants of the 
river St. John, under the guidance of the Jesuit pere Germain 
and p6re Coquarte, came down the river, and exhibited to 
colonel Arbuthnot, who then commanded at fort Frederick, 
certificates from captain Cramahe, deputy judge advocate at 
Quebec, that they had taken the oath of allegiance to the king 
of P2ngland. They had got leave from general Monckton to 
return to their habitations. Arbuthnot told them they must 
come down to the fort and remain there till he obtained orders 
from governor Lawrence as to what should be done with them. 
They accordingly came, and he wrote to Lawrence. Governor 
Lawrence stated to the council, 30 November, that Cramahe 
had given them the certificates on the supposition that they 
belonged to some river or place in Canada, called St. John, and 
not to the river St. John, in Nova Scotia ; and that Monckton 
had not given permission for their return hither. Amherst, 
in his letter of New York, 5 Feb'y., 1760, confirms Lawrence's 
view on this subject, and approves his treating those French 
as prisoners at discretion. The people were in a starving con- 
dition ; but as the French always pretended that the river St. 
John was their territory as a dependance of Canada, and it 
would not be proper they should re-settle there, the council 
advised the governor to hire vessels — bring them to Halifax 



378 History of Nova-Scotia. ^759 

as prisoners of war until they could be sent to England, and 
that the two priests be likewise removed out of the province. 

Some of the chiefs of the St. John Indians had also gone to 
Fort Frederick and taken the oath of allegiance, and it was 
resolved that Arbuthnot should encourage them to come on to 
Halifax, to confirm there their views of peace and traffic. At 
this time, exchange of prisoners took place, and Vaudreuil sent 
16 officers and over 200 men, (English), to be balanced by a 
similar number from general Amherst. 

The lords of trade became dissatisfied with the measures 
taken by Lawrence and his council for settling the vacant 
lands in Nova Scotia, and directed him not to proceed with 
further grants until H. M. pleasure therein should be signified. 

On tuesday, 4 Dec'r., 1759, the first session of the second 
assembly of Nova Scotia began. The following members were 
returned, as elected, by the provost marshal : 
William Nesbit, Esqr., Sebastian Zouberbuhler, Esq'r, 

Henry Newton, Esq'r., Mr. Philip Knaut, 

Malachy Salter, Esq'r., Colonel Jonathan Hoar, 

Mr. Jonathan Binney, Mr. Isaac Deschamps, 

Mr. John Burbidge, Erasmus James Philips, Esq'r., 

Mr. Benjamin Gerrish, John Newton, Esq'r., 

Joseph Scot, Esq'r., Winckworth Tonge, Esq'r., 

Captain Charles Procter, Captain Simon Slocomb, 

Mr. Michael Franklin, Colonel Joseph Fry. 

Mr. Archibald Hinshelwood, John Huston, Esq'r. 
(in all 20 members.) William Nesbit, esquire, was chosen 
speaker. The governor's speech congratulated the house and 
council on the fall of Quebec, " that barbarous metropolis " 
" from whence his good subjects of this province and the king's " 
" other American dominions, have groaned under such con- " 
" tinual and unpardonable wrongs." The oath of allegiance 
was taken, and the declaration subscribed by the members of 
the house. Mr. John Duport acted as secretary to the council. 
" Resolved, that the office of clerk to the assembly be executed 
by a member or members of the house." " Voted, that Mr. 
Hinshelwood and Mr. Deschamps be joint clerks to the house." 
" Voted, that John Calbeck be messenger and doorkeeper to 



1759* History of Nova-Scotia. 2)79 

the house." Nesbit, Hinshelwood, Newton, Salter and Frank- 
lin, were appointed a committee to answer governor's speech. 
5 December, 1759. In the answer of the House, they call 
" Cannada the mother and nurse of the most cruel, savage " 
" enemies to these his majesty's American colonies." They 
express the " grateful sense we have of your Excellency's 
" paternal care in the wise and prudent steps taken to engage 
" such great numbers of substantial and respectable protestant 
•' families from the neighboring colonies to settle on the vaca- 
" ted and other lands of this province." Saturday, Dec'r. 8th, 
1759. "The question being put, whether any money should 
be voted to the members of the House for their service during 
the present session, unanimously resolved in the negative, and 
that they will not put their constituents to any charge for their 
attendance." 1 1 Dec'r. Resolved, that the minutes of this 
house be printed weekly. 17 Dec'r. Rev'd. Mr. Wood ap- 
pointed chaplain to read prayers every morning, at 3s. a day — 
to be paid by the members of the house. Wednesday, Dec. 19. 
His excellency sent to the house, accounts of duties collected, 
and of the disposal of them. \^See appendix to this chapter^ 
Dec'r. 27. Petition from German settlers at Lunenburg, for a 
minister, German or English, and for an English school- 
master. 31 Dec'r. Several bills received the governor's 
assent. 

Governor Lawrence wrote at some length (10 Dec'r.) to the 
board of trade, replying to their despatch of i August, 1759. 
to excuse or vindicate the course he and his council had pur- 
sued in granting lands to the New England settlers. He 
quotes to them from their letter of 8 July, 1736, March, 10, 
1757, and 7 Feb'y., 1758, in all of which they trace out the 
course he had pursued. He admits that in the last they men- 
tion the transmission of proposals of settlement for H. M. 
approval, but he did not understand it as an injunction against 
granting lands, or importing an intention to dispose of them 
otherwise than among H. M. subjects of the neighboring colo- 
nies. The frontier lands, including river St. John, Petitcou- 
diac, Mcmramcook, Chipodie, Shediac, Tatamagouche, Mira- 
michi, Bale Verte, and part of Chignecto, equal to any in 



380 History of Nova-Scotia. 1759 

fertility and convenience, are not granted or engaged ; and if 
it is decided to make grants at the peace to officers and sol- 
diers, will afford ample scope. He also says the late violent 
storm has done great damage. The dykes have been des- 
troyed, and the marsh lands on the bay of Fundy have been 
all overflowed. 



APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XXVI. 

(I.) 

Wednesday, December 19, 1759. 

His Excellency the Governor sent the house the following accounts, viz't. : 
An abstract of the state of the accounts of the new duty and bounty monies paid, 

viz't. 
Expences of the late General Assembly, ;ii^282 o 9 

To the Overseers of the Poor, 100 o o 

For bounties on hay, roots and stone walls, 69 6 3 

;^45i 7 o 
Balance in hands of the Treasurer, 1109 17 o 



Received from Mr. Newton, £lM 9 8 

Ditto from Mr. Salter, 813 14 4 



.;^i56i 4 o 



;^i56i 4 o 
Halifax, Dec'r. loth, 1759. 

[Errors excepted.] 

Signed Bknjamin Green. 

Abstract of the expence incurred by the Commissioners appointed for erecting a 
Light House and House of Correction, and carrying on other public 
works, viz't. : 
Expended, as per vouchers in the hands of the treasurer, for the Beacon Light- 
house, House of Correction, Church, Meeting house and Gaol, ^3820 14 1 1 
N. B. — Appropriated out of the old duty money, viz't. : 
For the Light-house, 
For the Work-house, 
For the Church, 
For the Meeting house. 

Surplus in the Treasury of the said 
duty money, 

Exceeding already made, 



;^IOOO 








500 








400 








100 








;^2000 








1535 


3 


8 


3535 
285 


3 
II 


8 
3 


;^382o 


14 


II 



History of Nova-Scotia. 



381 



There will be wanted to replace the exceedings already made, and to defray the 
expence yet unpaid, a sum not less by computation than _;if 1500. 



(Signed) 



Benjamin Green 
John Collier, 
Charles Morris, 
Joseph Gerrish, 
Henry Newton, 
Malachy Salter, 



Commissioners. 



(2.) 

In the Marriage Licenses this year I find — 

26 July. Jonathan Binney, widower, and Hannah Newton, spinster. 
8 Sept. George Suckling, widower, and Frances Duport, spinster. 
1 1 Oct. Jonathan Prescott, widower, and Ann Blagdon, spinster. 
I notice these as names connected with old families in the province. 



382 History of Nova-Scotia. 17(30 



CHAPTER XXVII. 



1760. After the siege and fall of Quebec, the missionaries 
Menach and Maillard were disposed to induce their followers, 
both Acadians and Indians, to submit themselves to the Eng- 
lish as a conquering nation. Boishebert, who had been left 
on the frontier of Nova Scotia to guard and promote French 
interests, was very angry with these priests, because they 
advised their people to submission. \_Memoires siir le Canada^ 
pp. 174, 175.] 

In the assembly, on the 3 January, accounts were rendered, 
shewing the expenditure of ;2^3820 14s. i id. on the light-house 
and other public works. Of this sum, ;:C9^7 5s. 5d. was for 
materials for the light-house — ^452 los. lod. and £6t,$ 6s. 8d. 
on account of same establishment — ;£545 6s. od. for the work- 
house, and smaller sums spent on the church, meeting house, 
gaol, &c. Besides the ;^3820 14s. iid., it was estimated that 
;;Ci^oo more would be required to complete these buildings ; 
and on 5 Jan'y. both houses united in an address to the gover- 
nor to expend ;^iooo towards their completion. In conse- 
quence of sickness of members, there could not be a quorum, 
and the governor, on 21 January, adjourned the assembly until 
the 4 February, when he again adjourned it for the same cause 
to 18 February. On monday, 18 February, the governor sent 
a message to the house by hon. Mr. Bulkeley, the provincial 
secretary, respecting a treaty he was concluding with the 
Indians of St. John river and Passamaquoddie, and overtures 
of submission ciade by the Micmacs. He pointed out the 
necessity of preventing private trade with the Indians — build- 



1760. History of Nova-Scotia. 383 

ing truck-houses, and making them public presents. The 
building a market-house by lottery was also proposed. 23 Feb. 
there was no quorum, owing to relapse of sick members. This 
went on until 26th, when the governor adjourned the assembly 
to 10 March. On 10 March the house addressed the governor 
in congratulation on the victory of Sir Edward Hawke, 20 Nov. 
previous. On the 29 March the governor postponed the sit- 
ting of the assembly until i May. 

On the 9 January, Roger Morris, an Indian, and four of his 
friends, presented themselves to the governor and council with 
overtures of peace, stating that a large number of the Micmacs 
were assembled on the coast not far from Halifax, with like 
intentions. They were sent back to their people, with assu- 
rances of friendship and readiness to make a peace. 

M. Masse St. Maurice sent a memoir to M. Berryer, dated 
Versailles, 3 January, 1760. He says that general Murray, at 
Quebec, has 5000 men in garrison, and he proposes that the 
French should land troops at Manawagoniche, (near St. John, 
N. B..) to go overland to Quebec. He says fort Latour, or 
St. John, is on the left bank of the river St. John, (now Carle- 
ton), and that it has a garrison of 150 English since its reduc- 
tion. As 500 men would have to march 160 leagues or more 
through the woods to reach the Canada settlements, he sug- 
gests the use of nutritive powder, which had been prepared 
for a descent upon England. (The pemmican of the Indians 
is very like the supposed nutritive powder.) 10 March, Law- 
rence received letters from general Amherst, who was then at 
New York. He sends him a Gazette, containing the great and 
glorious success of " H. M. fleet, under the command of Sir 
" Edward Hawke, over the so long boasted one of monsr- de 
" Conflans," in November, 1759. The news came by the Earl 
of Leicester, packet, which arrived at New York 1 3 February, 
" Private letters by her add that three French men-of-war 
" were bilged in the riviere Villaine, and two other capital ones 
" run on ground flying into the river at Rochfort." (Hawke 
had 23 ships of the line, from \oo guns to 60 ; and 10 smaller 
vessels, from 50 guns to 32. The French had 21 ships of the 
line, from 80 to 64 guns ; and 5 smaller vessels.) On tuesday, 



384 History of Nova-Scotia. 1760. 

the 1 1 February, colonel Arbuthnot, the officer who comman- 
ded at Fort Frederick, on the St. John river, came to Halifax, 
bringing with him two Indian chiefs of the Passamaquoddy 
tribe, to make peace on the basis of the old Indian treaty of 
1725. They appeared before the governor and council with an 
interpreter, and it was agreed that the treaty should be prepa- 
red in English and French — that they should be sent back in 
a vessel to St. John, and that Arbuthnot should accompany 
them, taking the treaty with him to be ratified. On the 13th, 
the draft of the treaty was read in council, and approved. Mr. 
Benjamin Gerrish proposed to act as agent to buy goods, and 
sell them to the Indians for furs — to receive 5 per cent, on 
goods purchased, and 2\ p. c. on furs sold. Less than 20 p. c. 
on the prime cost charged to the Indian purchasers would 
cover all expences, per centages, &c., and the Indians could 
obtain the articles at least 50 per cent cheaper than hitherto. 
This proposal was accepted, and 16 Feb'y. the governor and 
council settled with the Indian chiefs a table of prices for furs. 
\^See appendix?)^ These Indians stated their numbers at 500, 
men, women and children. The council decided to send a 
sufficient supply of provisions with them for their present 
wants, and that Mr. Gerrish should purchase such different 
sorts of merchandize as they had immediate occasion for. 
While the council were sitting on the 13th February, Roger 
Morris, (Micmac), and Claude Rene, chief of the Chibenacadie 
Indians, came in, — so did three Frenchmen, lately arrived 
from Pictou. The Indians had left about 70 of their people 
at Jedore, who had no resource but killing moose, and said 
the men would come up to make peace if they had provisions 
to leave for the women and children. It was then resolved to 
give them a row boat, with a barrel of flour, a barrel of pork, 
and two barrels of bread, to subsist the families on during 
their absence. Friday, 22 February. The Indian chiefs (from 
Passamaquoddy) attended the governor and council, and were 
presented with laced blankets, laced hats, &c. They were 
informed that similar presents would be sent to the chief of 
the St. John Indians — that the treaty of peace would be ready 
to be signed to-morrow, and that they should embark on sun- 



1760. History of Nova-Scotia. 385 

day if the wind was favorable. On 23 Feb'y., Michel Neptune, 
chief, (Passamaquoddy), and Ballomy Glode, chief of St. John 
Indians, made a treaty, based on those of 1725 and 1749, 
adding an engagement not to aid the enemies of the English 
— to confine their traffic to the truck-houses at Fort Frederick 
or elsewhere, and to leave three of each tribe resident there as 
hostages to ensure performance of the articles. Saturday, 
23 Feb'y-. the treaties of peace with the Indian chiefs of the 
tribes of St. John's river and Passamaquoddy, were signed by 
the governor and the chiefs. Friday, 29 Feb'y. Paul Laurent, 
chief of Laheve, and Michel Augustine, chief of Richibucto, 
came in with a letter from colonel Frye, the commanding offi- 
cer at fort Cumberland, to make peace. As it appeared that 
all the Micmacs were willing to make treaties on the terms 
already granted to the St. John and Passamaquoddy tribes, it 
was resolved to make peace with each chief who came in, and 
afterwards to have a general treaty signed at Chignecto ; and 
that truck-houses should be established. 10 March, monday, 
treaties of peace were signed in council with 
Paul Laurent, chief of Lehave, 
Michel Augustine, Richibucto, 
Claude Ren6, Chibenacadie and Muscadoboit, 
and they received the usual presents. 

On the same day, governor Lawrence informed the council 
that a complaint had been made to him by the justices of the 
Inferior court against Mr. Monk, one of their number, for neglect 
of attendance, &c. ; that Monk had told him if he was removed 
from office, he would print the affair, and that ;^iooo would be 
subscribed to enable him to appeal it to the king in council. 
The council held Monk guilty of high indignity and contempt, 
and referred to some alleged ill conduct of his in 1753, and 
advised his removal from his offices of judge of the Infe- 
rior court and of justice of the peace. [Mr. Monk was the 
father of Sir James Monk, chief justice of Canada, and of 
George Henry Monk, one of the judges of the Supreme court 
of Nova Scotia. The family were of high origin, their head 
being duke of Albemarle, the restorer of the monarchy. The 
branch that resided in Nova Scotia, were all remarkable for 
B 25 



386 History of Nova-Scotia. 1760. 

learning and refinement. The writer remembers, with great 
pleasure, the family of judge George Henry Monk, frequently 
called major Monk, having been an officer in the army. The 
late bishop Monk was a near connection.] Judge G. H. Monk 
was married to miss Gould. He lived in Halifax, opposite to 
the site of the present Halifax hotel. 

The English parliament had voted 12 February — 
" Upon account for supporting and maintain- " 
" ing the settlement of H. M. colony in " 
" Nova Scotia, for 1 760," .;^i 1,785 6 10 

For the same in 1758, not provided for, 5.851 4 5 

Amherst writes to governor Lawrence, from New York, 
4 March. He expresses anxiety that lord Colville may use 
the English naval force to prevent succors and cut off inter- 
course between Canada and France. He states that 6000 
Canadians had taken the oaths of allegiance to England, and 
seemed pleased with the change of masters. On 5 April he 
writes again, regretting he can not send additional troops to 
Nova Scotia, having been obliged to send troops to Carolina 
* to punish the perfidiousness of the Cherokee Indians.' He 
adds : " I must not omit my most grateful acknowledgments " 
" for your very kind and civil invitation of me to your house, " 
" in case I should go up the river St. Lawrence. If I do, and " 
" I am obliged to call in at Halifax, I shall, notwithstanding " 
" the inconvenience it may put you to, accept of your polite " 
■" and friendly offer." In the spring of this year, the chevalier 
de Levis, who, after the death of Montcalm, had become the 
chief military officer of the French, with about 3500 regulars, 
about the same number of militia, and a few hundred Indians, 
with 6 frigates who came down the river with the baggage, 
ammunition, &c., came down to Quebec, and the French army 
got to the heights of Abraham, near Quebec, about the end of 
April. General Murray came out from Quebec to meet them, 
with 3000 men, but after a sanguinary conflict, in which near 
1000 of the English were killed and wounded, Murray had to 
retire into the fortress of Quebec. The English lost about 
250 killed, and over 700 wounded ; among the killed was 
major Hussey, of Lascelle's regiment. The besiegers had 



1760. History of Nova-Scotia. 387 

little or no cannon, and the arrival of English frigates (lord 
Colville having left Halifax 16 April with his squadron) caused 
the French to rajse the siege in the middle of April with great 
precipitation. The English garrison suffered severely by 
scurvy, attributed to want of fresh meat and vegetable food, 
and a cold climate, 1000 dying of this disease. 

Mr. Pitt, 9 Feb'y-. ordered, that the fortress of Louisbourg 
should be demolished, and the harbor to be made as impracti- 
cable as may be, the garrison, artillery, stores, &c., to be sent 
to Halifax. The lords of trade, meanwhile, had approved of 
governor Lawrence's proceedings in the settlement of the pro- 
vince, which, he says, relieved him from great anxiety. They 
had desired that lands should be reserved as a reward and 
provision ' for such officers and soldiers as might be disban- ' 

* ded in America upon a peace.' He therefore had desisted 
from making any further grants of the cleared lands. As to 
the Atlantic coast of the province, ' which is altogether un- * 

* cleared,' he proposes to settle it with fishermen and farmers 
as fast as possible. He had sent Mr. Morris, the surveyor, in 
-one of the province vessels, along the coast to the Westward, 
to lay out and adjust the limits of the townships for fishery, at 
one of which (Liverpool) fifty families and six fishing schoon- 
ers had already arrived. Morris was thence to proceed to 
Annapolis, Mines and Pisiquid. Forty families had arrived to 
settle in that direction, and transports, &c., were expected with 
more from Connecticut. In January, he had sent for 300 
French inhabitants of St. John's river, whom he had now 
(11 May) in Halifax, as prisoners, until he could send them to 
England. He states to the lords of trade the treaties he had 
made with the Indians — the exclusion of private trade with 
them — the establishing of truck-houses and Benjamin Gerrish 
as commissary, and had induced the assembly to pass a law, 
with severe penalties, against private trading with the Indians. 
He mentions the two grants of 1736, each of 50,000 acres. 
Not more than one or two of the grantees remained in the 
province. There was no prospect of improvement by the 
grantees. The conditions were all unperformed, and above 
;^8ooo quit rent on them was due to the crown, — none had 



388 History of Nova-Scotia, tybo. 

ever been paid. He had appointed a commissioner, who had,. 
with a jury, tried the question, and they found the conditions 
had not been fulfilled. The proceedings wauld be returned 
^nto chancery, and he could then regrant these lands to indus- 
trious settlers. He says : " According to my ideas of the 
" military, which I offer with all possible deference and sub- 
*' mission, they are the least qualified, from their occupation as 
*' soldiers, of any men living to establish new countries, where 
" they must encounter diflficulties with which they are altoge- 
" ther unacquainted ; and I am the rather convinced of it, as 
" every soldier that has come into this province since the 
" establishment of Halifax, has either quitted it or become a 
" dramseller."^ During this spring, many of the New England 
soldiers at Chignecto and St. John's river left, notwithstanding 
all persuasion, (^their time of enlistment being probably expi- 
red.) From Fort Frederick, on the St. John, 70 of them went 
off openly in one schooner, and 80 in another. 

A severe fire had occurred at Boston, 20 March, in which 
near 400 buildings were destroyed, and property c:jnsume(J 
above ;;^roo,ooo sterling in value. Pownal wrote circulars ta 
the governors on the continent ; and 25 May, he writes ta 
Lawrence, thanking him and the people of Nova Scotia for 
their contributions in aid of the sufferers. Same date he 
states that he is abaut to leave directly for England. 31 May, 
general Whitmore received an order, under the king's sign 
manual, for demolition of the fortress of Louisbourg, where he 
commanded, and he at ofice set bis men to work to carry out 
his instructions. 

Early in June, the settlers at Liverpool (port Rossignol) 
amounted to 70 heads of families, with a considerable number 
of live stock, and 13 fishing schooners, which were then on 
the banks. Those on shore were putting up houses. They 
had erected three saw mills. Mr. Morris reported favorably of 
the families that had come to Horton, Cornwallis and Fal- 
mouth. In May, forty settlers arrived at Annapolis, and a 
committee for Granville to lay out lots. Mr. Morris left Anna- 
polis 30 May, and arrived 31st at Pisiquid, (Windsor.) On 
I June, there came up to that place captain Rogers,, with six 



1/60. History of Nova-Scotia. 389 

transports, brining inhabitants principally for the township 
of Mines, (Horton.) They had been out 21 days, and suffered 
much for want of sufficient provender and hay for their stock. 
Their cattle were landed at Pisiquid, to be afterwards driven 
to Mines. Many families were left at New London, with their 
cattle, not finding room in the transports. 

In May, six French ships of war had left Bourdeaux, having 
troops and horses on board, intended for the garrison of Mon- 
treal. Three of them were taken in the channel, and three 
■others arrived in the gulf of St. Lawrence, with the view of 
going up the river past Quebec. They captured some English 
craft, and ascertained that lord Colville's squadron were at 
sea, on which they made for the bay of Chaleur — landed 
troops at Ristigouche, and built a battery, sending overland to 
notify Vaudreuil. They were not long there when commodore 
Byron, of the Fame, 74, followed shortly after by four other 
English men-of-war, came to the place, from Louisbourg, 
where they had been sent to protect the garrison in demolish- 
ing the fortifications. Byron got to Ristigouche 24 June. 
The French batteries were manned by 250 soldiers, 700 Aca- 
dians, and 800 Indians. The larger English vessels could not 
get up high enough for some days ; but on 8 July, the P'rench 
were overcome. The loss to the English was 12 killed, and 
as many wounded. The French had 30 altogether killed and 
wounded. They took 3 French vessels, the Machault, 32, Bien- 
faisant, 22, Marquis Marloze, 18, and 19 small vessels, most 
of them English traders which the French had taken ; their 
batteries, were all destroyed, and the settlement totally ruined. 
Lord Colville, in his letter to Mr. Pitt, says 200 houses were 
destroyed, but it would seem that they were not on the Risti- 
gouche, as we find that, although there was a town begun 
there, with fortifications, called Petite Rochelle, near the mouth 
of the river, the place was probably small at that time, — while 
at Beaubair's point, on the Miramichi, there was a town of 200 
houses, and a chapel, which Byron destroyed in 1760. On 
Beaubair's island, (since owned by messrs. Eraser), there was 
a battery that commanded the river, and at French fort cove 
the fortifications mounted sixteen guns. At Fawcctt's point, 



390 History of Nova-Scotia. 1760. 

the French had a ship-yard, an armory, and valuable stores, 
(storehouses.) The island and point were named after Pierre 
Beaubair, who superintended the colony. He died in 1757. 
[Anmia/ Register for 1760,/. 134. Cooneys N. Briinsivick, 30. 
Gcsiicrs N. B., 43.] 

1 1 July. Abbe Menac, (called also Manach and Miniac), mis- 
sionary of the bay dcs Ouincs, or Miramichi, transferred himself, 
with 15 Acadian families and some Indians, to the interest of 
the English. He abandoned a rich chapel, enjoining openly 
on the Acadians to act in favor of the English. [10 A^. Yo7'k 
Docs., 1 1 33.] Whitmore recommends Maillard to governor 
Lawrence as a useful instrument in promoting peace with the 
Indians. Fort Frederick, at St. John river, was in need of 
great alteration to make it defensible, as lieut. Tonge reported. 
The campaign in Canada was, in August, making progress^ 
Amherst taking with him from Crown point about 5000 men, 
Monckton was to join him at Oswego, from Fort Pittsburgh ; 
and colonel Haviland, with 2500 regulars, and brigadier 
Ruggles, with 3000 provincials, were to advance at the same 
time. 

The removal of Mr. Robt. Grant from council, on the ground 
of his absence, was complained of by him to the lords of trade ;. 
and there is a letter of Lawrence to them on the subject, of 
I Sept., which shews that personal ill feelings existed between 
the governor and this gentleman. Whether either or both 
were to blame, can be of little import now. — The committees 
of the townships of Truro and Onslow, at Cobequid, requested 
aid in cutting roads between the several lakes that lie between 
Fort Sackville and their townships, and the council (5 August) 
advised that provisions be allowed them while actually em- 
ployed in the work. Three or four hundred Acadians, assem- 
bled at this time at fort Cumberland, submitted themselves to 
be disposed of at the pleasure of the government ; and colonel 
Frye, who commanded there, expected to receive similar pro- 
posals from 700 more who were at Ristigouche. The council 
advised that vessels be hired to bring round such of them as 
could not travel by land to Halifax. ;^ioo was voted by the 
council to William Nesbitt, esq., for his extraordinary services 



1760. History of Nova-Scotia. 391 

as attorney general for the current year, out of the provincial 
funds. This vote passed Saturday, 27 Sept'r., 1760 — present, 
his excellency the governor, and messrs. Belcher, Green, Col- 
lier, Bulkeley and Gerrish, councillors, being the last meeting 
of council that Lawrence attended. 

Paul Mascarene died this year, he who so long commanded 
at Annapolis Royal, as president, and had gradually obtained 
higher military rank, being made major general in Noven.ber, 
1760. Those readers who have given attention to our former 
pages, need not be reminded of the eminent qualities of this 
gentleman and soldier. In his portrait, still extant, where he 
is shewn in armor, there is much to admire. In his moral 
qualities, patience, and strict perseverance in loyalty and duty. 
His just influence with the French and Indians, acquired by 
his talents and accomplished behavior, and in his great honesty 
of character, he has left a pattern that all may appreciate, 
though few will undertake to copy. Without interest or favor, 
his services were undervalued and unrewarded, but at all times 
he went on in the straight path of honor. His career illus- 
trates the passage in Butler : 

" But loyalty is still the same," 

" Whether it win or lose the game ;" 

" True as the dial to the sun," 

" Which turns, altho' not shone upon." 

In this year also captain John Rous died. In 1744 he was 
master of a Boston privateer, and in the end of July he arrived 
at St. John's harbor, in Newfoundland, from the great Banks, 
bringing in eight French vessels, with 90,000 mud fish. In 
August, the British man-of-war stationed at Newfoundland 
fitted out a ship, commanded by captain Cleves, with some 
small craft, and 50 marines. Rous, in his vessel, accompanied 
them, and they sailed in quest of the French ships that cured 
codfish in the Northern harbors of Newfoundland. On the 
18 August, at Fishot, they took five good French ships, some 
dried fish but not well cured, and 70 tuns of liver oil. Thence 
they proceeded to the harbors of S^. Julian and Carrous. In 
1745, he commanded the Shirley, galley, at the first siege of 
Louisbourg, and was sent by Pepperell with dispatches of the 



392 History of Nova-Scotia. 1760 

victory to England, and made a captain in the Royal navy 
24th Sept'r., 1745. He continued in employment on the Nova 
Scotia station, where, in 1755, he commanded the naval forces 
at Chignecto; and after Beaiisejour fell, was ordered to the river 
St. John. In 1756 he commanded the Success, 22 ; and in 
1757, the frigate Winchelsea, 20 ; in 1758, the Sutherland, 50, 
at the second siege of Louisbourg ; and in 1759, at the siege 
of Quebec. It was from this ship Wolfe issued his last order 
before ascending the heights of Abraham. On all occasions 
he was active, skilful, and fully relied on. In 1754 he was 
made a member of H. M. council for Nova Scotia. 

In September, Amherst completed the conquest of Canada. 
On the 7 Sept'r., (sunday), the town of Montreal was invested 
by three armies, whose total exceeded 32,000 men. The prin- 
cipal one came by lake Ontario, under Amherst himself; the 
second by lake Champlain, under colonel Haviland, and the 
third from Quebec, in ships, under general Murray. As the 
English advanced, the inhabitants gave way to the superior 
force of the invaders. The domiciliated Indians left the French 
standard, and either acted as guides to the English, or in some 
cases took an active part against their old friends. The French 
troops amounted only to about 4000 men, (including 650 colo- 
nial.) On the 8th, Vaudreuil capitulated. The honors of war 
were accorded to the garrison who engaged not to serve 
against England during the present war. The free exercise of 
religion was secured to the Canadians, and the church and 
religious orders were to retain all their property. On return- 
ing to France, Vaudreuil was sent to the Bastille — was finally 
acquitted in December, 1763, and died in 1764. Francois 
Bigot, the intendant, was also imprisoned in the Bastille. More 
than fifty persons, accused or suspected of malversation and 
fraud in the receipt and disbursements of the French govern- 
ment in Canada previous to the conquest, were tried by a royal 
commission, appointed in December, 1762. In 1765, they 
freed M. Vaudreuil of all blame — sentenced Bigot to restore 
to the king four and a half millions of livres, and to be banish- 
ed for life, and other officers of the colony to restore various 
sums, and to banishment for certain periods. The sums ad- 



1760. History of Nova-Scotia. , 393 

judged to be made good amounted in all to 12,695,000 livres. 
Bigot was sent to Bourdeaux, where he is said to have lived in 
ease and comfort. His character belongs to Canadian history, 
and is very remarkable, combining some generous qualities 
with remarkable profligacy ; and one can hardly doubt that 
his conduct tended to the fall of the province, as he not only 
wasted the public resources, but permitted, if he did not 
encourage, his subordinates to follow his example. 

On the very day that Vaudreuil surrendered Montreal and 
all Canada to Amherst, monday, 8 Sept'r., Lawrence, who had 
not been permitted to participate in the campaigns of this or 
the year before, opened the second session of the second gen- 
eral assembly of Nova Scotia, at Halifax. Nesbit was speaker, 
and Isaac Deschamps clerk, of the representative body. The 
governor, in his speech, mentions a recent tour he had made 
through the province — commends the settlement of Liverpool 
and the new townships in the bay of Fundy, and anticipates 
that by their aid Halifax will prosper as a commercial port. — 
The house again voted that they would not put their constitu- 
ents to any charge for their attendance. The council refused 
to pass a private divorce bill, as no decree of divorce was 
offered to support it ; and twenty acts in all were passed, the 
most important one being a law for commissioners of sewers, 
then essential to the repair and extension of the dykes in the 
marsh lands on the bay of Fundy. Accounts were exhibited 
for ;^6832 17s. 7d. expended on public buildings — light-house, 
work-house, church, meeting-house and gaol ; and it was sup- 
posed ;!^iooo more was due on this account. The light duties 
collected in 1760 came to ;^262 14s. 4d., and the expences for 
oil, keeper, &c., paid, were j[^2^6 6s. 6d. The economy of 
public money of those days is highly praiseworthy ; and the 
gentlemanly feeling that prevailed, inducing the members to 
serve wholly at their own expense, is pleasing to observe. Nor 
ought we to forget the gratuitous services of the members of 
council from 1720 down to the middle of the present century. 
The governor closed this session on Saturday, 27 September. 
The whole business was thus despatched in less than three 



394 History of Nova-Scotia. • 1760 

weeks. It is not impossible that part even of this short term 
may have been employed in social and kindly meetings. 

While building was the chief concern in Halifax, pulling 
down and levelling held the upper hand at Louisbourg. The 
fortifications were mined and blown up — the stones lay in 
heaps — every glacis was levelled, and the ditches filled up. 
The citadel, west gate and curtain, were the last destroyed. 
All the guns, mortars, shot and implements of war, as well as 
the picquets, Portland stone, &c., were carried to Halifax. 
Part of the barracks were repaired, so as to offer accommoda- 
tions for 300 men when requisite, and the hospital and private 
buildings were left standing. 

The Cherokees were this year subdued by colonel Montgom- 
ery, and 1200 men, sent by Amherst to help the Southern 
colonies. 

Governor Lawrence was taken ill on Saturday, 1 1 October, 
of a fever and inflammation of the lungs, attributed by tradi- 
tion to a draught of cold water, taken when he was heated by 
dancing at a ball ; — of which he died on sunday, the iQtb, 
of the same month. He was, it is said, in the prime of 
life, and he certainly stood high in the estimation of all 
the colonists. During the eleven years he had spent in 
Nova Scotia, he occupied either the chief or a prominent posi- 
tion in all its affairs, both civil and military, and won the res- 
pect and confidence as well of the authorities in England as of 
the settlers in this country. He was actively engaged at 
Chignecto and at Lunenburg in laying the foundations of 
towns and villages, and after the expulsion of the Acadians 
was the chief mover in bringing hither the New Englanders 
as emigrants to re-people our Western districts. In the ex- 
pulsion itself he was deeply engaged, and the praise or blame 
of it — perhaps both — belong largely to him. He was a man 
inflexible in his purposes, and held control in no feeble hands. 
Earnest and resolute he pursued the object of establishing and 
confirming British authority here with marked success ; and 
the obedience and loyalty he wished lo predominate have ever 
since been governing principles with the general body of our 
population. 



History of Nova-Scotia. 395 



APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XXVII. 
(I.) 

16 February, 1760, the governor and council and the Indian chiefs settled a 
table of prices. 

THE TABLE. 

That a pound of the best spring beaver be valued at five shillings, and that two 
pounds of spring beaver be equal to three pounds of fall beaver. 

That a loutre or otter skin be esteemed equal to a pound of spring beaver. 

That three martre, sable, or martin skins, be esteemed equal to a pound of 
spring beaver. 

That a pequan or fisher's skin be equal to a pound of spring beaver. 

That six foins or vizons, or minks skins, be equal to a pound of spring beaver. 

That an ours or bear skin, large and in good season, be equal to a pound and 
one-third of spring beaver, and others in proportion. 

That a Renard rouge, red fox skin, be equal to half a pound of spring beaver. 

That a renard noir, black fox skin, be equal to two pounds of spring beaver. 

That a renard argente, silver'd fox skin, be equal to two pounds and a half of 
spring beaver. 

That ten rats musque, musquash skins, be equal to a pound of spring beaver. 

That loup marins, seal skins, from three feet and a half long to twelve feet 
long, be valued from eight pence to three shillings and four pence eaeh. 

That a large orignol (orignal) or moose skin, be equal to a pound and a half 
of spring beaver, and in proportion for smaller. 

That a large loup servie, (loup cervier), cat's skin, be equal to two pounds of 
spring beaver, and in proportion for smaller. 

That five pounds oldccr, cerf, Chrevreux, (chevreawx, kids) deer skin, be equal 
to a pound of spring beaver. 

That ten blette, (nn herb, hermine, ermine), blettes, ermin skins, be equal to a 
pound of spring beaver. 

That six pounds of plumes, feathers, be equal to a pound of spring beaver. 



That a large blanket be sold for two pounds of spring beaver. 
That two gallons of rum be sold for one pound of spring beaver. 
That two gallons and a half of molasses be sold for one pound of spring beaver. 
That thirty pounds of flour be sold for one pound of spring beaver. 
That fourteen pounds of pork be sold for one pound of spring beaver. 
That two yards of stroud be sold for three pounds of spring beaver. 
And that the prices of all other kinds of merchandize, not mentioned herein, 
be regulated according to the rates of the foregoing articles. 

(2.) 

31 March, 1760. The House of Commons voted ^^200,000 to compensate the 
North American provinces for expences of levying, cloathing, and pay of troops 
raised by them. The king to apportion it. \_Universal Magazine for 1760, v. 27, 
/. 143. From GentUmens' Magazine for 1769,/. 297.] 



396 History of Nova-Scotia, 

March 15. (Married.) Governor Wentworth, of New Hampshire, to miss 
Hilton. 

(3-) 

Extract of a letter from colonel Frye to the governor of New England, dated 
Fort Cumberland, Chignecto, March 7, 1760 : 

" I informed your excellency in my last, of the loth of December, of the sub- 
mission of the French peasants residing at Merimichi, Rishebucta, Bouctox, 
Pircondiack and Mamerancook, made by their deputies sent here for that purpose. 
On the 30th of January last, Mr. Manach, a French priest, who had the charge 
of the people at Merimichi, Rishebucta and Bouctox, with a number of principal 
men of those places, arrived here, when they renewed their submission in a formal 
manner, by subscribing to articles, (drawn suitable to the case), whereby, among 
other things, they have obliged themselves and the people they represent, to 
come to Bay Verte, with all their effects and shipping, as early in the spring as 
possible, in order to be disposed of as governor Lawrence shall direct. With the 
French priest came two Indian chiefs, viz., Paul Lawrence and Augustine 
Michael. Lawrence tells me he was a prisoner in Boston, and lived with Mr. 
Henshaw, a blacksmith ; he is chief of a tribe that before the war lived at Laheve; 
Augustine is chief of a tribe at Rishebucta. I have received their submission for 
themselves and tribes, to his Britannic majesty, and sent them to Halifax for the 
terms by governor Lawrence. I have likewise received the submissions of two 
other chiefs, whom I dealt with as those before mentioned, and was in hopes 
(which I mentioned to Mr. Manach) I had no more treaties to make with savages; 
but he told me I was mistaken, for there would be a great many more here upon 
the same business as soon as the spring hunting was over ; and upon my enquir- 
ing how many, he gave me a list of fourteen chiefs, including those already men- 
tioned, most of whom he said would come. I was surprised to hear of such a 
number of Indian chiefs in this part of America ; and Mr. Manach further told 
me that they were all of one nation, and known by the name of Mickmacks ; that 
they were very numerous, amounting to near 3000 souls ; that he had learned 
their language since he had been amongst them, and found so much excellence 
in it, that he was well persuaded that if the beauties of it were known in Europe, 
there would be seminaries erected for the propagation of it. How that might be, 
is better known to him than to those who know nothing of the language ; but I 
think I may venture to say, that if there be so many Indians as he says there are, 
I know this province, as it abounds very plentifully with furs, may reap a vast 
advantage by them, provided Canada returns not into the hands of the French." 
\Annual Register, 1760,/. 98. Land. Mag., 1760,/. 377.] 

(4-) 

^JjJew York, September 25. 
On Saturday morning, about nine o'clock, arrived here major McLean, from 
general Amherst, at Montreal, which he left the Saturday night before, with ex- 
presses, containing a full confirmation and account of the surrender of the French 
army, the town of Montreal, and all Canada. 

Sept. 8. At break of day the capitulation was signed. The grenadiers and 
lif^ht infantry then marched into the town, commanded by colonel Haldimand, in 
the following order of procession, viz. : 



History of Nova-Scotia. 397 

I. A i2-pounder, with a flag ; and a detachment of royal artillery. 

II. The grenadiers of the line, commanded by colonel Massey. 

III. The light infantry of the line, commanded by colonel Amherst, 

Each with a band of music before them ; and the eldest ensign in gen. Amherst's 
army to take possession of the colors of the 8 French regiments. 

.Sept. g. The colours of Shirley's and Pepperell's regiments, lost at Oswego 
in 1756, were marched out of Montreal by a detachment of grenadiers and a band 
of music, and carried down the right of our line to the head quarters, where they 
were lodged. 

GENERAL ORDERS. 

Camp before Montreal, 

Sept. 9, 176a 
Parole. King George, and Canada. 
The General sees with infinite pleasure the success that has crowned the inde- 
fatigable efforts of his majesty's troops and faithful subjects in America. The 
marquis de Vaudreuil has capitulated ; the troops of France in Canada have laid 
down their arms, and are not to serve during the war ; the whole country sub- 
mits to the dominion of Great Britain ; the three armies are entitled to the Gen- 
eral's thanks on this occasion ; and he assures them that he will take the opportu- 
nity of acquainting his majesty with the zeal and bravery which has always been 
exerted by the officers and soldiers of the regulars and provincial troops, and also 
by his faithful Indian allies. 

The General is confident, when the troops are informed that this country is the 
king's, they will not disgrace themselves by the least appearance of inhumanity, 
or by unsoldier-like behaviour in taking any plunder, more especially as the 
Canadians become now British subjects, and will feel the good effect of his majes- 
ty's protection. [^Annual Register for 1760,/. 149.] 



398 History of Nova-Scotia. 1760-61 



CHAPTER XXVIII. 



On the death of Lawrence occurring, the council assembled. 
{Sunday, 19 October.) Present : the hon. Jonathan Belcher, 
esquire, the president ; Benjamin Green, John Collier, Richard 
Bulkeley and Joseph Gerrish, councillors. A proclamation 
was agreed on, to be signed by Mr. Belcher, to notify the 
public that he assumed the command of the province, its gov- 
ernment devolving on him by the death of Mr. Lawrence, and 
requiring all officers to continue, &c. It was also resolved 
that the expence of the funeral should be defrayed out of the 
province money. 

At this time it appears that the new settlements were aided 
by grants of provision from this government. 

King George the second died at Kensington palace on the 
25 October. He was in his 77th year. His end was sudden, 
owing to a rupture of the right ventricle of the heart. He was 
born in 1683. He fought under Marlborough, at Oudenarde, 
in 1708 ; and on his father's accession to the crown in 17 14, 
was made prince of Wales, by patent, and became king on his 
father's death, 11 June, 1727. 

In council, 23 December. A table of fees was passed, for 
clerk of peace, clerk of inferior court, attorney's fees, provost 
marshal's fees. 30 Dec'r., fees of secretary of province, and 
chief surveyor of lands on grants of lands, were adopted. 

1761. 10 January, the hon. Edward Boscawen, admiral of 
the blue, general of marines, and one of the lords of admiralty, 
died. He is said, by tradition, to have been a small man, with 



1 76 1. History of Nova-Scotia. 399 

his head set somewhat awry, but his courage and conduct as a 
sea officer were conspicuous. 12 January, the council voted 
"out of the old duty money," salaries to the justices of the 
' Inferior Court of Common Pleas,' for the year 1760 : to 
Charles Morris, ^^75 ; and to John Duport, Joseph Scott and 
Joseph Gerrish, each ^^50 ; and to Edmund Crawley, £,2^ ; 
to the clerk of the supreme court, ;^20, and to Joseph Gerrish, 
for former services at supreme court, ^{^30. Malachy Salter 
was appointed to collect the light duties, and furnish supplies 
to the light-house. On the 20 January, 1761, the sum of 
;^io,595 I2S. 9d. was voted by parliament for supporting and 
maintaining the settlement of Nova Scotia for 1761. 

On the II February, 1761, Wednesday, the proclamation of 
the new king, George the third, took place, in consequence of 
despatches from the lords of trade, dated 31 October, 1760. 
President Belcher, messieurs Collier, Morris, Bulkeley and 
Gerrish, (councillors), lord Colville, naval commander in North 
America, and colonel Forster, commanding the troops of his 
majesty in this province, together with the principal inhabi- 
tants of the town of Halifax, and a number of officers of the 
army and navy, assembled at the court-house. The order of 
the privy council, declaring the king's demise, and directing 
George the third should be proclaimed king, was read, and the 
proclamation to that effect was signed by the president and 
council — by lord Colville — by officers, civil and military — the 
clergy, and the principal inhabitants. They proceeded from 
the court-house in the following order, viz. : 

1. A company of grenadiers. 

2. Constables. 

3. The magistrates. 

4. Civil officers. 

5. Constables. 

6. The provost marshal, with two deputies, on horseback. 

7. A band of music. 

8. Constables. 

9. The commander-in-chief of the province, with lord Col- 
ville and colonel Forster, and the members of his majesty's 
council. 



400 History of Nova-Scotia. 1761. 

10. The speaker and members of the house of assembly, 
followed by the principal inhabitants. 

And his most sacred majesty king George the third was 
proclaimed, amidst the acclamations of the people, at the five 
following places, viz. : 

At the court-house door. 

At the north gate of the town. 

Before the governor's house. 

At the south gate of the town. 

* And lastly upon the parade, where the whole of the troops 
' off duty (who made a very good appearance) were drawn up 
' under arms ; after which was read H. M. proclamation for 
'continuing the officers in the plantations till H. M. pleasure 

* shall be further signified. Upon his majesty's being pro- 
' claimed a fifth time, a Royal salute of twenty-one guns was 
' fired from the batteries, which was answered with three 
' vollies by the troops under arms ; and during the procession 
' the commodore lord Colvill's ship, the Northumberland, 
' (70 guns, with the Royal standard and Union flag hoisted), 

* fired the Royal salute, which was followed by each of H. M. 
' ships in the harbour, separately, according to the seniority 
' of their respective commanders. At 3 o'clock the company 
' waited on the commander-in-chief at the " Govertior Law- 
' 7'ences Head Tavern" where a very elegant entertainment 

* was provided for them, and after dinner his majesty's health 

* was drank under a Royal salute of cannon from the bat- 

* teries, — and thereafter those of the princess dowager of 
' Wales, and all the Royal family, and many other loyal toasts ; 
' and the evening concluded with great rejoicings and most 

* beautiful illuminations, bonfires, and artificial fireworks 
' played off by the Royal artillery, the best designed and the 

* best executed of anything of the kind that has been hitherto 

* seen in North America, and in short the whole was conduc- 

* ted with the highest elegance, and the greatest regularity 
' and decorum.' 

On tuesday, 17 Feb'y., the president, council, officers of the 
army, and chief inhabitants, went in mourning dress in pro- 
cession from the government house to St. Paul's church, at 



1 76 1. Histovy of Nova-Scoiia. 401 

1 1, A. M., where a funeral sermon was preached by the Rev^'d. 
Mr. Wood, on the demise of George the second. The pulpit, 
reading desk and governor's pew, were hung with black 
cloth. Minute guus were fired from the batteries. The guns 
continued firing for an hour and a half, and the flags at the 
citadel and George's island were hoisted half-mast high during 
the day ; and assemblies for diversion were suspended, by 
order, for the space of one month, as part of the general 
mourning. 

All the French in Canada, of any distinction, went into 
mourning for George the second ; and in an address from the 
officers of militia and the merchants of Montreal to general 
Gage, they speak of the ' mildness and moderation of their ' 
" new masters,' and say they were treated ' more like victors ' 
* than vanquished.' 

Monday, 16 Feb'y., the council met, Alexander Grant, who 
had been appointed a member on the 13th by Mr. Belcher, 
being present. They voted ^^47 14s. iid. 'for erecting a' 
' steeple on the GerrCian meeting-house in the north suburbs, ' 
(a little wooden building near the old Dutch burial ground, still 
in existence on a corner of Brunswick street.) Next they deci- 
ded that the assembly of the province was dissolved by the 
king's demise, and resolved that writs should issue to call a 
new house, returnable on the 8 April next, viz. : for the county 
of Halifax, two raerabers ; town of Halifax, four ; county of 
Lunenburg, two ; town of Lunenburg, two ; county of Anna- 
polis, two ; town of Annapolis, two ; King's county, two ; town 
of Horton, two ; Falmouth, two ; Cornwallis, two ; Liverpool, 
two ; — in all, 24. 

20 Feb''y. Archibald Hinshelwood and Michael Francklyn, 
esquires, were appointed justices of the peace for the county 
of Halifax. 

(The historian, father Charlevoix, to whom we are so much 
indebted for the early history of Canada and Acadie, died in 
February, 1761.) 

4 March. The council voted ^\o to Mr. John Dogget for 
his outlay and expences in the settlement of Liverpool, under 
the iastruftions of t'he late governor Lawrence. 
B26 



402 History of Nova-Scotia, x'jdi, 

Robert Monckton, esquire, was made governor of New York 
20 March, 1761, in room of Sir Cliarles Hardy, resigned. 

M. Menac, the priest, having publicly drank the health of 
the Pretender, and endeavored to draw the Indians to the 
French interest, was apprehended, and to be sent as a pri- 
soner of war, in H. M. ship Fowey, to England, Amherst 
writes, 28 April, 1761 : "I have sent your dispatches to capt. " 
*' Tonyn, who takes Manac, the priest, v/ith him, when he "" 
*' sails from hence." The desire to rid the province of the 
Acadians who had not been yet removed, gave rise to a kind 
remonstrance from general Amherst, dated New York, 22nd 
March, 1761. In this he points out that no danger can arise 
to the province from suffering them to remain, while they 
would create heavy expence in their transportation and main- 
tenance. 

President Belcher apprehended mischief from the Acadians 
remaining at Ristigouche and that vicinity, in privateering 
against English trade, and interfering with the new settle- 
ments projected at Chignecto. Want and terror only, he 
thought, had produced submission on the part of any of the 
Acadians. There were about forty of them remaining at the 
village of St. Ann's, on the St. John river, who, as yet, had 
made no offers of surrender, and received subsistence from the 
Indians whom they excited to mischief Maillard notified the 
government that the Indians of St. John's river had declared 
their intention of doing mischief to the English. Many of the 
inhabitants now at Ristigouche had been proprietors of land 
at Chignecto, and cherished the hope of regaining them from 
the English, being misled by French advisers. Belcher ima- 
gined that if the new British settlers, who were expected at 
Chignecto in the coming summer, should find that two or 
three persons were killed among them by these disaffected 
exiles, they would take alarm and abandon the ground, and 
that other settlements would be consequently much obstructed. 
Actuated by these ideas, he applied to lord Colville and general 
Amherst for naval and military aid to avert the mischief he 
thought impending. Lord Colville promised to do all he could, 
and general Amherst (in his letter dated New York, 1 5 April), 



1 76 1. History of Nova-Scotia. 403 

endeavors to re-assure him, impressing on him how safe the pro- 
vince would be from such dangers as he anticipates, with only- 
two companies of Rangers. He promises a close attention to 
the safety of Nova Scotia, and sends colonel Bastide, the engi- 
neer, to superintend somj fortifications at Halifax, which he 
thinks necessary. At this time, Henry Ellis, esquire, who 
had been governor of Georgia in 1758, was appointed governor 
of Nova Scotia, but he never came here to assume the com- 
mand. 

Major-general Sir Jeffery Amherst was installed as a knight 
companion of the bath. J' Mr. Willoughby, a person of con- 
" siderable substance, applied for and obtained another half 
" right in the township of Cornwallis." 

Colonel Elliot, with a party of soldiers, was wrecked on the 
isle of Sable in the early part of this year. \_Appendix No. i.] 

In May, 1761, captain Dogget was directed to receive on 
board the vessel he is to hire in New England, 20 families, 
and 60 head of cattle, their stock, to be transported from the 
eastern part of New England to Liverpool, N. S., at the ex- 
pence of government. 6 June. ;^35 was granted towards the 
transportation of 20 families, consisting of ^J persons, with 
79 head of cattle, with other stock and utensils, from the con- 
tinent to the township of Amherst ; and further aid was prayed 
for seven other families expected. ;^30 was granted for aid in 
bringing settlers to Chester, and ^^50 voted to Leonard Chris- 
topher Rudolf, esquire, for his services as magistrate at Lunen- 
burg. 16 June, it was understood that there were 42 French 
inhabitants at St. Ann's, on the river St. John, about 75 miles 
from fort Frederick, and 10 or 12 at the village Grimross, about 
45 miles from the fort. 25 June, treaties of peace were signed 
with Indian chiefs. 

26 June. Malachy Salter, being collector of the excise duties, 
and also a justice of the peace, committed a soldier to gaol for 
selling liquors in the camp, without license fromi the comman- 
der-in-chief. The soldier had license from the commander of 
the troops and Mr. Hill, adjutant of the ist or Royal regiment. 
On complaint of the soldier, the council liberated him, and 
resolved to consider the question. Richard Lodge, of Yar- 



404 



History of Nova-Scotia. 



1761. 



mouth, was made justice of the peace, on the recommendation 
of messrs. Rundel, Crawley and Young, proprietors in that 
township. 

Major-general Bastide desired to obtain a title to the ground 
he intended for fortifications, and a grant of such portions 
of citadel hill as had not become private property was advised. 

The provincial assembly met at Halifax on Wednesday, the 
I July, 1 76 1, being the third general assembly. 

List of the ?nejjibers returned by the provost 7narshaL 



County Halifax. 



)■ Town Halifax. 



County Lunenburg. 



Town 



do. 



Town Liverpool. 
County Annapolis, 



William Nesbit, Esqr., | 

Michael Francklin, Esqr., S 
• Malachy Salter, Esqr., ^ 

John Burbidge, Esqr., 
Jonathan Binney, Esqr., 
Mr. William Best, J 

Arch'd. Hinshelwood, Esqr. 
Mr. Joseph Pernette, 
Sebast. Zouberbuhler, Esqr. 
Mr. Philip Knaut, 
Benjamin Gerrish, Esqr., 
Mr. Nathan Tupper, 
Joseph Woodmass, Esqr., 
John Steele, Esqr., 
Joseph Winniett, Esqr., 
Mr. Thomas Day, 
Colonel Robert Denison, 
Charles Morris, junr., Esqr. 
William Welch, Esqr,. 
Mr. Labbeus Harris, 
Colonel H. D. Denson, 
Isaac Deschamps, Esqr., 
Dr. Samuel Willoughby, 
Capt, Stephen West, 

Mr, Nesbitt was again chosen speaker, 
Mr. Belcher addressed the two houses, referring to the king's 
death, &c. Hinshelwood and Deschamps were chosen joint 



Town 



do. 



County King's county. 



Town Horton. 



West Falmouth town. 



Town of Cornwallis. 



1 76 1. History of Nova-Scotia. 405 

clerks of the house ; Rev. Mr. Wood, chaplain ; John Callbeck, 
messenger and doorkeeper. Messrs. Salter, Gerrish, Hinshel- 
wood, Denson and Burbidge, were a committee to draw up an 
answer to president Belcher's speech. 

The house again resolved that they would not put their con- 
stituents to any charge for their attendance. 21 July. The 
house requested the commander-in-chief to establish Inferior 
Courts of Common Pleas in every county. 23 July, voted to 
buy the statutes at large, with the best abridgment thereof. 
24 July. Belcher informed the assembly that the king had 
appointed Henry Ellis, esquire, governor, and recommended 
them to arrange for his public reception. The joint committee 
of both houses recommended that " all the members of 
" H. M. council and the house of assembly who shall be in 
" town at the time of his excellency's arrival, do receive him 
"at his landing, to congratulate him on his arrival in his 
" government, and do attend him to his house ; and those 
" gentlemen who shall be present at that time be a committee 
" to give orders and directions for the preparation of an enter- 
" tainment for his excellency suitable to the occasion, and 
" that an invitation be given to all the magistrates, gentle- 
" men, and principal merchants of the town, to dine with his 
" excellency and the members of H. M. council and the mem- 
" hers of the assembly, at such place as the said committee 
" shall appoint." Saturday, 8 August, 1761. Vote of house to 
pay H. M. attorney £,\oo a-year over and above what he 
receives from his majesty. Vote of a monument, (to " be " 
" erected over his burial-place in St. Paul's church in Halifax), " 
to the late governor, Charles Lawrence, esquire, which was, 
same day, agreed to by the council. 12 Aug't. House voted 
to pay funeral charges of late governor Lawrence. 13 Aug't. 
Sutton Stevens appointed to keep the assembly house, and 
^30 a-ycar allowed him for it. 14 Aug't. ;^25 voted to 
Joshua Hardy, gaol keeper, for his past services. 15 Aug't. 
The assembly prorogued to 15 October, 1761. Nineteen acts 
were passed this session, the most important of which were — 
one for the observance of the Lord's day, and another to 



4o6 History of Nova-Scotia. 1761 

authorize the seizure of property of absent and absconding 
debtors. 

On the 8 July, a formal treaty of peace was made by the 
president with Argimault, chief of the Indians of the Missi- 
guash. S^Sce appendix?^ 12 July. Cobequid was directed to 
be included in the county of Halifax. 13 July. Stephen West 
was appointed a justice of peace at Cornwallis. It was voted 
that p{^88 I IS. 6d. and J[,\2 5s. 6d. be paid to Mr. John Bushel, 
the printer, — bills from 2 January, 1758, to 16 May, 1760. 
22 July. Mr. John Dogget was appointed truck-master (that 
is to deal with the Indians) at Liverpool, and allowed 7^ per 
cent, commission. ^^50 of the old duty fund was voted to buy 
a public clock. In council, friday, 7 August, 1761. " Advised 
that the Rev. Mr. Robert Vincent be appointed minister at 
Lunenburg, with a salary of £,^0 per annum, and ^20 per 
annum as a schoolmaster there." " Advised, that Joseph Win- 
niett, George Dyson and Henry Evans, esquires, be appointed 
justices of the Inferior court for the county of Annapolis, and 
that John Steele, esquire, be appointed a justice of the peace 
there." " Advised, that Isaac Deschamps, Henry Denny 
Denson, and Robert Dennison, esquires, be appointed justices 
of the Inferior court for King's county." Writs advised for 
election of members of assembly for the townships of Onslow 
and Truro. In council, thursday, 13 Aug' t., 176 1. "Advised, 
that the Rev'd. Mr. Robert Vincent be admitted to celebrate 
Divine service in the church at Lunenburg, and there perform 
all rites and ceremonies according to the usages of the church 
of England, alternately with the Rev'd. Mr. Moreau ; and that 
col. Sutherland be requested accordingly to adjust all matters 
relating to the church between Mr. Moreau and Mr. Vincent." 
[Moreau came to Halifax in 1749, and to Lunenburg in 1753. 
He had been a Roman catholic priest and friar of the abbey 
of St. Matthew, at Brest. \^Akins Church of Eng., p. 17] On 
the 15 August, captain Benoni Danks, messrs. William Allan, 
Abiel Richardson, John Huston and John Oats, were appoin- 
ted to divide the forfeited lands in the township of Cumberland. 
A similar committee were named at Liverpool to lay out the 
lands to settlers, viz. : John Dogget and Elisha Freeman, esqs.. 



1 76 1 History of Nova-Scctia. 407 

and messrs. Samuel Dogget, Nathan Tory and Nathan Tupper ; 
and a grant of the township of Lunenburg was also agreed to. 
18 August. Malachy Salter, who was one of the collectors of 
the duties of impost and excise, and also a justice of the peace, 
was superseded in the latter office, it being deemed incompat- 
ible with the other. 19 August. Captain Winckworth Tonge, 
Joshua Winslow, John Huston, John Jenks, Joshua Sprague, 
Valentine Estabrooks and William Maxwell, were appointed a 
committee to admit persons into the township of Sackville. — 
22 Aug't. 38 shillings voted for bibles for new settlers. John 
Creighton, esquire, was made judge of probate at Lunenburg. 
Sept'r 10. Two acts were reported as disallowed by the king, 
one " An act to prevent the importing disabled, infirm, and" 
" other useless persons into the province ;'' the other, "An act" 
" to enable proprietors to divide their lands held in common " 
"and undivided." 21 Sept'r. In council, it was resolved to 
allow ;!^50 per annum to pere Germain, and that the Acadians 
be removed from the river St. John. The Acadians, prisoners 
at Halifax, were to be employed making the road from Halifax 
to fort Sackville. 

On friday, the 9 October, 1761, Alexander McNutt arrived 
from Ireland, with upwards of 300 settlers. His people were 
landed on Cornwallis island, now called McNab's. Monday, 
the 15 October. In council. Present: president Belcher, and 
messieurs Collier, Bulkeley and Gerrish. A treaty of peace 
was signed with Janneoville Pectougavvash, chief of the Indians 
of Pictouck, and Malagonich, (now called Merigomishe.) 
Messieurs Edmund Crawley and Henry Newton, by ntandarnns 
from the crown, were sworn iu as members of the council on 
24 October. 

On monday, 9 November, a treaty of peace was signed with 
Francis Mius, chief of the tribe of Indians of LaHeve. 21 Nov. 
Alexander Grant was sworn as councillor, under a mandamus; 
and chief justice Belcher, under a commission from the king, 
appointing him lieutenant governor, was sworn in, and took 
the chair. Friday, 27 Nov'r. One Daniel Hovey had been 
presented by the grand jury at the quarter sessions in King's 
county 'for uttering certain expressions of a dangerous ten-* 



4o8 Histary of Novw-Scoi-ia. 1701.. 

' dency, and highly derogatory to his obedience to. his majesty.' 
The justices, without trial, ordered' him to find sureties for his 
good behaviour for twelve months, and committed him to gaol 
* for preaching the gospel' Tlie council set aside these orders 
as irregular. — Sonue of the Acadians who remained in the bay 
of Chaleurs, ^\dth sm-all privateers, were annoying the English. 
President Belcher,, in consequence,, had two small vessels 
equipped, on board of which captain Roderick McKenzie, or 
Montgom'Cry's Highlanders, who then commanded at Fort 
Cumberland, embarked, with some of his trooj3s„ and about 
the end of October proceeded to the place of rendezvous of 
the enemy, where be surprised j'i'j persons, (including men,, 
women and children.,) He brought away 335 af this number, 
the remainder being submissive, and promising to come in 
when required. The success of McKenzie was owing to the 
secrecy and activity of his movemeiit.s. The council voted 
him their tbiinks oa the 28 November. 



APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XXVHL 
(I. > 

An extract of a letter from General Amherst to Colonel Foi-ster, waiS laid before- 
tlie council by the President,, as follows, viz't. : 

" From the situation we are now in, I must own I da not see any room for ap- 
prehending any mischief to our settlen>ents from either Indians or Canadians ; I 
do not misan, however, from thence to infer that the latter should be suffered to. 
settle among us, withcvut the pro.per authority : that authority is the legislature ot" 
t!ie province, and they may either coiisent to, or oppose it, as they shall see most 
proper. All I would mean to say is, that if \\re please to prevent it, it is not in 
the power of any num^ber of Inniians and Canadians in Kova Scotia to obstruct 
t'le English in the possession of their settlements." 

" I approve much of the aid you propose giving Mr. Relchcr, for assisting the 
new settlers, and repairing the dykes of the marshes that are broke and the lands, 
overflowed by the high tides. I hoj>e you will prcve successful in it."' (By Cana- 
diaiiiS, Acadians are nieant.) 

(2.> 

[Letter from Joseph Winniett, Esq., to President Belcher.] 

Annapolis Royal, August 15, 1761. 
Sir. I beg leave to acquaint your Honour, when I was at Halifax this Spring 
1 received aa order from the Secretary, Mr. Bulkelev, to take one of tke FKencii 



History of Nova-Scotia. 409 

boats tliat were forfeited to the Government by the Acadians that were at Anna- 
polis, for my services going up the river St. John's in assisting colonel Arbuthnot 
in bringing in of the French. On my arrival here, agreeable to said order, I had 
one delivered to me, and from that time I looked upon her as my property, and 
was at considerable expence in repairing her. Captain John Sinclair, the com- 
manding officer here, has received a letter from major Hore, at Halifax, acquaint- 
ing him that it was colonel Forster's orders to apply to me for a boat Mr. Bulke- 
ley had lent me some time past, upon the receipt of which he sent a serjeant and 
three men to order me to deliver up the Government's boat. I waited on him, 
and informed him that I had no such boat in my possession, and shewed him the 
order for the one I had, and acquainted him I could not deliver her up, as I look'd 
upon her as my property. He then swore he would take her by force of arms. 
I could not resist him and his troops, but warned him before witnesses not to 
meddle with her. He then was pleased to say, that if he had orders he would 
burn the town about our ears, and that he was too strong for us ; which I then ac- 
quainted him, that if he sent to take my boat, I could demand from him assistance 
to protect tbfi civil authority. He was pleased to say he would advise me to try 
that scheme. Upon the whole, sir, he has taken her by force with his troops, 
and keeps her. Give me leave to mention that this manner of proceeding of his 
makes a very deep impression on the minds of new settlers, finding that a military 
commander will attempt to force the property from even a magistrate himself. 

I acquainted captain Sinclair I should lay my case before you. He was pleased 
to make me answer I might, and do my worst. 

I have wrote to Mr. Bulkeley the particulars of the affair, and have desired 
him to lay my letter before your Honour ; and I beg leave to assure you I am, 
with respect. 

Sir, 

Your most obedient and most humble servant. 

Jos. WlNNIETT, 



4IO History of Nova-Scotia. 1762 



CHAPTER XXIX. 



1762. Mr. Belcher, now made lieutenant governor, appears 
to have been haunted with a constant dread of mischief to arise 
from the scattered remnants of the Acadians in the remote 
parts of the province, and wrote on the subject to the earl of 
Egremont, 9 January. 

War was declared by England against Spain, 4 Jan'y., 1762. 

January 30. The lieutenant governor and council voted out 
of the old duty vioney, salaries to the judges of the Inferior 
Court of Common Pleas : to Charles Morris, £,']^ ; John 
Duport, ^50 ; Joseph Scott, ^50 ; Joseph Gerrish, ^^50 ; and 
Edmund Crawley, ^^50, — for their services in 1761. It may 
not be amiss to notice, that altho' it was given as the opinion 
of the crown lawyers in England, that the governor and council 
had not a right to the legislative powers they had for some 
time exercised, and an assembly had now been constituted for 
four years to supply this constitutional defect, yet the governor 
and council continued on many occasions to dispose of the 
monies raised under the ordinances of earlier date, without 
seeking the concurrence of the representative body. It shews 
the tenacity with which bodies of men, as well as individuals, 
cling to power and patronage. It will be seen bye-and-bye 
that at subsequent periods larger funds still were virtually 
appropriated and disposed of by the council without any refer- 
ence to the house. These being duties collected under acts 
for the regulation of trade by the English parliament, they 
were, in point of form, controlled entirely by the English 
authorities, but in effect the opinion and recommendation of 



1762. History of Nova-Scotia. 411 

the governor and council were almost invariably adopted and 
sanctioned in such matters. The consequence was that the 
influence and standing of the assembly was diminished and 
rendered insignificant, as they had but a very small revenue 
under their control ; while the council had not only much 
public money to give away, but held all the best local offices 
themselves, and exercised the almost exclusive patronage of 
all others, whether of honor or emolument ; and this anoma- 
lous and unconstitutional state of things endured far into the 
present century. 

James Monk had been appointed king's solicitor in 1760 by 
Lawrence, and now applied for compensation, which the coun- 
cil approved and recommended. 

An expedition — the land forces amounting to near 12,000 
men, (eleven battalions of whom were drawn from New York), 
under general Monckton, with a fleet commanded by rear 
admiral Rodney — rendezvoused at Barbadoes, and appeared 
before Martinique, 7 January. The chief fort capitulated on 
4 February, after its garrison had been defeated in a general 
sally. St. Pierre, the capital, surrended 12 Feb'y. Grenada, 
St. Lucie and St. Vincent, yielded shortly after without a strug- 
gle. Major Gates was aide-de-camp to Monckton, and left 
with despatches 10 February. 

The assembly met 17 March. Lieutenant governor Belcher 
opened the session. He spoke to them of an " hisiipportablc "' 
" toad of debt, incurred by bounties," &c., and recommended 
attention to finance and economy. 17 April. The lieutenant 
governor, by message, recommended to the house of assembly 
to aid distress of the inhabitants of Onslow, Truro and Yar- 
mouth, who were in want both of provisions and seed corn. 
The house declared it impossible, by reason of the ''great'' 
'' load of debt due by the publick." (N. B. They had passed 
a bill to borrow ;^4500 to pay debts.) 20 April. £22^ 9s. Qd. 
being wanted to repair and finish the church at Lunenburg, 
the house refused to grant it, giving the lieutenant governor 
the same reasons of debt. 21 April. ^350 2s. 8d. old duty 
fund, was appropriated to relief of the new settlements. — 
Friday, April 23. A formal power was prepared and agreed to, 



412 History of Nova-Scotia. 1762. 

appointing Joshua Mauger, esq'r., of London, agent in behalf 
of this House and the people the members represent. He is 
thereby empowered to appear before the king, the privy coun- 
cil, house of commons and board of trade, courts of law and 
equity, or any of the public offices in London, employ counsel, 
&c., " accordingly to such letters of instructions which shall " 
" from time to time be transmitted him by the speaker. " 
26th. Dr. Samuel Willoughby having never attended since he 
was elected, his seat was resolved to be vacant, and a new writ 
ordered. 

House of assembly, monday, May 3, 1762. The honorable 
the lieutenant governor sent down the following message : — 
Gentlemen of the council and house of representatives : I have 
lately received from his excellency the governor of the Massa- 
chusetts bay, copy of a resolution of the general assembly of 
that province, for proceeding, in conjunction with this govern- 
ment, to a settlement of the bounds of each respective claim 
and jurisdiction. This resolution will be laid before you by 
the secretary for your deliberation, and I make no doubt of 
your perfect disposition for adjusting the claim, as far as may 
consist with the particular circumstances of this province, so 
immediately under the direction of the crown for its bounds 
and jurisdictions, and for preserving the best harmony with a 
province so intirely and constantly disposed to promote the 
deffence and interests of this government. 

Jonathan Belcher. 
Which having been taken into consideration. Resolved, that 
this House is of opinion that the subject therein recommended 
by his Honor, is a matter proper for the consideration of his 
majesty only, and not at all consistent for them to enter upon, 
for that the lands now claimed by the government of the Mas- 
sachusetts are within the boundaries of Nova Scotia or Acadie, 
and the property of the crown. On i May, the house voted an 
address to the king, on his marriage. Tuesday, 4 May. The 
lieutenant governor gave his assent to several bills. Three 
seats were declared vacant : Dr. S. Willoughby, for non-atten- 
dance — Michael Francklin, esquire, appointed to the council, 
and John Steele, esquire, deceased. Writs were asked for all 



1/62. History of Nova-Scoiia. 413 

three by the speaker, Nesbitt ; and, with the governor's leave, 
the house adjourned to 7 June, to give time to hold the elec- 
tions required. 

War was declared against Spain, at Westminster and Lon- 
don, on monday, 4 Jan'y., 1762, and at Halifax by the provost 
marshal, at noon, on monday, 5 April. 

In council, on the 3 May, a mandamus, appointing Michael 
Francklin, esq'r., a member of the council, was read, on which 
he took the usual oaths and his seat. 

On 9 May, Belcher stated to the council that he had infor- 
mation that the French prisoners assembled frequently in great 
numbers at the Mass house; (where?) also that they were mostly 
armed, and were possessed of several armed vessels, under pre- 
tence of fishing, particularly at Dunk cove. He went on with 
apprehensions of their capturing our vessels coming into port, 
taking them to the West Indies, and giving the enemy intelli- 
gence of our situation. The council advised him to seize their 
vessels, and to apply to the military commander to disarm 
and confine the prisoners. (I suppose they were Acadian 
French.") 

On the 24 June, four French men-of-war and a bomb ketch 
entered the bay of Bulls, in Newfoundland, and landed some 
troops, which, after seizing upon the small settlements in that 
bay, marched directly for St. John's, N. F., of which the French 
general took possession on the 17th by capitulation with the 
garrison, the terms of which were, that the inhabitants should 
be prisoners during the war, and secure in their possessions 
and effects. H. M. sloop Grammont, and several other ves- 
sels, were taken by the enemy in the harbor of St. John's. 
The English prisoners were 45 troops, and 125 seamen and 
marines of the Grammont. The city itself contained then 
220 houses and 802 population. The news reached Halifax 
by vessels from Newfoundland arriving on the i, 7, and 9 July. 
Councils of war were held at Halifax in consequence, which 
met frequently in July and August ; but as the assembly of 
the province came together on monday, 7 June, we will look 
awhile at their proceedings. 

Mr. John Butler took his seat for Halifax county, vacated by 



414 History of Nova-Scotia. 1762. 

Mr. Francklin, Mr. John Harris for Annapolis county, in 
place of John Steele, esq'r., deceased, and Joseph Winniett, 
csq'r., for the township of Annapolis. In the recess, ;j^3923 
5s. od. had been borrowed for paying public debts, and ;^3222 
8s. 6d. remained due to public creditors. At this time no 
names are placed on the journals of the movers or seconders 
of resolutions, nor are divisions on any questions noticed, fur- 
ther than that * unanimously' is sometimes added. On 8 July, 
■thursday, both houses address the lieutenant governor on con- 
certing defence with the commander of H. M. forces, (the 
descent at the bay of Bulls having become known here), and 
they ask ' that those French neutrals be put under a guard, ' 
' and not permitted the use of boats or shallops, nor suffered ' 
' to go abroad without the proper passports.' The house took 
a recess, with the lieutenant governor's leave, from 15 to 26 
July, on which day they adopted an address to the lieutenant 
governor, in which they state the expulsion of the French 
Acadians in 1755 ; that since that 'great numbers returned 

* and joined the French parties, and were headed by French 

* partizans in defence of Canada — in piratical depredations 

* on the coast of Nova Scotia, and with small parties scouring 

* the internal parts of the province, destroying the inhabitants 
' and driving off their cattle, in spite of the troops sent against 
' them, which they could easily evade from their thorough 

* knowledge of y^ country.' Since Canada was captured, some 
of them surrendered — some were ferretted out, and others 
remain, ' who subsist upon hunting and fishing in and about ' 

* the bay of Chaleurs, Gaspee, Miramichi, and other rivers ' 
' upon the coast of the gulph of St. Lawrence, and in the river ' 

* St. John's.' They refer to the lenity shewn to the Acadian 
prisoners — liberty to work at highways — allowance of provi- 
sions, &c. They are convinced they never will become good 
subjects while left in this province. Charge them with inso- 
lent menaces to the settlers in the townships where they were 
at work, since the war against England is supported by Spain 
as well as France, telling ' that they should soon regain pos- ' 

* session of their lands, and cut every one of their throats. ' 
They also refer to the Indians appearing this summer in large 



1762. History of Nova-Scotia. 415 

numbers, and insolent. The invasion of Newfoundland has 
terrified some of the settlers ; and if this panic spread, most of 
them would leave the province. The address goes on to say 
these Acadians would always seek to repossess their lands at 
all hazards ; dwells on their attachment to France — alliances 
with the Indians, and the religious hostility. That there were 
' numbers even of H. M. subjects, who, from sordid views and 
' an invincible avidity for gain, would be wicked enough to 
' furnish them with as much ammunition and provisions by 

* stealth for their peltry, &c., as would be sufficient to do 
' abundance of mischief, and this is what we have but too fre- 
' quently and fatally experienced since the first settlement of 
' Halifax.' — * That these French neutrals, as they are now col- 
' lected together, are at present a heavy charge upon the 
' inhabitants, especially the labouring people, who are obliged 

* to mount guard every third day and night in their turn, to 
' prevent the escape of the prisoners confined only in open 
' barracks, there being no place of close confinement to con- 
' tain such a number.' They finally pray he will give ' orders 
' that these French prisoners may be removed out of the pro- 

' vincc.' This address was presented by the speaker and the 
whole house. The house was next engaged in preparing a 
militia bill. 

Monday, 16 August. The house having understood that the 
board of trade were greatly dissatisfied with the conduct of 
some of the members of the house, and that the governor had 
so declared, sent him a message to ask for the names of par- 
ties inculpated, that they might know what they were accused 
of, and have an opportunity of acquitting themselves. The 
lieutenant governor sent a verbal message by the clerk of 
council, ' that their application was improper, and that what- 
ever orders he had received from the board of trade, he should 
take a proper time to carry them into execution.' 18 August, 
A motion was made by Benjamin Gerrish, esq., and seconded, 
that a message be sent to the lieutenant governor, that they 
think it inconsistent with the honor of the house to do any 
more business till his Honor will declare who these members 
are, and the crimes that have brought them under the displea- 



41 6 History of Nova-Scotia. 1762, 

sure of the lords of trade ; and the question being put there- 
upon, it was carried in the negative. 25 August, Wednesday. 
;2^ioo was voted to the clerk of the house. 

The speaker having adjourned, there not being a full house, 
an altercation arose between him and a member, Mr. Wood- 
mass, the latter denying the speaker's power so to adjourn. 
The speaker reported the matter on the 26th ; and in commit- 
tee of the whole, Benjamin Gerrish in the chair, it was decided 
that Woodmass had treated the speaker in an indecent man- 
ner, and should make a proper concession to the speaker to 
the satisfaction of the house. Whereupon the speaker desired 
to waive any concessions from Mr. Woodmass to himself per- 
sonally, being perfectly satisfied with the opinion of the house 
upon his complaint, and moved that Mr. Woodmass might 
have leave to take his seat as usual, which motion was agreed 
to. A few minutes after the house adjourned, and before the 
speaker had left the room, Mr. Woodmass came in and com- 
menced to altercate again with the speaker (Mr. Nesbitt) on 
this affair. The speaker told him the house had decided it, 
and there needed no further explanation, and that he would 
say no more about it. Woodmass, on this, called the speaker 
a scoundrel, and Nesbitt being very much provoked, struck at 
him. Thursday, 26 August. The speaker reported this last 
transaction to the house, whereupon they went into a com- 
mittee of the whole, and, after hearing Woodmass, they 
resolved that he had highly offended the house in the 
person of their speaker, and must ask pardon of the house. 
This he did, and was then allowed to resume his seat. Satur- 
day, 28 August, £,Z\ 19s. od. was voted for expences of the 
house, and the assembly was prorogued to the 27th October 
next. 

The invasion of Newfoundland and surrender of St. John 
had evidently created a boundless terror among the function- 
aries of all kinds at Halifax. In consequence, a council of war, 
as it was termed, assembled at the governor's house, in Hali- 
fax, on Saturday, 10 July, 1762. At this meeting there were 
present : lieut. governor Belcher ; colonel Richard Bulkeley, 
of the Halitax militia ; major general John Henry Bastide, 



1762. History of Nova-Scotia. 417 

colonel William Forster, lieut colonel Frederick HAniilton, 
lieut. colonel Job Winslovv, and the right hon. lord Colville, 
commander-in-chief of H. M. ships in North Amerija. They 
resolved to make the sm.ill island called Thrum cap a place of 
signals ; to arm and discipline the provincial regi nent ; to 
array the Halifax militia, and bring here 200 m litia from 
Lunenburg ; that the French neutrals, prisoners of war, be 
collected together, lodged, and put under such regulations as 
the commanding officer directs, — those who might bj fishing 
on the coast were to be brought in ; batteries at Point Plea- 
sant and at the Dockyard were to be constructed, and several 
batteries were ordered to be strengthened. The council of 
war met again monday, 12 July. The Island battery was to 
have in all 40 men — the Eastern battery 30. A captain, sub- 
altern, and 100 privates of the provincials, were to encamp at 
Point Pleasant, and to erect there a battery of ten 9-pounders. 
An armed vessel and party to be stationed in the South-east 
passage. The French neutrals who are at work for the inha- 
bitants in Kings and Annapolis counties, to be ordered to 
Halifax, under escort of 100 of the militia of King's county. 
1 130 were brought down.) 

On tuesday, 13 July, in council, lieutenant governor Belcher 
declared martial law to be in force ; also, he laid an embargo 
o\\ all shipping in Halifax harbor for ten days. 

Thursday, 15 July. A council of war was again assembled. 
Lord Colville acquainted the council of war, in writinj, that 
lie had placed the Northumberland, the only king's ship with 
him, about half a mile above the narrow pass of Mauger's 
beach, nearly in the mid channel, — that he thinks this posi- 
tion the best for essential service until there shall hz batteries 
constructed, with which her guns may co-operate ; and he also 
acquainted the board that if a more eligible situation is pointed 
out, the ship may be moved immediately. That he is making 
a boom of timber and iron chains, of 120 fathoms long, to run 
across the North West arm ; that he has projected a sett of 
signals for giving notice of the enemy's approach, and that he 
has wrote orders for the master of the sloop appointed to lye 
in the South-east passage, — all which he submitted to the 

B 27 



41 8 History of Nova-Scotia. 1762. 

opinion of the council. Resolved, that to support and protect 
the boom' in the North-west arm, two sloops, of the largest 
size that can be found, be immediately taken into the service, 
and properly manned and armed. 

Council of war, friday, 16 July, 1762. Present : lieut. gov- 
ernor Belcher, colonel Bulkeley, major general Bastide, colonel 
William Forster, lieut. colonel Hamilton, lieut. colonel Wins- 
low, major Sutherland, and admiral lord Colville. " Resolved, 
that the sloop which lord Colville is fitting up for eight 6 or 9 
pounders, be placed within the boom, as a further defence to 
the North-west arm ; that 20 of the Newfoundland men be 
put on board, as an addition to her crew, and that 5 or 6 of 
them who are best acquainted with the management of great 
guns, be picked out for that purpose ; that 30 rounds of ammu- 
nition be provided, round and grape, with all other appurte- 
nances from the train, and also that a month's provisions be 
put on board the sloop." On remonstrance from Lunenburg, 
and insolence of Indians there, order for men thence was 
countermanded. One sloop being thought enough to guard 
the boom, the other was ordered to be sent to Lunenburg, to 
protect that settlement. 17th July. A dockyard company of 
militia, under Joseph Gerrish, esquire, the storekeeper, was 
ordered ; a militia regiment to be exercised every evening at 
5, p. M, ; a small boat, with 4 or 5 men, to be 'stationed at 
Margaret's bay, for intelligence ; and a battery and redoubt to 
be erected on Corn wallis island. (19th,) 10 battery pieces and 
500 men to be employed on it. 21st. Mr. Manger's block- 
house, near the Dockyard, to be occupied by 14 men, and 
•entrenched. 100 militia, of King's county, at Sackville, had 
leave to return, to guard the settlements against Lidians. At 
this time the boom in the N. W. arm was completed, and 
'defended by an armed sloop, 23 July. The works of the for- 
tification of citadel hill were all suspended at this time. 
French prisoners were at work upon the wharf at the Lumber- 
yard, who were only out of confinement by day upon tickets of 
leave, and employed as axe-men by order of major-general 
Amherst. Two batteries had been erected at Point Pleasant, 
one had eight 24-pounders, (East side of the point), and the 



11762, History of Nova-Scotia. 419 

■other ten 9-pounders, to defend the mouth of the N. W. arm. 
The battery at South end of the town had been increased to 
■seven 24-pounders, and 200 militia were clearing a spot on 
Cornwallis island for a battery, but this last battery was, on 
30 July, postponed for want of men. The lieutenant governor 
representing the French neutral prisoners ' as insolent and ' 

* dangerous,' and disturbing the Indians who had assembled 
in this vicinity in great numbers, the council of war advised 

* that the French neutrals should be transported to Boston, ' 
' and put under the care of governor Bernard, until H. E. Sir ' 
■* Jeffery Amherst should give orders for their further proceed- ' 

* ings.' Councils of war were held on 10, 15 and 17 August, 
but in the meanwhile lord Colville had sailed for Placentia. 

On Wednesday, 21 July, the lieutenant governor and coun- 
cil being assembled, the council advised that the townships of 
Liverpool, Barrington and Yarmouth be erected into a county, 
to be called ' Queen's county,' and that a writ issue to elect 
two members to represent the new county in the assembly. 
The lieutenant governor stated that ' martial law' was now at 
an end. 

In council, 24 July. A petition from Peleg Coffin, Joseph 
Collings, Joseph Headley, Primus Snow, Daniel Eldridge, 
Cyrenus Colins, Luther Arnold and John Chatfield, dated 
Liverpool, July 8, complaining that the governor and council 
appointed their committee and officers, which they claimed as 
their own right. A copy was ordered to be sent to the com- 
mittee of Liverpool, for their answer. 

Fifteen Cape Sable Indians and thirty of Laheve had assem- 
bled at Lunenburg to meet Mr. Maillard, by his direction. 
His illness detained him from coming. A woman (inhabitant) 
stole a keg of rum out of an Indian canoe. One of the Indian.s 
went to the woman's house in consequence, and used her ill. 
The lieutenant governor sent for Paul Laurent, a Lah6ve 
-chief, who was examined, and professed a desire to punish the 
Indian offending, and the cape Sable chief was then sent for. 
On the 26 July, present in council the lieutenant governor and 
the honorables messrs. Collier, Morris, Bulkeley, Alex'r. Grant. 
Crawley, Newton and Francklin, the lieutenant governor asked 



420 History of Nova-Scotia. 1762. 

the advice of the board respecting the Acadiains, when they 
gave him a statement very similar to- the address of the house 
of assembly on the same subject, concluding virith a similar 
suggestion to remove them from the province, and recommend- 
ing Massachusetts as the place to which they should be sent ; 
and on 5 August expressed their opinion ' that the said ' 
' Acadian prisoners,, upon their arrival at Boston, should be ' 
' still detained in custody, to be disposed of as gen'I. Amherst ' 
' shall think proper to direct' 

Meanwhile, on 3 August, 36 poor persons came from New- 
foundland to Halifax, for refuge from the French. 

General Amherst, in his letter from New York of i8th and 
29th July, says he is a little afraid of Louisbourg, but does not 
entertain the least fear with regard to Nova Scotia, as there 
are 1 500 men at Halifax, besides the militia, and says he can- 
not help despising anything the enemy could attempt against 
it He thinks Boston is much more open and liable to an 
assault from the enemy than Halifax is, and considers Nova 
Scotia the only province on this cantinent, Canada excepted, 
that is provided with a proper defence. He approves of lord 
Colville remaining at Halifax while he had but one ship, as it 
would not have been prudent then for him to proceed to sea. 

An English expedition, under general lord Albemarle and 
admiral Pocock, sailed from Portsmouth on 5 March, to attack 
Havana. The fleet consisted of 19 ships of the line, 18 smal- 
ler vessels of war, and nearly 150 transports, with about ten 
thousand men of the land forces. They effected a landing on 
the 7 June — took the Moro castle by assault on the 30th July, 
after 29 days siege, when don Luis de Velasco, governor of the 
fort, and the marquis de Gonzales, his second in command, 
were slain fighting. The siege continued until nth August, 
when a white flag was hung out, and the terms of surrender 
were settled and signed on the i2th and 13th. The besieging 
forces received additional men from New York on the 28 July. 
The plunder was estimated at near three millions, sterling. 
Twelve ships of the line were lost to Spain, of which three 
were sunk in the entrance of the harbour, two were on the 
stocks, and nine fit for sea. 



1762. History of Ncva-Scotia. 421 

[Two English frigates had also, on the 21 May, captured the 
Flermione, a Spanish register ship from Lima, bound for Cadiz, 
off cape St. Vincent. She had on board, in gold and silver, 
2,276,716 dollars, besides cocoa, wool and pewter. This prize 
realized the sum of ^544,648 is. 6d. sterling. The prince of 
Wales, (afterwards George 4), was born on thursday, 12 Aug't., 
and by a singular coincidence on the same day the capitulation 
of Havana was signed, and the treasure of the Hermione car- 
ried in great state by the palace of St. James, to the tower.] 

Lord Colville, in the Northumberland, with the Gosport, 
and the King George, a Massachusetts ship of war, left Halifax 
on the 10 August, and arrived at Placentia on the 14th, where 
he found the Antelope and Syren, which had got there on the 
22nd July. Captain Greaves, the English governor of New- 
foundland, was employed repairing the ruined fortifications 01 
Placentia, and putting the place in a posture of defence, in 
which lord Colville assisted him, and then prepared to sail for 
St. John's. — On 2 August, captain Le Cras, in the Lion, cap- 
tured off Torbay, the Zephyr, French frigate, 26, which had 
left Brest the day before, having on board cannon, &c., and 
200 troops, bound for St. John's, N. F. In the meantime, Sir 
Jeffery Amherst sent lieut. colonel William Amherst from 
New York to Halifax, with transports. Colonel Amherst got 
to Halifax 26 August — embarked troops, and proceeded to 
Louisbourg, where he got more soldiers, and sailed from Louis- 
bourg on 7 September. On 1 1 Sept'r. he met lord Colville's 
squadron a few leagues South of St. John's, N. F. On the 
13th, Amherst landed his soldiers at Torbay, about 3 leagues 
Northward of St. John's ; and after skirmishing for some days, 
and various movements, and the action of a mortar battery on 
the place, the French squadron escaped and the garrison 
capitulated on the 18 September. The garrison became pri- 
soners of war, to the number of 689. The English had 25 
killed and 75 wounded in these operations. Though it seemed 
desirable to give some account of this capture and re-capture 
of Newfoundland, especially as its inception had created such 
a panic with the lieut. governor. Belcher, and major general 
Bastide, and produced incessant councils of war at Halifax, 



422 History of Nova-Scotia. 1762 

and terrible suspicions of the poo<r Acadian prisoners, it yet 
does no't seenii necessary So go into fuller details, The official 
letters of lieut. colonel Amherst and lord Calville, containing 
full particulars of what occurred, were published in the London 
magazine for 1762, pp. 5 54-5 59k and deserve the attention of 
the future writers of the histO'ry of Newfoundland. 

A vessel (cartel) arrived at Halifax with 93 prisoners, bound 
frara St. Jo'hn's, N. F., to Virginia, (probably English.) Pro- 
visions were voted for their support. — 19 August, the council 
resolved to make good all the damages, which Jacob Hurd, 
one of the proprietors of Cornwallis, should recover in a suit 
for £,20 damages he had commenced against Amos Owen, for 
impressing his hO'rses when captain McKenzie marched Irom 
fort Cumberland to Halifax with bis troops. 

Father Charles Germain, missionary to the Indians, having 
written to the lieutenant governor, on 25 July, St. John river,, 
acknowledging $■200 paid him by Mr. Cunningham, complained 
of the irregularities of the Indians, who ' will shortly pay no " 
' regard to what he says.' He states his disposition ' to inspire 
■ the Indians with the respect due to government. ' 

In council, 28 August. The lieutenant governor was pleased 
to declare that his majesty's ministry was so much offended 
against the members of the assembly, who had not attended 
their duty therein the last Fall, that he had directions to dis- 
miss them from all their employments, both civil and military; 
and the lieutenant governor ordered that the following gentle- 
men should be dismissed accordingly, viz't. : Mr. Malachy 
Salter, Mr. Jonathan Binney, Mr. Benjamin Gerrish, Mr. Philip 
Knaut, Mr. Robert Dennison, and Mr. Stephen West. — 
[Malachy Salter was the great grandfather of the author of this 
history. The house he built and resided in is still remaining 
at the corner of Hollis and Salter street, many years occupied 
by the late William Lawson, esq., afterwards by the late John 
Esson, esq.] 

During this summer, five transports, with Acadians, arrived 
at Boston. The assembly of Massachusetts, in September^ 
refused to receive the Acadians now sent, and declared that 
they should not be landed there, so that captain Brooks^ who 



1762. History of N^ ova-Scotia. 423 

had command of the convoy of transports, was forced to bring 
them all back to Halifax. By Sir Jeffery Amherst's let'er to 
lieut. governor Belcher, from New Yofk, 30 August, he shews 
he is not pleased with this movement, but is willing to make 
the best of it. — In council, Saturday, 9 Oct'r. The petiti m 01 
Robert Smith, an Irishman, complaining of unfair treatment as 
to a land grant, was read, and voted a libel. The lieutonant 
governor declared ' that in consequence of orders which he ' 
' had received, Joseph Gerrish, esq., must be suspended from * 
' being a member of the council until H. M. pleasure shall be' 
' further known.' 12 Oct'r. The lieutenant governor dismis- 
sed Joseph Gerrish, esq., from the office of Justice of Inferior 
Court of Common Pleas for the county of Halifax, and appoin- 
ted the hon. Alex'r. Grant in his stead. 

The lOth of November was appointed a day of thanksgiving 
for the successes of H. M. arms. 

27 Oct'r., 1762. The rev'd. Mr. Wood writes to the society 
for propagating the Gospel, &c., stating the death of abbe 
Maillard. Maillard left France 24 June, and landed at Louis- 
bourg 13 August, 1735. 

The preliminaries of peace between England on the one 
part and France and Spain on the other, were signed at Fon- 
tainebleau 8 Nov'r., 1762 ; and on 26 Nov'r. the English king 
issued a proclamation, directing the cessation of hostilities. 

5 Nov'r. Colonel McNutt having arrived with 170 settlers 
from Ireland, who were to go to the township of Dublin, and 
100 of them being in distress, provisions for four months were 
voted them by H. M. council. It was also voted to purchase 
types in London for Mr. Anthony Henry, the printer, to be 
paid for by him within a year after their arrival, as he was in 
want of them. 

In respect of the boundaries of Acadie and Massachusetts, 
governor Bernard wrote to lieut. governor Belcher, ro Dec'r., 
1762, as follows : " I must nevertheless, with much satisfac- 
tion, accept the assurance you give me, that you shall not make 
any grants of any of the lands Westward of the river St. Croix, 
or the islands thereto belonging above six leagues off the East 
side of the St. Croix ; and I shall, on my part, not consent ta 



424 



History of Nova-Scotia. 



1762. 



any further grants from this province, until the question is 
determined at home." The council at Halifax, 20 Dec'r., did 
advise th it no grants should be made of any lands comprehen- 
ded in the above mentioned limits, until directions relative 
thereto should be received from his majesty's ministry. 

In December, 1762, John Salusbury, esq., who was of H. M. 
council in Halifax, in 1749, died. 



APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XXIX. 



(I.) 

Tuesday, Mirch 30, 1760. John Burbidge, Esq., from the committee appointed 
to state and examine the accounts of the province, reported that they had gonf 
through the same, and had drawn a state thereof, as follows : — 
Dr. The Treasury in account cur7-ent with the Province. Cr. 



To Cash, ]:)art of the old 
Duty ninnies in hand, 
appropriated by the 
General Assembly, 

To Cash per John New- 
ton, esq., frum the 5th 
Dec'r., 1758, to the 
29 March, 1762, 

To Cash per Malachy 
Salter, esq., from the 
5 Dec'r. 1753, to 20th 
Sept'r. 1761, 

To Cash borrowed for 
the relief of the poor, 



;,{^2000 o 



4845 8 2| 



4204 16 8^ 



850 



£\i<)oo 4 114 



By Cash for bounties 
& other services paid 
by the Treasurer, per 
vouchers in his hands, ^2702 

By Cash for several pub- 
lic works, per accounts 
in the hands of the 
Commissioners, 

By Cash for several pub- 
lic works, and other 
services. 

By Cash for sundry ac- 
counts, per vouchers 
in the Treasury, 

By Cash paid for corn, 
&c.. 



Balance due the pro- 
vince. 



6652 5 6 



571 



1239 10 i.i 





700 








£ 


1865 


5 


0.^ 




34 


19 


loj 



;{^II900 4 \\\ 



Dr. 



TIic Province of Nova Scotia on account of Ditties of Impost and 
Excise, as per f)iemorattdums, collected in the Treasury. 



Cr. 



To bounty certificates, 








1760, uni)aid, 


;^2i95 


12 


9 


To accounts ot the pub- 








lic works unpaid, 


1003 


n 


s 


ToJos.Wuodmass, esq., 








borrowed for the poor. 


850 








To sundry persons, 


290 








To expenses of the As- 








sembly, 


189 


I 






^{^4528 7 o 



By the Treasury for ba- 
lance. 

By notes unpaid, in the 
hands of Joseph New- 
ton, esq.. 

By Cash in the hands of 
Malachy Salter, esq., 

Due from the distillers. 



£i>^ 19 loj 



1 134 7 ' 



114 

782 



9i 



Balance province debt. 



£'2o6s 15 o 
2462 12 o 

;iC4528 7 o 



History of Nova-Scotia. 425 



(^. ) 

A party of Gage's Rangers, who set out from Montreal last summer to recon- 
noitre the country and the great Lakes of Canada, and to take possession of the 
remotest parts comprized within the limits of that province, according to the 
capitulation, returned to Philadelphia in the beginning of February, after travel- 
ling by land and water 1800 miles. [Annua/ Register for 1762, /. 82.] 

(3) 

General Amherst had contemplated to transfer the Acadians from Ristigouchc 
to the upper parts of Canada ; and general Murray, at Quebec, finding some had 
gone to Bcausejour and some to Louisbourg, wrote 20 Sept'r., 1761, to lieutenant 
governor Belcher, to know if it was intended to let them settle again in Nova 
Scotia. He says : " You must know best the consequences of settling them " 
" among you. The measure, indeed, does not appear to me so eligible, as the " 
" very spot must renew to them, in all succeeding generations, the miseries the " 
" present one has endured, and will perhaps alienate for ever their affections "' 
' from its government, however just and equitable it may be." 



426 History of Nova-Scotia. ^l^Z' 



CHAPTER XXX. 

1763. Sir Jeffery Amherst signified in his letter of 21 Nov'r. 
that the expence incurred in sending the Acadians to Boston 
and bringing them back should be discharged by the govern- 
ment of Nova Scotia. 8 January. The committee appointed 
to examine the accounts of Benjamin Gerrish, late commissary 
for the Indian commerce, reported that his accounts were 
confused and irregular. They find fault with his prices, per 
centage, &c., and complain of his refusing to attend them. 

The definitive treaty of peace between England, France and 
Spain, was signed at Paris, thursday, 10 February. 

March 15. Voted in parliament for — 

Nova Scotia, for the year 1760, not ] r ,0 1 

•A A ( ^4580 13 i\\ 

provided lor, ) 

Do. Civil establishment for ) ^^ 

[ 5674 I 10 

1763, S 

Thomas Williams was ordnance storekeeper at Annapolis. 

In the treaty of Paris, the following clauses were inserted to 
regulate the rights of fishery, &c. : 

V. The subjects of France shall have the liberty of fishing 
and drying on a part of the coasts of the island of Newfound- 
land, such as it is specified in the Xlllth article of the treaty 
of Utrecht ; which article is renewed and confirmed by the 
present treaty, (except what relates to the island of Cape Bre- 
ton, as well as to the other islands and coasts, in the mouth 
and in the gulph of St. Laurence :) And his Britannic Majesty 
consents to leave to the subjects of the most Christian King 



1763. Histo7'y of Nova-Scotia. 427 

the liberty of fishing in the gulph St. Lawrence, on condition 
that the subjects of France do not exercise the said fishery 
but at the distance of three leagues from all the coasts belong- 
ing to Great Britain, as well those of the continent as those of 
the islands situated in the said gulph St. Lawrence. And, as 
to what relates to the fishery on the coasts of the island of 
Cape Breton, out of the said gulph, the subjects of the most 
Christian King shall not be permitted to exercise the said 
fishery, but at the distance of fifteen leagues from the coasts 
of the island of Cape Breton ; and the fishery on the coasts of 
Nova Scotia or Acadia, and every where else out of the said, 
gulph, shall remain on the foot of former treaties. 

VI. The King of Great Britain cedes the islands of Saint 
Pierre and Miquclon, in full right, to his most Christian 
Majestv, to serve as a shelter to the French fishermen : And 
his said most Christian Majesty engages not to fortify the said 
islands ; to erect no buildings upon them, but merely for the 
convenience of the fishery ; and to keep upon them a guard of 
fifty men only for the police. 

On monday, 25 April, the general assembly of the province 
met at Halifax. Lieutenant governor Belcher opened the ses- 
sion with a speech. He mentions the birth of the prince, and 
the prospect of a definitive peace. As to revenue, he says : 
" We rely upon the consumption of a noxious manufacture, " 
" which it is the very object of the laws to restrain ; nor " 
" would it be an unpolitical wish that we could wholly pro- " 
"hibit." Gerrish, Salter and Hinshelwood were the commit- 
tee to reply to the lieutenant governor's speech. In this reply 
they say that they cannot think of any other tax more suitable 
than that on spirituous liquors, " which, notwithstanding the " 
" wholesome laws for suppressing debauchery, will, we fear, " 
" yet be consumed by the profligate in immoderate quantities." 
3 May, tuesday, proposed to lay a general excise on spirits, and 
los. per 100 lbs. on loaf sugar from the plantations, and is. a 
pound on all tea consumed in the province — 3d. on chocolate, 
and 2d. on coffee. They also resolved to apply to parliament 
for a sum of money in aid of the Light-house, in consideration 



428 History of Nova-Scotia. 1763. 

of the benefit the Royal navy receive from it. Differences of 
opinion sprang up about paying off the loan creditors. The 
house of assembly being averse to any direct taxation, sought 
to postpone the payment of principal, paying interest. On 
12 May, the lieutenant governor gave leave for a recess till 
the 15 June. On 15 June, they re-assembled. On monday, 
20 June, the speaker communicated a letter from Mr. Franck- 
lin, dated 20 June, 1763, on behalf of Mr. Mauger, the agent of' 
the assembly in London. 22 June, the governor gave assent 
to several acts, and granted a recess to 20 July next. 20 July, 
they re-assembled ; and 21st, having no further business, were 
prorogued to Wednesday, 10 August, 1763. 

On 5 July, three Indian chiefs, from St. John's and Passa- 
maquoddy, came to Halifax to enquire why their priest, p(^rc 
Germain, had been taken from them. The lieutenant gover- 
nor and council informed them that he had gone voluntarily 
to Quebec, where he was detained by general Murray, and not 
at the instance of this government. They then desired the 
lieutenant governor would provide them with another priest, 
which he promised. On this, they expressed themselves satis- 
fied, and were dismissed with " the usual presents." 

At this time some of the Acadians took possession of lands 
on the river St. John. Some settlers, English, (of New Eng- 
land, probably), also took possession in the same district. 
The orders from England reserved these lands to be given to 
disbanded soldiers. Messrs. Morris and Newton were directed 
to go to St. John's and notify the Acadians to remove, with 
leave to go to any other part of the province till his majesty's 
pleasure was known, and inform the English settlers of the 
destination of these lands. A Mr. Peabody was the principal 
inhabitant and agent for the English settlers. 

The council voted £^^^0 for mending the road between Gran- 
ville and Horton. 

In the recent session of the assembly, a report of Mr. Man- 
ger's proceedings, as their agent, was received in the form of a 
letter from Mr. Francklin, dated Halifax, 20th of June, 1763, 
addressed to the speaker, and entered on the journal of the 
house. It states that by * great zeal and unwearied applica- ' 



1 763. History of Nova-Scotia. 429 

' tion' Mauger had * procured orders' from the lords of trade 
' for the revival of the Protection act in favor of such persons ' 
' as came into this colony under the sanction of that law.' 
(This, apparently, refers to protection from claims of creditors.) 
lie had also influenced the board to send directions to the 
lieutenant governor to pass two bills for collection of impost 
and excise, which Belcher had negatived, and to alter or annul 
a proclamation relating to lands claimed by the Indians. The 
revenue bills are stated as essentially necessary to relieve the 
province from debt, and the proclamation as tending to cause 
trouble with the savages. The lieutenant governor, 28th July, 
charged this report with untruth, and next day discussed it at 
some length, and directed a letter to be sent to Mr. Cumber- 
land, agent for the province in London, to seek ' reparation ' 
' for the honor of government.' At that period each colony 
had an agent appointed and paid by the crown, as far as I can 
ascertain, resident in London. Richard Cumberland, the 
dramatic author, held the agency for Nova Scotia. His official 
communications would necessarily be with the governor and 
council here, and with the lords of trade and plantations in 
the metropolis. The agency of Mr. Mauger was naturally 
confined to the advocacy of such objects as the speaker and 
l)ouse, who commissioned him, felt a peculiar interest in, and 
more especially to sujiport their views before the board of 
trade on such points as were in dispute, whether of fact or 
policy, between the house on one side, and the governor and 
council on the other. In more recent times, such questions 
have been frequently handled by special delegations, but it 
was more convenient in the last century to leave them in the 
hands of a special resident agent. 

Fresh alarms arose concerning the Indians, and the council 
advised a request to colonel Forster, who commanded the 
troops, to send soldiers to protect the new settlements. I do 
not find that any such movement took place ; but it seems 
that a poor Indian, one Bartholomew Nocout, through the 
indiscretion caused by too free a use of booktiwitchk, (ardent 
.spirits, literally ' firewater,') had twice got into difficulties with 
.some of the new settlers in Horton and Cornwallis, and had 



430 History of Nova-Scotia. 1762 

received severe, if not dangerous injury. He had been nursed, 
doctored and cared for by messrs. Burbidge and Best, and 
when somewhat recovered, taken charge of at an Indian village 
near cape Porcupine. Mr. Isaac Deschamps, by Belcher's 
instructions, proceeded to Cornwallis, and spent four days in 
investigating this affair. The Indians expressed great satis- 
faction and thankfulness for the great notice the government 
had taken of them on this occasion, and were very civil and 
courteous to Mr. Deschamps. He ' directed Mr. Mather to ' 
' supply the sick Indian with such necessary refreshments as ' 
' Dr. Ellis should direct, and that he should be paid for the ' 
* same.' The attorney general, Nesbitt, was ordered to prose- 
cute those who had beaten Nocout at the next sessions for 
King's county, but they made every admission, and the affair 
was then finally settled, to the entire approbation of both the 
English and the Indians. 

It is highly gratifying to find the governor and his agents 
exhibiting so wise and humane a course of action, and 
more calculated to rivet the attachment of the Micmacs 
to the English power than any hostile demonstrations could. 
It is equally pleasing to find among the new settlers, that, 
if some were excitable, they were ready to acknowledge 
error and make amends ; and as in the case of Burbidge 
and Best, these were the good Samaritans who could pity 
and relieve their fellow creature, no matter what was the 
name of his tribe or the color of his skin. It will be found 
that the Micmacs, after the English had established their 
power in the province, became tractable, peaceable and friendly 
with great readiness, not only adhering strictly to their treaty 
engagements, but being most scrupulous and attentive to 
abstain from doing the slightest injury to the white people, or 
to abstract the value of one penny of their cattle or goods, 
shewing that they deeply respected and well understood the 
rights of property. The only difference of opinion that remain- 
ed, was, that the Indian believed that he had a clear right to 
cut down or bark a tree in the unfenced and uncultivated 
wilderness, — while those who held a written grant or deed, in 



1762. History of Nova-Scotia. 431 

some rare instances grudged him this privilege, and considered 
him as a trespasser on their rights. 

A correspondence in French between one de la Rochette, at 
Liverpool, (England^, of 18 March, and Alexis Trahan, Tran- 
quile Prince, Joseph le Blanc and Alexis Boudro, addressed to 
Joseph Lemaigre pere, at Halifax, received by way of Phila- 
delphia, was sent by Lemaigre to Joseph Broussard dit Beau- 
soleil, at Pisiquid, (Windsor.) Rochette uses the name of the 
due de Nivernois, then in England, as ambassador negociating 
the definitive treaty of peace ; and the object of the letters 
was to persuade such Acadians as remained in this province 
to migrate to France, holding out favorable but very vague 
expectations to them. These letters, or copies, were handed 
about among the French Acadians, and the governor and 
council being apprized of it, sent for le Maigre, and examined 
him, and afterwards Beausoleil came from Windsor, and was 
examined. They then determined to send the correspondence 
to the secretary of state, the earl of Egremont. 

22 August. The Indian chief of Laheve, Francois Mius, 
and four other Indians, attended before the lieutenant gover- 
nor and council, and asked to have a priest, as they had been 
without one from the death of Maillard. They were promised 
one as soon as he eonld be obtained, and on the next day they 
received the usual presents, and took their leave. 

At this time Henry Ellis, esquire, had been appointed 
' captain general and governor in chief of Nova Scotia ; and 
in expectation of his arrival, arrangements were made for his 
honorable reception, but he did not come to the country or 
assume the government. Meanwhile, the honorable colonel 
Montague Wilmot was appointed lieutenant governor in the 
room of Mr. Belcher. On friday, 26 August, lieut. governor 
Belcher apprized the council of this. 

Wednesday, 7 September. The peace between England and 
France was publicly proclaimed at Halifax, and the 28th 
appointed as a day of thanksgiving in consequence. On 
Saturday, 24 Sept., colonel Wilmot arrived here from Quebec ; 
and on monday, 26th, his commission was read in council, on 
which he took the oaths, and assumed the government. (Mr, 



432 History of Nova-Scotia. '^l^Z' 

Ellis having requested leave to resign the government of 
Nova Scotia, Mr. Wilmot was appointed governor 8 October.) 
By a proclamation, dated St. James', 7 October, 1763, king 
George 3rd, with the advice of the privy council, annexed the 
islands of " St. John and Cape Breton, or Isle Royale, with the 
lesser islands adjacent thereto, to our Government of Nova 
Scotia." Quebec, and PZ. & W. Florida, made three new pro- 
vinces. In all the provinces, officers who served in North 
America in the late war, and reside there, are to be entitled to 
land grants : field officers, 5000 acres ; captain, 3000 ; subal- 
tern or staff officer, 2000 ; non-commissioned officer, 200 ; pri- 
vate, 50. Navy officers and men, who served there, to be 
entitled to similar grants. 

On Wednesday, 19 October, in council, a royal mandamus 
was read, appointing Jonathan Belcher, Benjamin Green, John 
Collier, Charles Morris, Richard Bulkeley, Joseph Gerrish, 
Alexander Grant, Edmund Crawley, Henry Newton, Michael 
Francklin, William Nesbitt, and Sebastian Zouberbuhler, 
esquires, members of H. M, council. Mr. Nesbitt having been 
sent for, was informed by the lieutenant governor, (Wilmot), 
and replied ' that he was highly sensible of the honour that s 
'was intended him, but that he had some very particular' 
' reasons to decline accepting thereof, and that he had already ' 
' wrote to England on that head, and therefore desired that ' 
' the lieutenant governor would be pleased to dispense with ' 
' his being sworn in at this time.' Mr. Nesbitt had now for 
some time filled two very important offices — that of attorney 
general, and the chair of the speaker of the house of represen- 
tatives. What motives may have actuated him in declining to 
be transferred to the council, we cannot even conjecture *, but 
looking back at his summary dismissal by governor Cornwallis 
from the subordinate position of a clerk in the secretary's 
office in 1752, without any cause assigned, we must conclude 
that he had shewn ability, industry and integrity, to raise him 
to his present eminence. Mr, Duport, the clerk of the council, 
retiring into the country, the secretary, Mr. Bulkeley, was 
appointed to that office, with leave to execute it by deputy. 
7 Nov'r. Mr. Zouberbuhler was sworn in as a councillor. — 



1763. History of Nova^Scotia. 433 

The assembly met, according to prorogation, at Halifax, on 
Wednesday, 19 October. Montagu Wilmot, esq'r., the lieuten- 
ant governor, opened the session with a speech. He calls 
them " friends and fellow subjects," — says that Nova Scotia is 
a province whose interest and welfare he has ever had sincerely 
at heart, — "the most material points which at present de- ' 
" mand your consideration, are the revival of former laws, " 
" the enacting of those which may be useful, as well as the " 
" re-enacting such expiring laws as may be deemed most " 
" salutary and productive of the public good, and that you " 
" will take the most effectual measures in your power for the " 
" satisfaction and relief of such persons as may have any " 
"legal demands on the government." — "Long before his" 
" majesty placed me in this station, was I well acquainted " 
" with the zeal and fidelity of his subjects of Nova Scotia. " 
" Little, therefore, remains for me to recommend to you, but "' 
" unanimity and harmony among yourselves." He also pro^ 
fesses a resolution to sacrifice all selfish and private views to. 
the public good. Benjamin Gerrish, Malachy Salter, John 
Burbidge, Archibald Hinshelvvood, esquires, and Mr. John 
Butler, were the committee to prepare an answer to the speech. 
£^%o per annum was voted Benjamin Green, for two and a half 
years in which he acted as treasurer. Nov'r. 5. A proposal 
was made to have two judges in the supreme court associated 
with the chief justice, " as it is conceived H. M, subjects " 
*' ought not to rest satisfied with the judgment of one person " 
"only;" and on the 24th, the house addressed the governor 
to that effect, with a view to this court being held in every 
county ; and further, that so important a court should not con- 
sist of " one man, however capable and upright." The house 
also made som^ efforts to regulate fees taken in the courts. 
Some resolutions passed to enforce the attendance of mem- 
bers. Mahogany chairs for each member, (19 in number), and 
a larger one for the speaker, were ordered to be made by a 
carpenter. Laws were ordered to take effect from the date of 
their publication, in a printed form. (By the act of 1758, 
22nd chapter, laws were to be published by being read on the 
parade, after notice by beat of drum. This was altered by the 

B28 



434 History of Nova-Scotia. ^I^Z' 

act of 1 77 1, which made publication in a gazette, or affixing 
the law to the church door at Halifax, the rule.) Mauger was 
instructed to obtain the repeal of a law making lands liable for 
debts, the act ofijs^- On 26 Nov'r., governor Wilmot closed 
the session with a speech, in which he says : " I cannot help 
professing that the event of your deliberation hath more than 
answered my most sanguine hopes and expectations. Your 
minds untinctured with and divested of all private and selfish 
views, have, to your honour, been directed to the public good, 
and have sufficiently served to confirm me in the opinion I 
ever entertained of you, as a prudent and truly worthy people. 
Long may this happy disposition remain among you — long 
may such virtuous principles flourish in this colony ; and may 
I be allowed the happiness, with every well-wisher, to join in 
a sincere desire that they may be permanent to the latest pos- 
terity." The assembly was then prorogued to the 22 March, 
ensuing. 

Mr. Zouberbuhler had been sworn in as councillor on the 
7th November. 

23 Nov. The widow of Edward How petitioned for the un- 
paid balance of her former claim. This was referred to messrs. 
Collier and Morris, who subsequently reported that * nothing ' 
* was due.' 

In December, at a meeting of governor and council, the 
language used by the late lieutenant governor Belcher was 
complained of in a memorial from Mr. Francklin. Belcher 
had stated that the letter of F. did not contain a word of truth, 
and was a libel on the government, and directed the clerk of 
council to record his remarks. The council heard both 
Francklin and Belcher, and read a letter from the lords of 
trade, of 3 Dec'r., 1762, after which they decided ' that there ' 
' were sufficient authority for Mr. Francklin's letter, and that ' 
^ it was founded in truth.' 

About this time several petitions for land were granted in 
council, among others that of John Dogget, esq'r., for a grant 
of the island of Port Mouton, which he had occupied under a 
license, and improved. 



History of Nova-Scotta, 



435 



APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XXX. 



(I.) 

STATE OF THE SETTLEMENTS IN THE PROVINCE, 



1763- 


No. of 


Marsh land 


Cleared-up 


Woodland 


Total 


Towns. 


Families. 


acres. 


acres. 


acres. 


acres. 


Halifax, 


500 




150 


99,850 


100,000 


Lawrence Town, 


3 




500 


i9i5oo 


20.000 


Chester, 


30 




30 


99,970 


100,000 


Lunenburg, 


300 




6,000 


134,000 


140,000 


New Dublin, 


50 




200 


99,800 


100,000 


Liverpool, 


100 




100 


99,900 


100,000 


Barrington, 


50 




500 


99,500 


100,000 


Yarmouth, 


50 


10,000 


200 


89,800 


100,000 


Annapolis, 


60 


1,600 


1,400 


97,000 


100,000 


Granville, 


50 


1,500 


1,000 


97,500 


100,000 


Cornwallis, 


128 


3,000 


2.000 


95,000 


100,000 


Horton, 


154 


5,000 


3,000 


92,000 


100,000 


Falmouth, 


80 


2,500 


3,000 


95,500 


101,000 


Newport, 


65 


1,000 


600 


98,400 


100,000 


Truro, 


60 


1,500 


100 


98.400 


100,000 


Onslow, 


52 


1,400 


100 


98,500 


100,000 


Cumberland, 


35 


18,800 


600 


81,400 


100,800 


Sackville, 


30 


12,000 


200 


87,800 


100,000 


Amherst, 




15,000 


300 


84,700 


100,000 



Total- 



1797 



73,300 19,980 1,^68,520 1,861,800 



(2.) 

Naval Yard at Halifax, Nova Scotia, 1763. [Millan's register,\ 

Joseph Gerrish, storekeeper and naval officer, ;^I50. 
One clerk at ;^6o, and one at £$0, 
House rent, £7,0- 
R'd. Hamilton, mr. attend,, ;^i5o. 
Abr. Constable, mr. shipwright, 15a 
Clerk to do., ;^50 ; House rent, £-^o. 

John Charton, rar. carpenter and overseer of the navy buildings, 12s. each 
work day. 

(3.) 

It was in this year, 1763, that Pontiac's war occurred. He was an Indian 
chief, who united many tribes in hostility to the English. He besieged Detroit, 
with hundreds of Indians from May to October, but was finally driven oK, after 
having done much injury to the English, and on many occasions displayed talent 
of a high order. 



436 History of Nova-Scotia, 

New Yjrk, Dec. 19. Friday last, capt. Montresor, engineer, arrived here from 
Detroit, in twenty-six days, and brought the agreeable news that the Indian* 
under the command of Pontiac, consisting of the Ottawas, Jibbeways, Wiandots 
and Powtewattamies, being tired of the war, (having lost in the different attack* 
of the fort, vessels and row gallies, between 90 and 100 of their best warriors), 
and studying their present conveniency, being in want of ammunition, and the 
hunting season advancing, had applied to colonel Gladwin for peace, which he 
granted them, upon condition that it was agreeable to the commander-in-chief of 
North America, and that they should bring in all their prisoners, which the 
Indians immediately complied with, and directly sent into the forS 17 Englishmen. 

The garrison of Detroit was well supplied with every thing necessary till the" 
first of July next, and the soldiers, 212 in number, hearty and well ; as they were 
also at all the posts on the road. Major Rogers is arrived at Niagara, with 250- 
men from Detroit. 

The same day major Moncrief arrived here from Niagara ; he belonged to the 
detachment under the command of major Wilkins, destined from Niagara for 
Detroit, by whom we learn, that on the 27th ult., at eleven o'clock at nighty 
eighteen of their boats foundered in Lake Erie, in a violent storm at S. E., which 
came on suddenly, by which accident seventy brave men were drowned ; in which 
number was lieutenant Davidson, of the train, and niiieteen of his men ; as also 
lieutenant Paynter and doctor Williamfe, of the 8oth, and a French pilot. The 
whole detachment was in danger of being lost, as every batteau that reached the 
shore was more than half full of water ; by which means 50 odd barrels of provi- 
sions, all the ammunition but two rounds a man (which the officers saved in their 
horns), and two small brass field-pieces, were lost ; and that after holding a coun- 
cil of war, it was thought most prudent to return to Nfagara. 

On Wednesday, the 14th of December last, a number of armed horsemen went 
to the Indian town in the Conestagoe manor, in Lancaster county, Pensilvania, 
and, without the least reason or provocation, in cool blood, barbarously murdered 
six of the Indians, and destroyed all their houses and effects. The said Indians 
settled in the heart of that province, had, during the late troubles, and for many 
years before, lived peaceably ajid inoffensively, and were justly considered as- 
under the protection of that government and its laws, They afterwards massa- 
cred fourteen men, who had fled for refuge to the workhouse at Lancaster. The 
governor has, by proclamation, offered a reward of 200 1. for securing and prose- 
cuting to conviction any three of these inhuman murderers. [London magazine 
for 1764, /A 112, 113, 155.] 

In the latter part of 1763, a congress with the Indians of the Southern colonies 
was held at Augusta. The Chickasaws, Choctaws, Creeks and Cherokees, and 
Catabaws, were all represented, and the results were pacific and satisfactory. — 
Oct'r. 20, 1763. The British troops took possession of Mobile. [London maga- 
zine, 1764, tP- 52, 53-] 

(4.) 

GOV. WILMOT TO THE EARL OF HALIFAX. 

Halifax, Nova Scotia, 10 Dec'r., 1763. 
" Since my arrival here I have received two letters, dated at London, from one 
acques Robins, who calls himself a protestant, and says that he has obtained 



History of Nova-Scotia, 437 

permission from the lords of trade to collect together all the Acadians, and to 
settle on a large tract of land at Miramichie, which, he says, has been promised 
him by their lordships. He has wrote to the principal Acadians, inviting them to 
meet him at Mirimichy, promising them lands, a supply of provisions, and the 
free exercise of their religion ; and for this purpose has promised to use his best 
interest to bring over with him one Manach, a French popish missionary, and a 
furious bigot, who, for his over zeal for his country and religion, and his endea- 
vors for the subversion of ours, was arrested here about two years since, and sent 
to Europe in one of the king's ships. As I never received any orders from the 
lords of trade touching this matter, I have wrote to their lordships by this oppor- 
tunity," &c. — " I think the establishment of all the Acadians in a collected body 
in this province, either on the river .St. Lawrence, or on the Gulph, would be of 
the most dangerous consequence, as these people are all zealous Frenchmen, and 
the most rigid papists. Here the French would establish a secure and lasting 
interest." They would thus obtain influence over the Indians ; secret magazines 
of military stores might be formed ; the place would be a deposit of French com- 
modities, and they would thus engross the Fur trade. They are now chiefly vic- 
tualled by Government, having no lands or houses. If they are to remain here 
they should be scattered in small numbers. Thinks it would be best to send 
them to the islands of the French West Indies, which have become English by 
late conquests. Thinks they will never be reconciled to Government here. 
Many of them " earn their daily bread on those very lands which were formerly 
in their own possession." The money they cost to Gov't, would be better em- 
ployed in presents, &c. to the Indians. " A chief of the Indians of the island of 
" Cape Breton applied lately to the comm'g. officer at Louisbourg for provisions, 
" who repeatedly refused any supply, upon which the Chief declared he would be 
" under the necessity of making application to the French, and accordingly did 
" so, and has been at St. Peters above 3 months past, and it's reported that he 
" has been very cordially received by them." Understood it had been proposed 
to pay off men-of-war annually on their diff"erent stations. If so, it would be a 
great benefit to Halifax, as thus the constant pay of six men-of-war would be ex- 
pended there, besides that of others coming here to repair and clean at the Dock- 
yard, the only commodious place for them between Cape Sable and Cape 
Florida. 



43S History of Nova-Scotia. 1764II 



CHAPTER XXXI. 



1764. The assembly met on Saturday, 24 March. Governor 
Wilmot opened the session by a speech, in which he says : 
" The islands of Breton and St. John having- been annex'd to 
this government by the Royal proclamation, I shall consider 
what profits and advantages may be thence derived to the 
province in general, as soon as I shall receive his majesty's 
instructions and know his pleasure relating to this acquisition," 
Recommends " agriculture and fishery" to their attention, 
which, he says, are " connected with and dependant on each 
" other, and, together, forming the only lasting basis (or the 
" prosperity of this province." Several bills were assented to 
by governor, — one for borrowing ^2900 to pay debts, &c. — 
Assembly then prorogued to i June next. 

Petitions for grants of land were frequent at this time, and 
much land was granted ; among others, some merchants of 
Albany got 1000 acres each at Chediak and Tatmagouch 
reserved for them. The inhabitants of the North suburbs of 
Halifax prayed that part of the town might be called * Gottin- 
gen,' and offered names for their streets, which was granted. 
24 April. The captains of the vsxoxi-oi-war in Halifax harbor 
were appointed justices of the/m^r.?. 

12 May. A petition from Belonis Roy, and 75 other heads 
of families, Acadian prisoners, for his excellency to send them 
to France, stating that they are subjects of the French king, 
and are not willing to acknowledge any other sovereign. On 
15 May, the council advised that the persons concerned in 
ifVaming and presenting this memorial should be sent to prison, 



1764- History of Nova-Scotia, 439 

as being guilty of traiterous practices and seducing H. M. 
subjects from their allegiance. The council had, on 2^ March, 
advised against settling any of the French Acadians in the 
province, asserting that its safety depended on their total ex- 
pulsion. 

On the 3 1 May, the governor and council assembled, and 
the royal commission was read, appointing Wilmot captain 
general and governor in chief of Nova Scotia, and another 
commission making him vice admiral of the province ; on 
which he was sworn, and took the chair. The Royal instruc- 
tion was then read, " signifying his majesty's pleasure, that " 
"the chief justice of the province shall not be capable of" 
" taking on him the administration of the government on the " 
" death or absence of the governor or commander-in-chief ;" 
after which the usual proclamation was ordered. The lords of 
trade at this time directed that the account should be made up 
quarterly by the governor, according to the estimate, and he 
shall draw on the agent only ofie bill in each quarter for the 
sum required. An affair occurred in the garrison, in the 40th 
regiment, the corps so long at Annapolis before Halifax was 
built. A vessel arrived here from New York, which brought 
dispatches for major Hamilton, from his excellency major gen- 
eral Gage ; and on monday, the 23 April, the garrison, consist- 
ing of a company of the royal artillery and the 40th regiment, 
were under arms on their respective parades ; when the arti- 
cles of war were read, and his majesty's orders, concerning the 
stoppages of provisions, were intimated to the troops, who 
dutifully acquiesced, and behaved with great decency on the 
occasion. And upon major Hamilton's telling them that they 
knew their duty, and that the king's order must be immediately 
carried into execution, the soldiers of Armiger's regiment 
made no reply, but required the Serjeant major to deliver the 
following paper for them, as it contained the opinion and 
intention of them all : 

" We, the soldiers presently serving in the 40th regiment, 
conscious of having at all times faithfully discharged our duty 
to his majesty, and considering ourselves after the war in a 
state of banishment, when we hoped to return home, the regi- 



440 History of Nova-Scotia. 1764. 

ment having served upwards of forty years abroad, do acknow- 
ledge that we thought it hard to pay for provisions in a coun- 
try where they had always been allowed, and where necessaries 
are so dear ; and we were sorry to be under a necessity ot 
declining the stoppages till his majesty's pleasure was further 
known, which indulgence the general at first promised us. 
But having this day received his majesty's final orders for the 
stoppages, with his most gracious promise of relief by rotation, 
we think it our most indispensible duty most humbly to obey ; 
and beg you would be pleased to acquaint the general, and his 
majesty's secretary at war, with our intention. 

(Signed per order) 

William Ross, 
Serjeant-major 40th regiment. 
Halifax, April 3, 1764. 

To major Otho Hamilton, of the ^ 

40th regiment, commanding i 

his majesty's troops in Nova \ 

Scotia. J 

Governor states (22 March) that the Acadians were con- 
ceived to be prisoners under the authority of general Amherst, 
who did not issue any order to remove them to Canada. 
Many of them were collected and sent to Boston in 1762. 
[These were not received there, but sent back, without land- 
ing.] He states their numbers now in the province to be : 

Families. No. of persons. 
At Halifax and the environs, 232 1056 

King's county, fort Edward, ^J 227 

Annapolis Royal, 23 91 

Fort Cumberland, 73 388 

405 1762 

(To these were to be added above 300 in the island of Saint 
John, and 150 at Canso, making the total 2212.) The chief 
means of their support was from the provisions they received 
* on the military list.' They also worked at high rates, and 
the wages they got clothed them. He represents their attach- 



1764. History of Nova-Scotia. 441 

ment to France, and to the Roman faith, as an inflexible devo- 
tion, and that they hope for revolutions in their favor. Wilmot 
thinks their submission to the government would never be 
sincere, and that their settlement in the province was incon- 
sistent with its safety. If sent to a neighboring province, 
they would try to get back, and in Canada they would not be 
well treated or happy. 

In June, Mr. John Bondfield, of Quebec, claimed extensive 
tracts of land in this province, extending from the river aiix 
tniitcs, on the North side of Miramichi bay, to the river Rous- 
tigouche, in the bay of Chaleurs. This claim the governor 
laid before the council. The lands had been granted to Gobin, 
d'Hyberville and Fronsac — confirmed by Louis XIV in 1691, 
and they all became the property of mademoiselle Reygaillard, 
who sold them to Bondfield. In 1753, mdlle. Reygaillard had 
transferred her homage and fealty (which, by the treaty of 
Utrecht, belonged to the English crown) to the king of France, 
before the Intendant of Canada, at Quebec. The council, 
referring to the provincial act of 1759, chapter 3, annulling 
French titles, gave it as their unanimous opinion, ' that Mr, ' 
• Bondfield's claim by any such title could not be admitted. ' 
\_Sce vol. 1st of this work, p. 198.] It is to be observed that 
the act referred to did not extinguish the French titles in a 
direct manner, but forbade any recovery of lands in our courts 
upon them. The act has been repealed recently. 

The council advised (22 June) that two assistant judges of 
the supreme court should be appointed, agreeably to the 
address of the house of assembly. On 25 July, a town was 
directed to be laid out at Canso, called ' Wilmot town, and 
regulations prescribed as to licenses there for fishing rooms. 
8 August, On application of lieutenant Desbarrcs, (who was 
afterwards governor of Cape Breton, and whose surveys of 
these coasts have perpetuated his name. He was father of 
the late judge Desbarres, of Newfoundland, and grandfather of 
judge Desbarres, of Nova Scotia. He died at above one hun- 
dred years of age, in 1820, or soon after,) lands at Chipoudy and 
Tusquet were reserved for colonels Haldimand and Bouquet. 
27 August. 'Wilmot' township, in the county of Annapolis, 



442 History of Nova-Scotia. 1764. 

was ordered to be surveyed and laid out. 80 acres on the 
peninsula of Halifax had been set apart by governor Cornwallis 
for the use of ' the commander-in-chief.' 40 acres of this land 
remained, and was now ordered to be fenced in and cleared at 
the public expence. A large number of petitions for grants 
of land to reduced officers and other settlers, were considered 
in council, and mostly passed : among which was one to 
Charles Cavanaugh, to confirm his right to lands at Canso. 

About 150 Acadians, resident about Canso, left that place 
and went to St. Pierre, N. F,. a French colony ; and an Indian 
chief, from Cape Breton, with his whole tribe, went there, and 
was well received. Many Acadians who were at Philadelphia 
migrated to cap Francois, in the West Indies, and most of them 
died there. 

In September, instructions were received from England, by 
which his majesty permitted the French Acadians to become 
settlers in Nova Scotia on their taking the oath of allegiance. 

The assembly met at Halifax, friday, 12 October, 1764. 
Governor Wilmot opened the session by a speech, in which he 
particularly recommended to their attention " the settlement " 
" forming at Canso," — " where the necessity and benefit of a " 
" light house are sufficiently evident." He asks them to vote 
a sum to meet the expence of building and maintaining it. 
He also says that " the repair and improvement of the road " 
" to the interior could not have been effected without the aid " 
"of major Hamilton commanding the troops." — Salter, Ger- 
rish, Deschamps and Hinshelwood, were the committee to 
answer the governor's speech. Saturday, 13 Oct'r. The 
House voted its thanks to major Otho Hamilton. 17 Oct'r. 
jj^ioo was voted to Mr. Mauger, agent of the province. 

26 Oct'r. The debt of the province is stated at ;^ 12,000. be- 
sides bounties, &c., for 1763. Much alarm at this indebted- 
ness is expressed in the message of the house to the governor. 

27 Oct'r. Mr. Green, as treasurer, is allowed ;^8o per annum, 
and ;i^20 office rent. The members of assembly continued to 
serve without charge, p^^ioo voted to the clerks. The ques- 
tion of Canso light house was postponed ; and on the 2 Nov'r. 
the assembly was prorogued to 20 March, 1765. 



1764 History of Nova-Scotia. 443 

22 Oct'r. a project was reported in the council by their com- 
mittee on the affairs of the Acadian French, to settle them, on 
their taking the oath of allegiance, giving each head of a family 
50 acres, and 10 acres more for each member of his household. 
165 families, consisting of 990 persons, were to be thus provi- 
ded for in different settlements of the province. The lands to 
be distant from the sea shore, to prevent their intercourse 
with St. Pierre and Miquelon, N. F. Fourteen places of set- 
tlement were pointed out. 30 families to be at Halifax and 
its environs — 15 at Lunenburg, and at each of the twelve 
other places, 10 families. Governor Wilmot, writing to the 
earl of Halifax, 9 Nov'r., after stating the foregoing arrange- 
ment, says : " These people have been too long misled and " 
" devoted to the French king and their religion to be soon " 
" weaned from such attachments ; and whenever those " 
"objects are hung out to them, their infatuation runs very" 
" high. Some prisoners, taken in the course of the war and " 
" residing here, have much fomented this spirit." He says 
that " all those people who live in and about this town have " 
" so peremptorily refused to take the oath of allegiance." He 
states their intention was to go to cap Francois — thence to the 
Mississippi, and finally to the country of the Illinois, there to 
settle. Wilmot refused to- pay for their transport, which they 
easily defrayed with money they had saved from the wages of 
their labor here in four years at high rates. — Thinks the pro- 
vince will be much relieved by their departure, as they were 
hostile in their inclinations. " The French at St. Peters have 
" nearly completed 300 houses, with other necessary prepara- 
tions for their fishery ; to carry on which they have 300 shal- 
" lops, besides considerable quantities of fish brought them by 
"our fishing boats from Newfoundland, of which 10 or 12 
" have been taken this summer by the king's ships, which 
" have been very vigilant in their duty, but have not been able 
" to prevent the • American traders from carrying supplies 
" there, six of them having been lately seen in the harbor of 
" St. Peters." 

10 November. The honorable Jonathan Binney, esquire, 
was sworn in as a member of H. M. council, by mandamus. 



444 History of Nova-Scotia. 1764. 

13 Nov'r. Many petitions for grants of land were heard in 
council, and granted : one of lord Colville, for 20,000 acres at 
Ship Harbor ; one from Joseph Frederick Wallet DesBarres, 
on behalf of colonels Bouquet and Haldimand, capt. Prevost, 
Peter de Vieme, Hugh Wallace and others, praying for 100,000 
acres at the river Shipody ; and Robert Sinclair, and 19 others, 
for 20,000 acres near Beaver harbor. .14 Dec'r. Several peti- 
tions for land were granted, among others Long Island, on 
St. John's river, to Sir